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INTRODUCTION Understanding the current burden of stomach cancer linked to smoking and the variations in trends across different locations, is crucial for developing effective prevention strategies. In this study, we present findings on the age-standardized death rate (ASDR) and age-standardized disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) rate attributed to smoking in 204 countries and territories spanning 21 regions from 1990 to 2019. METHODS The data for this study were obtained from the Global Burden of Disease Study (GBD) 2019, which assessed 369 diseases and injuries, as well as 87 risk factors in 204 countries and 21 regions. To assess the trend in ASDR and agestandardized DALYs rate, the estimated annual percentage change (EAPC) was utilized. RESULTS Between 1990 and 2019, smoking was found to be associated with a decrease in ASDR (EAPC = -2.20) and age-standardized DALYs (EAPC = -2.42) rates for gastric cancer. As the sociodemographic index (SDI) increased, the decline in rates also increased gradually. However, the decline was smallest in regions with low SDI (EAPCASDR = -1.34; EAPCage-standardized DALYs rate = -1.38). In 21 regions, both ASDR and DALYs rates experienced a decline. The smallest decline in ASDR was observed in Western Sub-Saharan Africa, with an EAPC of -0.80, while the smallest decline in DALYs rate was found in Oceania, with an EAPC of -0.81. Among the 204 countries analyzed, the Dominican Republic showed the highest increase in ASDR and age-standardized DALYs rate (EAPCASDR = 1.19; EAPCage-standardized DALYs rate = 1.21), followed by Afghanistan (EAPCASDR = 1.09; EAPCage-standardized DALYs rate = 1.09) and Sao Tome and Principe (EAPCASDR = 1.05; EAPCage-standardized DALYs rate = 1.03). In the year 2019, the highest ASDR and age-standardized DALYs rate was observed in East Asia, with the highest rates occurring in Mongolia. CONCLUSIONS The burden of stomach cancer worldwide, adjusted for age, and related to smoking, has shown a decline from 1990 to 2019. However, regional disparities have been identified, with some areas experiencing an increase in this burden. These regions with a higher burden emphasize the necessity for the implementation of strong tobacco control measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The aim of this paper is to assess the safety level of construction sites in Afghanistan following the US Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) safety practices and compare this with other construction sites in Afghanistan that follow local government safety guidelines. The USACE oversees and funds many infrastructure projects in Afghanistan, and these projects are supposed to follow the same standards implemented in the USA, including safety standards. The local government of Afghanistan also funds infrastructure projects in Afghanistan; however, these do not follow USACE best practices. This research explores the question of whether the USACE standards provide a safer construction site. The effect of the USACE standards on safety practices in construction projects is also investigated in the Afghanistan construction industry. Design/methodology/approach: A literature review and other safety checklists were used to develop a safety checklist containing 104 items (questions) in 17 categories. Subsequently, the checklist was used to assess the safety performance of 57 construction projects (25 USACE projects, and 32 governmental projects). Utilizing quantitative analysis, the Spearman rank correlation coefficient (Rho) and Mann–Whitney tests were carried out for correlation and statistical disparity between USACE and governmental projects. Findings: The safety performance level of Afghan government projects was found to be poor in relation to other developing countries, while in USACE projects it was excellent. In addition, fire prevention, safety administration, PPE, heavy equipment, and handling and storage of materials for all types of contractors were the most overlooked aspects of Afghan Government projects. Practical implications: The findings clearly demonstrate the deficiencies in construction sites observed during this study and also support the adoption of USACE standards in Afghanistan projects. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this study is the first to investigate the safety of construction sites in Afghanistan. The study also demonstrates the benefits of adopting international standards (USACE) to improve the safety of construction sites in a developing country such as Afghanistan. The findings provide evidence of the safety of the Afghanistan construction industry compared to other developing countries. These findings will contribute to the Afghan Government's efforts to track injury statistics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite growing interest in the return of rejected asylum seekers, irregular migrants, and refugees, we do not know enough about how geopolitics affects returns governance. This article addresses this knowledge gap by analysing the case of Turkey, exploring how positions in the global migration regime and relations with countries of origin influence return policies. It first argues that Turkey's geopolitical reasoning has led it to design an asylum regime, including repatriation and deportation procedures, centred on temporariness. Second, it contends that Turkey's extraterritorial space-making strategies – namely, military intervention in Syria and humanitarian/development projects in Afghanistan – guide return policies. Examining the Turkish case contributes to our understanding of national returns governance in transit-turned-host countries, which increasingly emphasise repatriation over long-term protection. Finally, the paper contributes more generally to our understanding of the geopolitics of returns by focusing on specific mechanisms that link geopolitical concerns with policy instruments at the state level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 2021, the United States withdrew from Afghanistan after 20 years. The fall of the Afghan government to the Taliban resulted in the displacement of some Afghans. Canada committed to welcoming thousands of refugees. Research suggests that refugees tend to have higher rates of post-traumatic stress, and Afghan refugees, in particular, have among the highest rates. Another body of literature suggests that religious coping has positive effects. This paper presents qualitative data from interviews with 11 Afghan refugees who arrived in Ontario after August 2021 with the intent to combine these two findings. In so doing, we sought to understand how Afghan refugees described their experiences of displacement and the extent to which those experiences were traumatic, but also how they relied on Islam to cope with the traumatic effects of displacement. The interviews we conducted suggested that our participants experienced exposure to death, exposure to threat of death and/or injury, and described some of symptoms of the criteria for PTSD. The interviews also suggested that the participants coped using Islamic concepts, beliefs, and rituals. The qualitative data we present provide rich descriptions of the experiences of trauma in the face of displacement and religious coping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transparency International's annual reports in recent years have put Afghanistan near the top of the list of corrupt countries. This paper explores how the Anti-Corruption Justice Centre ("ACJC") -- established in 2016 to prevent the loss of national assets, speed up the discovery, investigation, and judicial review of corruption cases, and observe international obligations -- set about tackling the country's endemic corruption. This paper then examines what happened to the ACJC after the fall of the Republic in August 2021 and the declaration of the Taliban Emirate. Lastly, this paper details the approach the Taliban Emirate has taken to the problem of corruption. This paper draws on the unique insights of the author (a judge at the ACJC's special corruption court until the fall of the Republic), with special attention to the ways in which key cases were brought to the court and adjudicated, under the Afghan Republic. For the period of the Taliban Emirate, the paper draws on interviews with prosecutors and other original research. The findings indicate that, although the ACJC had weaknesses, it was relatively effective at adjudicating the cases brought before it and, had it had more time and continued to enjoy the moral and material support of the Afghan government, could have played a key role in an intensifying fight against corruption. By contrast, though many Afghans remembered the first Taliban regime as comparatively corruption-free, and though Taliban insurgents used public indignation at Republic officials' blatant corruption as a recruiting draw, the current Taliban regime has closed down relevant institutions including ACJC, and turned a blind eye to the problem of corruption. The status of the laws addressing the subject is currently ambiguous and opaque. The future of the ACJC cases and the effort to combat corruption in Afghanistan is indeterminate.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Taliban resumed political power in Afghanistan in August 2021, their total application of strict Sharia Law has demanded global attention. This paper theorizes that, in pursuit of social order, the Taliban has enacted a civil religion to justify their complete reversion of women's rights as a public good. I examine Afghanistan's social contact through the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau and suggest why the intended social order has not materialized. In conclusion, I depict the erosion of women's rights as a matter of structural injustice and incite critical reflexivity towards our responsibility for global justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North-West Frontier of British India, a semi-independent mountainous borderland, was the site of continuous Pukhtun armed struggle against colonial intrusion throughout the nineteenth century and into the first half of the twentieth. Persistent tribal armed attacks and major rebellions were followed by 'butcher and bolt' or 'burn and scuttle' British military expeditions, including one of the biggest Victorian small wars–the Tirah Campaign of 1897/98. Two features are particularly distinctive about the Pukhtun insurgencies: 1) The fierce and consistent nature of Pukhtun opposition to the encroaching British military state; 2) The insurgents' success in warding off annexation and inflicting decisive military defeat time and time again propelled the colonial state into an ongoing reflexive about its failure to 'pacify' the region and control the tribes. Focusing on Afridi insurgency in the nineteenth century, this article examines some themes that draw attention to causes, grievances, and toward the insurgent actors. While our fleeting glimpses into insurgents motives and actions come largely from colonial accounts of counter-insurgency operations, by drawing on my extensive archival and field research in the North-West Frontier, including Afridi oral testimonies, this paper focuses its lens on the Pukhtun perspective of the North-West Frontier 'small wars'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates, by means of computer-assisted qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis, how and when ideology was securitized in US presidential speech. It reveals how securitizing speech justifies methods and targets in the resistance of "dangerous ideologies" that are problematic for democracies. The analysis reveals that the entanglement of oppositional ideologies with security was articulated in the context of the War on Terror. While the original need to see ideologies as an existential threat was necessary to justify the exclusion of the ideologies of the Taliban and Saddam Hussein from the elections in Afghanistan and Iraq in 2004 and 2005 respectively, the securitization of ideologies then spread to issue areas beyond terror and to geographic contexts outside of these two countries, all the way to US domestic political competition. The need to avoid embarrassment in Iraq and Afghanistan may have thus affected US democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rapid climate change is impacting water resources in Afghanistan. The consequences are poorly known. Suitable mitigation and adaptation strategies have not been developed. Thus, this paper summarizes current status of knowledge in relation to Afghan water resources. More than 130 scientific articles, reports and data sources are synthesized to review the potential impacts of climate change on the cryosphere, streamflow, groundwater and hydrological extremes. The available information suggests that Afghanistan is currently witnessing significant increases in temperature, less so precipitation. There is evidence of shifts in the intra-annual distribution of streamflow, with reduced summer flows in non-glaciated basins and increased winter and spring streamflow. However, in the short-term there will be an increase in summer ice melt in glaciated basins, a "glacial subsidy", which sustains summer streamflow, despite reduced snow accumulation. The future prognosis for water resources is likely to be more serious when this glacier subsidy ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inequitable access to education is a widely acknowledged development challenge, an issue even more pronounced in conflict-affected communities like Afghanistan, where insecurity and violence targeted against education exacerbates barriers that keep children, especially girls, from going to school. To address these challenges, Baghch-e-Simsim (BSS), a locally produced children's television show, has focused on academic skills and gender equity for children and their families in Afghanistan. This paper will analyze the impact of BSS on the views of gender norms of children and parents using data from two studies: a nationally representative quasi-experimental evaluation of 3025 TV-viewing households and an in-depth qualitative encourage-to-view study of twenty households in Kabul. Overall findings will show that families who frequently view BSS have more gender equitable beliefs. Findings will also show that there is variability among parents on the appropriateness of boys and girls playing together outside, largely driven by security concerns rather than cultural gender norms. Recommendations will focus on the importance of continuing to create mass media content for young children that supports gender equity, but that content must also begin to reflect and address the security concerns facing parents that keep girls out of school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Darakht-e Danesh ("knowledge tree") Online Library is the first open educational resource (OER) initiative in Afghanistan, established to enhance teacher subject-area knowledge, access and use of learning materials, and to foster more diverse teaching methodologies in order to improve learning outcomes in Afghan classrooms. This paper describes our experience developing this local language digital library, buildings its responsiveness to our audience of users as we progressed, customizing both the interface and the resources for Afghanistan's education environment. We innovated methods to devise relevant local content, localized usability, developed different access models to reach different populations of users, integrated impact measurement, and opted to openly license material in the library's collection. By making digital educational content open from the first introduction of digital repositories of learning objects in Afghan languages, we have an opportunity to establish the principle of openness and to promote open practices in teacher professional development in Afghanistan. The paper aims to share lessons on how OER can be customized for multilingual, resource-scarce contexts drawing from our experience to date in Afghanistan, and seeking to contribute to the literature on localization and multilingual OER. [This paper was presented at the "Open Education Consortium Global Conference," Krakow, Poland, April 12-14, 2016.]

The current paper focusses on the teachers' attitude towards and experiences with e-learning tools at two universities in different phases of e-learning implementation. The study population comprises teachers at university level and a simple random sampling method was used. A total of 45 teachers in bachelor programmes from the Faculty of Agriculture of Kabul University (KU) in Afghanistan filled out the survey. For this study, secondary data on Wageningen University and Research (WUR) in the Netherlands was also used from a survey which was recently conducted by Banihashem et al., (2023) in which 307 teachers participated. Data were analysed through descriptive statistics and the two settings were compared in general terms. The results showed that the majority of the respondents at KU and WUR had a favourable attitude towards e-learning tools and that this attitude is an important enabling or disabling factor in the adoption of technology. The findings also indicated respondents' access and facilities, e.g., at KU for interaction with students mainly among teachers HELMS during COVID-19 and for assessment, individual assignments and quizzes were used. Meanwhile, at WUR and mainly among teachers, for interactive purposes Brightspace assignments (and, for assessment, group assignments), Brightspace grades, individual assignments and rubrics were used. Consequently, this research paper will add to the existing knowledge in this area, potentially having a positive influence on the educational sector, because doing so could help the educational system to improve and to better consider the aspects which influence the attitude of teachers that leads to applying a technology. In addition, we recommend more e-learning research studies in Afghanistan in order to find a solution for educating women in Afghanistan.

This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

The present paper aims to quantify how human-made changes in the upstream exacerbate climate change impacts on water birds' habitat in the downstream. To reduce climate change effects and design adaptation policies, it is important to identify whether human activities understate or overstate the effects of climate change in a region on its inhabitants. This paper also shows how human activities may magnify climate change impacts both locally and regionally. Land-use/land-cover change as the important sign of human-made destruction in an ecosystem was detected in the upstream of the Helmand basin over 40 years. Owing to conflicts in Afghanistan, studies on this basin are rare. The water bird's habitat suitability maps during the study period were created using the maximum entropy model and the multi-criteria evaluation method. The post-classification method was applied to show the land-use/land-cover change over 40 years. These results were compared to the area of suitable habitat for water birds. The findings of these analyses indicated that the irrigated farming was expanded in the upstream despite climate change and water limitation, while the water birds' habitat in the downstream was declined. These results revealed that the unsustainable pattern of farming and blocking water behind dams in the upstream exacerbated the negative effects of climate change on water birds' habitat in the downstream. The significance of this study is to demonstrate the role of human in exacerbating climate change impacts both locally and regionally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses critical discourse analysis and critical literacy to analyze the first in a series of literacy primers developed with US support for children in Afghanistan in the 1980s, called 'Jihad literacy'. The text is analyzed for its ideological content as related to the themes of religion, violence, and martyrdom in the historical perspective of the Cold War and the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. The paper demonstrates how the notion of 'Jihad' was subverted to promote a holy war against the Soviet invasion. The educational system supported by the US created a radical version of Islam based on violence and martyrdom, shaping the Afghan society to this day. We contend that the same or similar institutions shape current discourses as in the past and that children are the main victims of politico-economic warfare.

The article comments on the paper by B. Pardo and colleagues about the production of methamphetamine in Afghanistan. Topics discussed include the role of ephedra in the expansion of methamphetamine production in the country, the uncertainty of the Taliban's ban on drug production, and the possible increase in the manufacture of methamphetamine or other synthetic substances using synthetic precursors.

Enhanced Quality of Service (QoS) and satisfaction of mobile phone user are major concerns of a service provider. In order to manage network efficiently and to provide enhanced end - to - end Quality of Experience (QoE), operator is expected to measure and analyze QoS from various perspectives and at different relevant points of network. The scope of this paper is measurement and statistically analysis of QoS of mobile networks from end user perspective in Afghanistan. The study is based on primary data collected on random basis from 1,515 mobile phone users of five cellular operators. The paper furthermore proposes adequate technical solutions to mobile operators in order to address existing challenges in the area of QoS and to remain competitive in the market. Based on the result of processed data, considering geographical locations, population and telecom regulations of the government, authors recommend deployment of small cells (SCs), increasing number of regular performance tests, optimal placement of base stations, increasing number of carriers, and high order sectorization as proposed technical solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper argues that part-time adult literacy facilitators (ALFs), who are often employed in large numbers, have the potential to become agents for a wider approach to development, especially through involvement with the adult learning targets of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Drawing on international ethnographic-style research into adult literacy facilitators in Africa and elsewhere, the paper reports the findings of a project examining in depth the profiles of six adult literacy facilitators in Afghanistan. The paper identifies the diversity of experiences they bring to their teaching and their potential for national development goals, and draws some lessons about the training and support systems required to help them become more effective in their teaching. It attempts to provide insights into ALFs in Afghanistan which will be of interest to the international community of academics and practitioners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of eHealth in conflict settings is increasingly important to address geographic, epidemiologic and clinical disparities. This study categorizes various forms of eHealth usage in conflict and aims to identify gaps in evidence to make recommendations for further research and practice. The analysis was carried out via a narrative hermeneutic review methodology. Articles that fulfilled the following screening criteria were reviewed: (1) describing an eHealth intervention in active conflict or ongoing insurgency, (2) an eHealth intervention targeting a conflict-affected population, (3) an e-learning platform for delivery in conflict settings and (4) non-interventional descriptive reviews relating to eHealth in conflict. Of the 489 papers eligible for screening, 46 merited final inclusion. Conflict settings described include Somalia, Sudan, Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Pakistan, Chechnya, Gaza and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Thirty-six studies described specific eHealth initiatives, while the remainder were more generic review papers exploring general principles. Analysis resulted in the elucidation of three final categories of current eHealth activity in conflict-affected settings: (1) eHealth for clinical management, (2) e-learning for healthcare in conflict and (3) eHealth for information management in conflict. Obvious disparities in the distribution of technological dividends from eHealth in conflict are demonstrated by this review. Conflict-affected populations are predominantly subject to ad hoc and voluntary initiatives delivered by diaspora and civil society organizations. While the deployment of eHealth technologies in conflict settings is increasingly normalized, there is a need for further clarification of global norms relating to practice in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization and democratization have long been questioned by powerful Western European countries such as the United States of America (USA), France and Britain, who regard these two movements as almost organic elements of their foreign policy. This questioning, which intensifies with the sharpening of global economic conditions, seems to have serious consequences for the future of the Western Alliance. This period comes with ethical and political dilemmas that will profoundly affect the modern individual’s view of world politics. In a system where there are no mechanisms to allow non-state actors to participate in government on a global scale, mass protest and destructive moral questioning are inevitable. This situation has become evident with the new type of corona virus epidemic (Covid 19) that has shaken the world since the beginning of 2020. The Covid crisis has demonstrated that human rights and freedoms enshrined in universal human rights conventions have not been adequately respected. Though beyond the focus of this paper, the migration crisis created by the civil war in Syria and the current state of affairs after the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan are clear cases in this respect. This paper focuses on the dilemmas that politics and ethics in the face of radical, global changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing dynamics of international politics with US military withdrawal from Afghanistan have affected the Southwest Asian geopolitical landscape. While international players have their interests, they involve regional and neighbouring states in their actions frequently; thus, regional complexities arise. Pakistan was engaged in peaceful execution of the US exit strategy from Afghanistan; however, it demanded an overall shift in policy in a changing regional environment. Besides, Pakistan's strategic and economic cooperation with China through CPEC has further enforced its prospects to be a significant player in regional politics. Pakistan's challenges are countering India's regional hegemonic designs and aggressiveness in Indian illegally occupied Kashmir, maintaining a neutral stance over the Iranian front vis-a-vis Saudi Arabia, and addressing the TTP factor. Despite international players' competition, Pakistan has multiple options for attaining balance through CPEC and shifting from competition to cooperation. This paper, therefore, analyses international players' security interests in the region and suggests openings for Pakistan through CPEC considering Regional Security Complex theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of marketing channels in agribusiness has been extensively studied in the last decade. While most studies have focused on the general impact of marketing channels on sales, the impacts of different choices of marketing channels on net returns has not been widely studied. Focusing on Afghan grape farmers, this paper studied the determinants of marketing channels, as well as the impact of marketing channel choices on net returns. The marketing channels considered in this paper were channels through farmer’s organizations, local traders and farmers who do on spot selling. Using survey data from 150 grape farmers in Kabul, Parwan, and Kapisa provinces in Afghanistan, the results showed that grape farming experience, selling price, province, distance to markets and internet use were some of the factors that affected the choice of marketing channels. In addition, marketing channels through local traders had a positive impact on returns as compared to channels through farmer’s organizations and on spot selling. The selectivity correction terms for all marketing channels were significant indicating the existence of selectivity bias from unobserved factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Paper deals with different deconstructing mainly father-son relationships of the novel The Kite Runner and how it affected the protagonist of the novel and his actions. The theme of the novel is hardship and the struggles of the people of Afghanistan. The research paper intends to find the convergence between humans and conflicts. The research paper will provide perspective into the complex dynamics of human relations and conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The response of winter wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) to the application of different rates of nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) on different agro-climatic zones (ACZs) has not been well studied in Afghanistan. The objectives of this study were to (1) determine the impact of soil and climate on the responses of wheat to N and P fertilization, (2) quantify the specific N and P response of winter wheat for different ACZs, and (3) determine the economical application rates of N and P for farmers for each considered ACZs. This paper evaluates the effects of nitrogen levels (NL) at 35.28, 65, 95, and 120 kg N ha−1 and phosphorus levels (PL) at 0, 50, 70, and 90 kg P2O5 ha−1, respectively, in four locations (L) for two growing seasons (GS), on both yield and quality characteristics of winter wheat. Soil pH was the main environmental parameter affecting straw yield (SY), grain yield (GY), protein content (PC), and protein yield (PY). Winter wheat SY, GY, PC, and PY increased significantly (p < 0.05) with PL rates up to 50 kg P2O5 ha−1 and with NL rates up to 120 kg N ha−1. NL was the most important parameter in determining PC, thus showing potential for further improvement in N management. The highest marginal rate of return was used as an index for the farmers to accept site-specific N and P fertilizer recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In years past, much of the discussion around International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law has been dedicated to considering the convergence of the two regimes; to discover a way to increase respect for the protection of the individual in armed conflict. Meanwhile, egregious violations of individual's human rights continue to occur in armed conflicts – those in Ukraine, Yemen, Ethiopia, Afghanistan, and many others. This paper surveys the relationship between the two international disciplines, and considers that though IHL and IHRL are two regimes that have different aims, both contain norms that strive for the protection of the individual in armed conflict. Ultimately, this paper argues that protection of individuals in armed conflict can be strengthened by importing IHL norms into the IHRL framework. This cross-pollination allows treaty bodies to interpret, and make comments about, State Parties' adherence to IHL that can increase respect for those norms, given IHRL's associated enforcement mechanisms and communications machinery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, many now anticipate that the movement will create a new set of founding documents as they establish the basic organs of the state. For this reason, understanding Islamic constitutionalism, and especially understanding the basis for women's rights within Islamic constitutionalism, has never been more important. This paper contributes to this conversation by discussing many topics that have significant impacts on women in Afghanistan, including the competing ideas of the jamhooriyat and emirate, the role of religion and the Ulema, and women's rights and citizenship in constitutions. Through comparing the constitution of the Islamic Republic and the Islamic Emirate we can understand the jurisprudential, political, and ideological forces that animate these founding documents. Understanding this can allow us to better understand how Afghan women's roles in society and politics may be shaped in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women in Afghanistan, taking advantage of the opportunities provided by their country's reconstruction efforts in the early 2000s, worked diligently to ensure that the new Afghan constitution included important rights for women, including the advancement of right to political representation. Indeed the 2004 Afghan constitution reserved at least 27% of the lower house parliamentary seats for women, guaranteeing their presence in formal political decision-making. Although women's political presence came to a sudden halt with the unexpected fall of the Afghan government in August 2021, this paper argues that the Afghan gender quota provision nonetheless has important symbolic implications for Afghan women's political roles in two central ways. First, the quotas, which were a long-time in the making, justified women's political presence to themselves as well as their male-dominated political and cultural context. Second, with the sudden coming to power of the Taliban in 2021, the quotas have greatly contributed to invigorating local women's protests and their key demand for women's political representation, comprising one of the most outspoken anti-Taliban and pro-democracy forces. Despite backlash from the militant Taliban, women, with the support of diverse transnational solidarity networks, are refusing to be silent, demanding equal inclusion in the country's political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018-2019, Creighton University, a Jesuit university in Omaha, Nebraska, piloted a scholarship program in which a few graduates of the Diploma program living in Afghanistan and Jordan matriculated at Creighton University in its online B.S. in Leadership Studies. These students were enrolled in courses along with nontraditional adult students, and challenges on the part of the students, the faculty, and staff arose. The goal of the exploratory study on which this paper is based has been to explore the usefulness of a specific methodology, Group Concept Mapping (GCM), through its online platform, Group Wisdom (GW), combined with the analysis of narrative course evaluations and interview texts adopting the Grounded Theory approach using a text analysis software (Open Code 4.03) to identify the specific challenges of students, staff, and educators in this program so that they could be addressed. The authors conclude, based on this pilot study, that the use of this combined and integrated methodology is effective to examine challenges that students living at the margins face when pursuing higher education degrees. They propose a larger study using this approach in order to generate the empirical evidence that informs strategies to address these challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the twenty-first century, the eight-hundred-year-old teachings of a Muslim mystic-poet from West-Asia continues to inspire masses with the universal messages of liberty, love, and fraternity. Many of us can still read and enjoy Rumi's appealing poems in the original Persian language without difficulty - a very rare accident in the arena of world literature! The transcendental meaning of 'civilisational identity' has an evident presence in Rumi's poems, and his teachings are still relevant. This essay aims at presenting Rumi's borderless mentality and inclusive approach, which is, in many instances, in contrast with the modern tendencies of fragmentation and exclusivism. The discussions begin with a short 'Introduction', followed by four main headings. 'Civilisation, Imitation of Creation,' provides a brief overview of the transformation of the meaning of 'civilisation' from the classical period to the modern times. It also emphasises on the less visible yet essential role of art and literature in the formation of civilisational identity. 'Rise of Nationalism as Independent Identity' touches upon the establishment of nation-states, followed by an elaboration of the positive and negative aspects of 'Nationalism' as a recent development in human history. 'Trans-National Identity of Liberated Souls' offers a bird's-eye-view of Rumi's life across various lands. It introduces Persianate culture as medium of connection of many nations, and showcases Rumi, through his writings, as a borderless, nationless, profound, inclusive, translucent, and love-oriented intellectual. 'Language: Facilitator or Barrier' focuses on the idea of communication at two levels: speechless communication and communication via tongue, referring to the esoteric and exoteric aspects of expression. Under this heading we shall also see how a shared language of a few countries - that has been a uniting factor in the history - can become a dividing factor when different 'name-stickers' are adopted to accomplish political agendas under the banner of nationalism. And finally, under 'Conclusion,' a concise summary of the paper is provided. The essay is complemented by relevant couplets by Rumi and two contemporary poets from Iran and Afghanistan. Fresh English translations of the couplets are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the situation of currency markets as dependent variable to analyze the most important factors affecting the Afghanistan currency markets as independent variables. The objectives are finding out solutions for the problems and identifying the effects of factors on the currency markets. In this study, both qualitative and quantitative methodologies are combined to collect data from Currency markets in Afghanistan including exchange markets, websites and social media. The problems mentioned by the money/currency market concerned people in are: sophisticated regulations, lack of attention to their problems and rights, the high amount of tax on exchangers and for licensing, Lack of Security for traders, exchangers and their assets. At the end some recommendations are proposed as solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to analyse India's foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the post-9/11 era. While the 9/11 attacks marked the beginning of a new epoch in world politics, the ensuing US-led military intervention in Afghanistan offered India a much needed opportunity to re-establish diplomatic ties with Kabul. Since then, India has remained cautious in its approach toward Afghanistan by relying more on assistance-driven foreign policy measures rather than on engaging militarily in the war-torn country. However, the question remains as to what extent India has been able to create strategic space for itself in Afghanistan, given the fact that India had to shut down its embassy and consulates in Afghanistan in August 2021 when the Taliban regained control of the country? Or, has India's policy been too reliant on soft power that India failed to capitalise on the opportunity created by the overthrow of the Taliban regime in late 2001? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has escalated the use of telemedicine in both high and low resource settings however its use has preceded this, particularly in conflict-affected settings. Several countries in the WHO Eastern Mediterranean (EMR) region are affected by complex, protracted crises. Though telemedicine has been used in such settings, there has been no comprehensive assessment of what interventions are used, their efficacy, barriers, or current research gaps. Main body: A systematic search of ten academic databases and 3 grey literature sources from January 1st 2000 to December 31st 2020 was completed, identifying telemedicine interventions in select EMR conflict-affected settings and relevant enablers and barriers to their implementation. Included articles reported on telemedicine use in six conflict-affected EMR countries (or territories) graded as WHO Health Emergencies: Afghanistan, Gaza, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen. Data were extracted and narratively synthesised due to heterogeneity in study design and outcomes. Of 3419 articles identified, twenty-one peer-reviewed and three grey literature sources met the inclusion criteria. We analysed these by context, intervention, and evaluation. Context: eight related to Afghanistan, eight to Syria and seven to Iraq with one each in Yemen and Gaza. Most were implemented by humanitarian or academic organisations with projects mostly initiated in the United States or Europe and mostly by physicians. The in-country links were mostly health professionals rather than patients seeking specialist inputs for specialities not locally available. Interventions: these included both SAF (store and forward) and RT (real-time) with a range of specialities represented including radiology, histopathology, dermatology, mental health, and intensive care. Evaluation: most papers were observational or descriptive with few describing quality measures of interventions. Conclusions: Telemedicine interventions are feasible in conflict-affected settings in EMR using low-cost, accessible technologies. However, few implemented interventions reported on evaluation strategies or had these built in. The ad hoc nature of some of the interventions, which relied on volunteers without sustained financial or academic investment, could pose challenges to quality and sustainability. There was little exploration of confidentiality, ethical standards, data storage or local healthcare worker and patient acceptability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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For more than 19 years, Pakistan has been in a state of war against terrorism. It has launched many military operations in different areas based on different strategic and tactical considerations. The geographic limits, priority, and timing of these operations were carefully planned and executed. Credible intelligence revealed that after operation Rah-e-Nejat (2009), some of the militant groups shifted to Afghanistan while the remaining took refuge in the North Waziristan Agency. There was a requirement to eliminate these hideouts, thus, Pakistan decided to launch a military operation Zarb-e- Azb. As a result, the overall security situation in Pakistan has improved. The US appreciated the successes of operation Zarb-e-Azb but despite these military actions and other practical steps, Pakistan-US relations could not improve as such. There is a consistent divergence of interests between Pakistan and the US in the war against terror that impact seriously on bilateral relations. This paper, therefore, professes that unless this divergence of interest is understood, no ground action irrespective of the dimension and outcome can restore peace and stability within Pakistan and the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global War on Terrorism, launched as a direct result of the heinous 9/11 attacks, has been wagging on for almost two decades with no clear signs of victory for the US. The US on a strategic level has lost the war as the primary opponent, Taliban, holds more territory than ever. The US and NATO coalition not only planned to eradicate terrorism in the country but also had great ambitions to modernize and rebuild the country; however, little has been archived so far. Amidst these harsh realities, Pakistan being a major non-NATO ally is often blamed to sabotage the war efforts by playing a so-called double-game while supporting the Global War on Terrorism on one hand and helping the Taliban on the other. Therefore, this paper investigates the reasons for the US failure in Afghanistan on a macro-level and what role Pakistan has played. Other than the notion that Pakistan is to blame, factors, such as, the US has no real longterm objectives for the war, employing conventional methods of warfare, underestimating the opponent and the terrain, lack of coordination among the NATO member states and the sudden attention shift from Afghanistan to Iraq, played a significant role in the current outcome. After evaluating all the evidence from the last two decades, it is clear that half-baked US planning led to the eventual failure of the war effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan came under the international spotlight following the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001.Mainly due to being a semi-autonomous region where British-colonial-era laws were practised until May 2018, FATA remains one of the most marginalised and insecure areas of Pakistan. Based on Galtung's structural violence theory, this paper examines the nexus between the region's socio-economic and political realities and terrorism. Through primary and secondary data, this paper argues that economic marginalisation and the lack of political and individual freedom of the tribal people are root causes of the instability in FATA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of the mineralogical, petrographic and chemical study of different archaeological samples related to terracruda sculptures and other elements that were part of the architectural decoration of the Buddhist sites of Tepe Narenj and Qol‐e‐tut (Kabul, Afghanistan; fifth to 11th centuries CE). The main objective of the study was to characterize the samples using an archaeometric approach. The study helped to better understand the materials involved in the modeling of Afghan sculptures and their processing, such as the different nature of the clay layers and the finishing 'stucco' coating. The results further indicate that similarities exist among the manufacturing process of the studied samples and that used today by an ancient caste of clay artists in West Bengal (India), suggesting the existence of a continuous technological tradition that deserves to be further explored in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International studies students are often interested in understanding contexts of conflict and war and working with affected populations. Although various research has assessed different pedagogical tools for increasing students' understanding of war experiences and reducing the perceived distance between such populations, virtual encounters are an understudied means for achieving these aims. This article examines how a US international studies course integrated virtual dialogue sessions with Afghan students to reduce the distance between Americans and Afghans. Accordingly, we conducted pre- and post-surveys and interviews, engaged in participant observation, and analyzed reflection papers to understand how US students' views transformed from the program. We find that American students learned about the precarity and resilience of Afghans and recognized their humanity. Moreover, participants developed outgroup trust, reduced intergroup anxiety, and in some cases developed empathy for the other group. Students experienced these shifts despite technological and logistical challenges, a language barrier, and the power imbalance, which led to ethical concerns for program instructors. Thus, we argue that virtual encounters can be an effective pedagogical tool for reducing distance between international studies students and war-affected populations and helping them to connect across group differences despite the inherent challenges in such programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Snakes and Ladders" is an ancient Indian board game played by the throw of dice or cowrie shells on a grid of labelled squares. It belongs to the category of "race games" and more specifically "promotion games" of moral instruction. The player gradually moves his piece upward from the lower section of vices and hellish states to the higher section of virtues and subtle spiritual states finally to reach the divine realm. Landing on snakes brings him down whereas by reaching ladders the ascent journey is accelerated. As a game of gnosis, Snakes and Ladders was played by Jainas, Hindus, Buddhists as well as Muslims. In Turkey, it is known as satranc-ı urefā and in the Arab world as shaṭranj al-ʿārifīn – "chess of the gnostics." The present paper examines a rare Sufi version from Afghanistan embroidered on cloth also highlighting the imagery of its figural motifs. Building on preceding studies, it focuses on the mystical terminology inscribed onto 101 squares which largely reflects the philosophy of Ibn al-ʿArabī. The investigated cloth-board is an example of Sufi material religion in folkish style which might date from the mid-twentieth century or later and appears to have been used by Shiʿite Sufis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the results of an experiment conducted before the 2021 regime change in Afghanistan that examined how different types of information strategies affected private sector support for a hypothetical peace agreement with the Taliban. We compared the impact of historical, pecuniary, and religious information on the stated preferences of Afghan business elites and employees in Kabul. The results show that historical information had less of an effect than pecuniary information on respondents' probability of accepting a peace agreement with the Taliban but a slightly larger effect than religious information. Although the context of the study has dramatically changed, the findings can inform practitioners and policymakers in mediating future peace negotiations in Afghanistan and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The HALO Trust was founded in 1988 to alleviate suffering among civilians living in hazardous areas. Today, it is the largest humanitarian de-mining charity in the world. Its earliest operations were in Afghanistan. Following the Soviet withdrawal, HALO moved into Kabul where it established a clinic for casualties of war, developed mine risk education and gradually rolled out an innovative mine clearance programme. These interventions helped to transform mine clearance from being a military legacy into a humanitarian priority. Much of the early strategic foresight for HALO extended from the military experience of the former Scottish foot soldier Colonel Colin Campbell Mitchell of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. Based on semi-structured interviews with key participants and access to private papers and diaries, this article provides a narrative framework for understanding the emergence of humanitarian mine clearance or 'mine action', as it is now termed. Through sometimes fractious dialectical relationships with various United Nations agencies and discreet dealings with Afghanistan's communist government and regional warlords, HALO became a vital implementing partner in the work of refugee resettlement and rehabilitation assistance. Retrieving its history contributes to a clearer identification of the intersections between military expertise, development, humanitarianism and the post-Cold War world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 14 April 1923, an attack upon the bungalow of Major Ellis in Kohat on India's North-West Frontier, resulted in the murder of Mrs Ellis and the abduction of their seventeenyear-old daughter, Mollie. Led by Ajab Khan Afridi, the abductors, fled into the independent territory of the Tirah Jowaki. The North-West Frontier represented a contested and strategically sensitive frontier open to both Russian encroachment and the machinations of the Amir of Afghanistan, whilst the Pathan tribal inhabitants were simultaneously characterised as 'savages' and independent warriors. Mollie Ellis's abduction brought into sharp relief the governance and security of the region that pivoted on John Loader Maffey as Chief Commissioner of the North-West Frontier Province. Using the hitherto unpublished collection of papers and letters from Maffey to his wife, Dorothy Gladys Huggins, an assessment of the political, strategic and financial limits of British power through the lens of the man on the ground will be possible. In the final assessment, the abduction of Mollie Ellis demonstrated that Britain's existence on this strategically sensitive frontier rested upon an uneasy coexistence between the Afghan Amir, the Frontier tribes and the limits of imperial endurance in both Delhi and London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unaccompanied children who do not or cannot access the child protection system in Türkiye often become engaged in child labor and find themselves living in precarity. This paper highlights narratives of survival within their culturally-assumed transition to manhood based on empirical research on the life experiences of 12 unaccompanied, male Afghan youth who came to Türkiye as unaccompanied children. These narratives reflect patriarchal culture, particularly the Taliban's extreme manifestations of patriarchy, both in a context of war and violence. Unaccompanied Afghan children migrate for survival and, after dangerous journeys, live as irregular migrants. Their daily life is marked by (1) fear of police and deportation, (2) child labor, (3) long and challenging work routines, (4) lack of leisure time, schooling, adult protection or support and (5) lack of social security. As a result, they develop survival strategies to manage their precarious lives. Their narratives share commonalities focusing on the conditionalities of constructing manhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan's history over the last century is littered with incidents and bloody conflicts. In other words, the history of this land over the last century has been one of blood and fire, as well as a conflict between "tradition" and "modernity." Over the last century, the citizens of this land have witnessed life-threatening and subversive changes. These changes have had both positive and negative effects on Afghans' lives. Meanwhile, Afghan women, education, the right to political and social activity, and the right to work and employment have been among the issues that have undergone change and transformation, along with political, social, and cultural changes and developments, willingly or unwillingly, and have been seriously harmed as a result. A qualitative research method has been used, in which data was collected from previous literary sources such as research articles, magazines, reports, and documents kept in the archives and national libraries of Afghanistan. This paper investigates and examine the position of Afghan women in Afghan law from various angles and perspectives. The researchers approached the subject of women by taking into account their worldviews, assumptions, and subjective variables. The purpose of this research is to evaluate Afghan women's active, long-term, and meaningful presence in Afghanistan over the last century. The study's findings show that despite deliberate campaigns, efforts, and ongoing struggles over the last century, Afghan women are still denied the right to education, political participation, and institutional employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the absence of a transboundary water agreement between riparian states of Harirud River Basin, downstream states—Iran and Turkmenistan—have adopted a resource-capturing policy through the construction of Doosti Dam in the lower Harirud River Basin when the upstream state—Afghanistan—was engaged in social unrest during 1980s to the early 2000s. While Doosti Dam has a high potential of supplying water for major cities in Turkmenistan and Iran, its flow has declined due to climate changes and drought in the basin. The paper found that Iran accuses Afghanistan of blocking the flow of water through the construction of Salma Dam, whereas some Afghan and Iranian scholars critique Iran's water management approach for water shortages through construction of dams and employment of unsustainable irrigation approaches in the lower Harirud River Basin. Additionally, the hydro-hegemony theory was critiqued as the theory under-estimates the broader role of outside basin players in influencing and reshaping the hydro-politics of a shared watercourse. Finally, it was concluded that the rapid drawdown of the US forces from Afghanistan along with the establishment of a fragile, weak, and politically unrecognized government-Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan—under Taliban administration—helped Iran to reinforce its hydro-hegemonic potential in the basin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prevailing studies on illicit drug economies in violent contexts are typically concerned with whether illicit drugs are a driver of insecurity, or vice versa. This paper provides additional nuance to the literature by considering the interaction between different governance arrangements and the everyday life of people involved in the drug economy. Drawing from a systems-lifeworlds approach, we present evidence from interviews and life histories collected in four district case studies in two borderland provinces of Afghanistan. We find that governance in government-controlled areas tends to be more fragmented, negatively affecting the livelihoods of small-scale drug producers and traders. However, we also find exceptions to this trend, where stable governance arrangements emerged under state control. While authority tends to be less fragmented in Taliban-controlled districts, illicit drug producers fared much worse under Daesh rule, showing stark variation in the effects of insurgency rule on the drug economy. Contrary to prevailing assumptions that participants in the illicit drug economies thrive in ungoverned environments, our findings show that there is considerable, if selective, demand for predictable rule-based political authority, albeit pragmatic enough to allow an open-access illicit drug economy to operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]