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Purpose: This paper aims to investigate the relationship between prospective teachers' cultural profiles and service quality expectations in a pedagogical training program in Greece. Design/methodology/approach: Using the EppekQual scale and an alternative Hofstede's cultural scale, 113 prospective teachers in a Greek training program were surveyed. The study uses descriptive statistics, correlation analysis and multiple regression, validating measurements through confirmatory factor analysis. Findings: Prospective teachers exhibit a low-power orientation and a preference for feminine values. Rejecting hierarchy correlates with quality expectations, especially in the curriculum dimension, emphasizing student-centric education. A positive correlation with acceptance/avoidance of uncertainty is observed, notably in learning outcomes and administrative services. The cultural aversion to ambiguity shapes individuals' prioritization of all quality dimensions. A realistic long-term perspective correlates positively with expectations in learning outcomes, aligning with Greek culture's emphasis on security. Contrary to expectations, a predilection for feminine values positively impacts service quality expectations, particularly in curriculum, learning outcomes and academic staff dimensions. The hypothesis related to individualism/collectivism is not substantiated, indicating a negative association with the curriculum dimension. Practical implications: Tailoring program designs to embrace student-centric and collaborative learning environments is recommended. Acknowledging cultural aversions to uncertainty, program flexibility and clarity are essential. Integrating career planning and mentorship aligns with realistic long-term perspectives. The need for a balanced approach to personal and intellectual development is also suggested. Originality/value: This study uncovers specific cultural dimensions that shape quality expectations within a Greek teacher training context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution argues that policymakers instrumentalise legal ambiguity to provide solutions to crises and achieve their preferences in complex governance systems. It looks at the Eurozone crisis and the introduction of sovereign debt restructuring as part of the policy solution. Despite initial opposition from the European Central Bank (ECB) and European Commission (EC), as well as negative market reactions, Greece's debt was restructured in 2012. The notion of collective action clauses (CACs)—a private contractual term in bond documentation that enables bondholder coordination—was promoted as the credible tool for enabling sovereign debt restructuring. However, this paper argues that the success of CACs is related to how it functions as a boundary object, enabling a shared space of interpretive flexibility that allows policymakers to interpret CACs in terms of their preferences, despite a lack of consensus on the permissibility of future Eurozone sovereign debt restructurings. While enabling cooperation, this interpretive flexibility leads to different iterations of CACs—the Euro-CAC and Greece's retrofit-CAC—which connects EU fiscal policy to monetary policy in a way that induces legal uncertainty as to the viability of future debt restructurings vis-à-vis the ECB's bond-buying programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study examines the discourse of the then Greek Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras, following the 2018 July wildfire disaster in the Eastern Attica suburbs including Mati to reveal the frames employed by the main protagonist utilizing existing framing models while also incorporating the notions of ethic of care and strategic ambiguity. The then government received extensive criticism by the media and political opponents in regard to the management and communication responses of the then Prime Minister. A content analysis was conducted to the statements made by the then Prime Minister. Findings indicate that Tsipras during the initial stages of the crisis acknowledged the extent of crisis while also emphasizing the successful crisis response efforts. Moreover, strategic ambiguity along with low levels of "caring" were important elements of Tsipras' narrative at the initial stage. As the public outrage and criticism intensified, Tsipras incorporated a more caring profile and presented the disaster as a "critical opportunity" by shifting the blame to previous governments and proposing policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies have focused on the ground displacement phenomena in the broader area of the Thessaloniki Plain, Greece. Although there is a general consensus on the diachronic occurrence of subsidence, there have been recent studies that also report considerable uplifts. In order to resolve some of these ambiguities and to further study and monitor the area, new, high-accuracy leveling measurements were conducted during 2018-2020 in the vicinity of the town of Sindos. Findings indicate a total vertical displacement of up to about -15 mm, whereas the continuation of a clear overall subsidence tendency rather than uplift has been verified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay addresses the composition of Samson's lion encounter (Judg 14:5–6) in two parts. First, the narrative of the lion encounter is considered in its literary context (Judg 14:5–6), with particular attention to three difficulties or ambiguities in the narrative arrangement: the presence/absence of the parents, verbal repetition, and the meaning of the חידה. The incongruity of these details indicates redactional seams that, as the present essay argues, might be explained with reference to a Persian period compositional setting of Judg 14:3–6. Second, as supporting evidence for this hypothesis, the essay contextualizes Samson's lion encounter with reference to Persian period leonine iconography. Two major iconographic motifs are considered—the "heroic encounter" and Herakles depictions—both in their broader settings (the ancient Near East and Greece respectively) and in specific Levantine examples. These artifacts serve to fill out Samson's heroic characterization and to provide tantalizing material evidence for a possible Persian period setting of this episode in the Samson narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the discourse of statements of the leaders of two Greek political parties commemorating the restoration of Greek democracy on 24 July 1974; the ruling party New Democracy and the opposition, Coalition of the Radical Left. We focus on how these leaders act as entrepreneurs of their identities by constructing their ingroups in broad or narrow terms and their outgroups in vague or specific terms. These constructions were ventured during a period of relative political stability (2008) and instability (2012), and we focus on how ingroup prototypes and group boundaries are narrated across Greece's past, present and future in ambiguous or concrete terms. The study aligns the social identity approach to political leadership with studies on political discourse and ‘the rhetoric of we’. We view commemorative statements as historical charters and respond to calls for discourse analysis to take greater account of historical context. The findings suggest concrete hypotheses about how leaders with different amounts of political support might define, as identity entrepreneurs, who ‘we’ are, and who ‘we’ are not in democratic contexts marked by stability or crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the Greek citizenship tradition has contained both ethnic and civic elements all along, up until recently, at least according to the existing literature, it has replicated the geographical logic of a European divide between the East (ethnic) and West (civic). Lately, this tradition has been in flux as it appears to be moving along and changing positions across a hypothetical citizenship axis running along the two constitutional poles of nationality: ethnic descent and civic community. This paper attempts to shed light on this tradition in transit by bringing to the fore contemporary tensions between ethnic and civic elements of citizenship. More specifically, these ongoing frictions have been mostly manifested in the ever-changing conditionality of the terms of acquisition of Greek citizenship by second- and “one-and-a-half” generation migrant children. Most importantly, these antagonisms between an ethnicized (ethnic) citizenship and a politicized (civic) nationality became discursively played out within the arena of migrant integration discourse. However, one question remains: What can the Greek case tell us about the broader politics of citizenship and belonging in Europe and beyond? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]