Search

Transnational circuits, as social practices, are not immaterial or virtual, but they do not depend on traditional understandings of one territorial location. Rather than fully and singularly determining the lives of its inhabitants, these local spaces belong now to a transterritory established by the physical, cultural, and imaginative labor ofmigrants connecting two such spaces, beyond the boundaries of one nation-state. Transnationalism, as a field of studies, has focused on these dynamics. Here they are used to address the question of a possible transnational politics inside the United States, connecting the lives of those who have the most and those who have the least, whether they are US nationals or foreign immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this Review, we assess how mass incarceration, a monumental American policy experiment, has affected families over the past five decades. We reach four conclusions. First, family member incarceration is now common for American families. Second, individuals who will eventually have a family member incarcerated are worse off than those who never will, even before the incarceration takes place. Third, family member incarceration has negative effects on families above and beyond these preexisting disadvantages. And finally, policy interventions that address the precursors to family member incarceration and seek to minimize family member incarceration would best enhance family well-being. If the goal is to help all American families thrive, then the importance of simultaneous changes in social and criminal justice policy cannot be overstated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the significance of an anecdote in a letter written by 19th century Vermont 1st lieutenant Stephen Spalding to his University of Vermont roommate, James Peck in which Spalding tells a racially-charged joke about an African American servant. The article examines 19th century racial sensitivities and mores, the portrayal of African Americans among whites, and the concept of white supremacy. It also discusses the differences between power as opposed to literal racism exposed in Spalding's anecdote

The article presents the Barry Farm case to discuss how historic preservation law in the U.S. allegedly failed to protect and preserve properties related to poor and nonwhite communities, and offers possible solutions to safeguard underserved and marginalized communities.

The author offers outlook for transitional justice administration in the U.S. following the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Topics discussed include the way restorative justice practitioners adapted to changes and restrictions implemented due to the pandemic, the conception of transitional justice to address violent conflicts and human rights abuses, among others, and the significant responsibilities of truth and reconciliation commissions to victims.

In 2020, American society experienced a number of crises. They involved raced relations precipitated by the Black Lives Matter movement, the Covid 19 pandemic with its huge loss of life and rates of illness, the economic recession that accompanied the pandemic and efforts to control it, and the tensions of the national political campaign, followed by the refusal of President Trump to acknowledge his defeat. Each of these crises led to cleavages in the relationships of solidarity in the societal community subsystem of American society. The cleavages may prove to be the most enduring of the crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay talks about the challenges facing the U.S. amid the global coronavirus pandemic, the crash of the global economy, and the insidious efforts of President Donald J. Trump to undercut constitutional government in an effort to win the 2020 presidential election. Topics covered include the growing Black Lives Matter protests against police brutality, and the need for the Back Lives Matter and allied groups to define freedom, liberation and justice to put an end to racism.

Scholarship on discrimination consistently shows that non‐Whites are at a disadvantage in obtaining goods and services relative to Whites. To a lesser extent, recent work has asked whether or not place of residence may also affect individuals' chances in economic markets. In this study, we use a field experiment in an online market for second‐hand goods to examine transactional opportunities for White, Black, Asian, and Latino residents of both advantaged and disadvantaged neighborhoods. Our results show that sellers prefer transactional partners who live in advantaged neighborhoods to those who live in neighborhoods that are majority non‐White and have higher rates of poverty. This was true across all four racial/ethnic groups, revealing that neighborhood stigma exists independently of racial stigma. We discuss the implications for scholarship on neighborhood effects and we outline how future research using experiments can leverage various types of markets to better specify when characteristics like race trigger discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the strategy and rhetoric of the National Federation of Settlements' 1928 project on unemployment. During the Hoover years, settlement workers assembled an extensive catalog of case studies, which offer a glimpse into the home life of the jobless and their families at the beginning of the Great Depression. From their research, the NFS Committee on Unemployment published a series of books and articles that depicted the unemployed as the undeserving victims of economic change and called for policies to protect them. Throughout, settlement workers focused on the families of the unemployed, drawing on gendered notions of work and family and supporting policies that protected male-breadwinner households. Thus, settlement leaders recast unemployment as a social, rather than an economic, problem. In all, settlement research, writing, and reception presented a skeptical voting public with a palatable argument for social insurance that brought the experiences of the jobless to the voting public and policymakers, demonstrating a process of "policymaking from the middle." In so doing, they redeemed the newly unemployed and the insurance plans intended to protect them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of white privilege and whether the term privilege applies to poor white people, particularly focusing upon the U.S. Supreme Court case Buck v. Bell, which upheld the forced sterilization of the mentally ill and disabled who were deemed capable of passing their genes through their children. The article also examines the eugenics movement.

The article systematically assesses U.S.-Native relations today and their historical foundations in light of a narrow, empirical definition of colonial empire. Examining three core elements of colonial empire—the formal impairment of sovereignty, the intensive practical impairment of sovereignty through practices of governance and administration, and the continuing otherness of the dominated and dominant groups—we compare contemporary U.S.-Native political relations to canonical instances of formal colonial indirect rule empires. Based on this analysis, we argue that the United States today is a paradigmatic case of formal colonial empire in the narrow, traditional sense, one that should be better integrated into the comparative, historical, and sociological study of such formal empires. Furthermore, this prominent contemporary case stands against the idea that the era of formal colonial empire is over. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation of U.S. foreign intelligence in recent years has led to increasing privacy concerns. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (FISA) traditionally regulated foreign intelligence surveillance by authorizing warrant-based searches of U.S. and non-U.S. persons. Individualized court orders under traditional FISA were intended to protect U.S. persons and limit the scope of intelligence collection. In a post-9/11 world, however, the intelligence community cited concerns regarding the speed and efficiency of collection under traditional methods. The intelligence and law enforcement communities recognized the "wall" preventing information sharing between the communities as a central failure leading to the 9/11 attacks. In response, the scope and authorizations of foreign intelligence collection were expanded with numerous statutory measures, culminating in the passage of Section 702. Under Section 702, only non-U.S. persons located abroad may be surveillance targets, but no warrant is required for the intelligence collection. Since its passage, the intelligence community and privacy advocates have intensely debated the implications of incidental collection of U.S. person communications, including the use of U.S. person queries. Despite the significant expansion of surveillance authorized in the shift from traditional FISA to Section 702, minimization and targeting procedures regulated by the new statute are designed to protect U.S. persons and balance national security and privacy interests. This Comment addresses the uncomfortable question of whether the U.S. Constitution permits the minor intrusion of a few to protect national security and argues that Section 702 queries are searches under the Fourth Amendment that require a justification independent from the overall surveillance to be constitutional. Nonetheless, the Fourth Amendment protects against only unreasonable searches or seizures by the government, and U.S. person queries are reasonable searches characterized by critical foreign intelligence interests and robust safeguards that outweigh limited impacts on privacy. While the Fourth Amendment does require probable cause warrants for U.S. person queries conducted for criminal investigative purposes, such queries are rare. Striking the proper balance between privacy and security, particularly in the modern technological era, is a complex and challenging legal question. In this context, considerations must include policy and value-laden choices that weigh the statute's own regulatory measures against the rights protected by the Fourth Amendment. Such an approach renders U.S. person queries reasonable Fourth Amendment searches, albeit subject to more stringent requirements than courts and the government have previously found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is more violent than Canada and it always has been. Even in the face of mass shootings, most Americans remain culturally and politically resistant to the sorts of gun control measures that have long existed in Canada. America's unique gun culture is embedded in the history, imagery, and especially the mythology of the American frontier. Canada had its own frontier experience and has its own history of gun ownership, but it does not have a parallel gun culture. This article presents a comparative analysis of post-Civil War/post-Confederation frontier history and mythology, and examines the construction of contrasting cultural narratives of America's "Wild West" and Canada's "Mild West." It suggests that US–Canadian differences in gun laws and gun culture—even in the borderlands region of Alberta/Montana—are better explained by the countries' two different frontier mythologies than by their actual western histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the symbolic and practical relationships of U.S. President Donald Trump to sexism and capitalism as displayed in his 2016 presidential campaign. Topics include the implication of Trump's presidency for women, immigrants and Muslims, arguments on the relationship of capitalism to kinship and patriarchy in the context of sociologist Emile Durkheim's concept of social facts, and Trump's alleged exploitation of both aspects of kinship and patriarchy as a capitalist-in-chief.

The article discusses the need for schools in the U.S. to better protect their students from sexual harassment and assault and discusses the verdict given by the court in the Ross v. Univ. of Tulsa case. Topics include violations of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 in the Ross v. Univ. of Tulsa case and steps to mitigate the effects of sex-based discrimination on students' educational experience.

Social norms are thought to motivate behaviors like political participation, but context should influence both the content and activation of these norms. I show that both race and neighborhood context moderate the social value of political participation in the United States. Using original survey data and a survey experiment, I find that Whites, Blacks, and Latinos not only conceptualize participation differently, but also asymmetrically reward those who are politically active, with minority Americans often providing more social incentives for participation than Whites. I combine this survey data with geographic demography from the American Community Survey and find that neighborhood characteristics outpace individual-level indicators in predicting the social value of political participation. The findings suggest that scholars of political behavior should consider race, place, and social norms when seeking to understand participation in an increasingly diverse America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the new diasporic jurisprudence or jurisprudence of minorities (fiqh al-aqalliyyāt) that has emerged within Shi‘i juridical circles. Shi‘i jurists (maraji‘) have responded to the needs of Shi‘i communities that live as minorities in the West by recasting Islamic legal discourse on Muslim minorities and reconciling Islamic legal categories to the demands of the times. New situations and contingencies have prompted the experts in the field to delve into the sources and to devise methodological devices in usul al-fiqh to enable them to deduce fresh juridical rulings in order to deal with novel problems and issues. The article will also argue that when facing new situations that cannot be located in the revelatory sources and do not have legal precedents, jurists can formulate judgments that will best protect the interests of the community while remaining faithful to the Islamic frame of reference. The paper also examines the various challenges that American Shi‘is encounter as they navigate their ways in the American socio-political milieu. These include the construction of ethnic borders within the community, political engagement, the community’s attempts at acculturation in the post-9/11 era and its engagement in academic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: Biological Anthropology studies the variation and evolution of living humans, non‐human primates, and extinct ancestors and for this reason the field should be in an ideal position to attract scientists from a variety of backgrounds who have different views and experiences. However, the origin and history of the discipline, anecdotal observations, self‐reports, and recent surveys suggest the field has significant barriers to attracting scholars of color. For a variety of reasons, including quantitative research that demonstrates that diverse groups do better science, the discipline should strive to achieve a more diverse composition. Here we discuss the background and underpinnings of the current and historical dearth of diversity in Biological Anthropology in the U.S. specifically as it relates to representation of minority and underrepresented minority (URM) (or racialized minority) scholars. We trace this lack of diversity to underlying issues of recruitment and retention in the STEM sciences generally, to the history of Anthropology particularly around questions of race‐science, and to the absence of Anthropology at many minority‐serving institutions, especially HBCUs, a situation that forestalls pathways to the discipline for many minority students. The AAPA Committee on Diversity (COD) was conceived as a means of assessing and improving diversity within the discipline, and we detail the history of the COD since its inception in 2006. Prior to the COD there were no systematic AAPA efforts to consider ethnoracial diversity in our ranks and no programming around questions of diversity and inclusion. Departmental survey data collected by the COD indicate that undergraduate majors in Biological Anthropology are remarkably diverse, but that the discipline loses these scholars between undergraduate and graduate school and systematically up rank. Our analysis of recent membership demographic survey data (2014 and 2017) shows Biological Anthropology to have less ethnoracial diversity than even the affiliated STEM disciplines of Biology and Anatomy; nearly 87% of AAPA members in the United States identify as white and just 7% as URM scholars. These data also suggest that the intersection of race and gender significantly influence scholarly representation. In response to these data, we describe a substantial body of programs that have been developed by the COD to improve diversity in our ranks. Through these programs we identify principal concerns that contribute to the loss of scholars of color from the discipline at different stages in their careers, propose other directions that programming for recruitment should take, and discuss the beginnings of how to develop a more inclusive discipline at all career stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of Oklahoma's Office of Inter-agency Coordination (OIC)--an organization that one exposé dubbed the "Sooner CIA" (Central Intelligence Agency). The article sets the OIC within the context of a growing national culture of surveillance, driven in part by fears of race riots and widespread unrest during the Vietnam War Era. Examining the connection between the OIC, the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Counterintelligence Program (COINTELPRO) and the Army spy scandal illustrates that Oklahoma's surveillance activities and civil disorder planning were part of a larger nationwide erosion of civil liberties [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Interagency Committee on Human Nutrition Research (ICHNR) is charged with improving the planning, coordination, and communication among federal agencies engaged in nutrition research and with facilitating the development and updating of plans for federal research programs to meet current and future domestic and international needs for nutrition. The ICHNR is co-chaired by the USDA Under Secretary for Research, Education, and Economics and Chief Scientist and the US Department of Health and Human Services Assistant Secretary for Health and is made up of >10 departments and agencies. Once the ICHNR was reassembled after a 10-y hiatus, the ICHNR recognized a need for a written roadmap to identify critical human nutrition research gaps and opportunities. This commentary provides an overview of the process the ICHNR undertook to develop a first-of-its-kind National Nutrition Research Roadmap, which was publicly released on 4 March 2016. The primary audience for the Roadmap is federal science agency leaders, along with relevant program and policy staff who rely on federally supported human nutrition research, in addition to the broader scientific community. The Roadmap is framed around the following 3 questions: 1) How can we better understand and define eating patterns to improve and sustain health? 2) What can be done to help people choose healthy eating patterns? 3) How can we develop and engage innovative methods and systems to accelerate discoveries in human nutrition? Within these 3 questions, 11 topical areas were identified on the basis of the following criteria: population impact, feasibility given current technological capacities, and emerging scientific opportunities. This commentary highlights initial federal and some professional research society efforts to address the Roadmap's research and resource priorities. We conclude by noting examples of early collaborations and partnerships to move human nutrition research forward in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s, many cities across the United States began to experience a series of social and economic crises. Painful desegregation, massive riots, white flight, and the near bankruptcy of New York City were indications that urban centers, pillars of the American industrial juggernaut, were in serious trouble. The realization of this instigated massive government response and vigorous academic debate: how it was possible that in a little over three generations, while the overall American economy had grown, the major urban centers of the East and Midwest had fallen into such debt and decay?. This paper critiques some of the theories of 20th century urban dynamics by analysis of one major urban center, the city of Cincinnati. In particular, it asks whether urban planning policy, in response to the needs of a city in crisis, has been an effective tool in revitalizing the city. The efficacy of city redevelopment strategy has long been a seminal question for academics. The city of Cincinnati has entrusted its economic redevelopment future to entities such as the Cincinnati Center City Development Corporation (3CDC), a private nonprofit organization, which has overseen almost $1 billion in investment in Cincinnati's urban core. In the thirteen years since the creation of 3CDC, Cincinnati's inner city has changed dramatically in terms of higher property values, lower crime rates, and significant restoration of its historic structures. However, it is far from clear that redevelopment, as a model for urban revival, works to the overall benefit of the city, as reflected by traditional statistical measurements like population growth, median income, poverty rates, crime rates, and tax revenues. Therefore, this paper questions whether city policies encouraging gentrification are worthwhile given the costs and benefits. Understanding the dynamics of Cincinnati's decline from the point of view of urban theory helps provide a view of how much a city's policies affect its economic condition, and which policies it should pursue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Profound differences exist in how Americans from various racial and ethnic groups view police and court officials. We argue that vicarious experiences contribute to this racial and ethnic divide. Drawing on research on social communication, social network composition, and negativity biases in perception and judgment, we devise a theoretical framework to articulate why vicarious experiences magnify racial and ethnic disparities in evaluations of judicial actors. Four hypotheses are tested using original survey data from the state of Washington. Results provide strong evidence that vicarious experiences influence citizens' evaluations of both police and courts, and they do so in a manner that widens racial divides in how those actors are perceived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Movement & Sport Sciences / Science & Motricité is the property of EDP Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACT Acculturation represents an important construct for elucidating the determinants and consequences of health disparities in minority populations. However, the processes and mechanisms underlying acculturation's effects on health are largely undetermined and warrant further study. We integrate concepts from anthropology and statistics to describe the role of sociocultural context as a putative modifier of the relationship between acculturation and health. Sociocultural context may influence the extent to which exposure to host culture leads to internalization of host cultural orientation and may influence the extent to which acculturation leads to stress and adoption of unhealthy behaviors. We focus on specific aspects of sociocultural context: (1) neighborhood ethno-cultural composition; (2) discrimination; (3) discrepancy between origin and host environments; (4) discrepancy between heritage and host cultures; (5) origin group, host group, and individual attitudes toward assimilation; (6) variation in targets of assimilation within host community; (7) public policy and resources; and (8) migration selection bias. We review and synthesize evidence for these moderation effects among first- and later-generation immigrants, refugees, and indigenous populations. Furthermore, we propose best-practices data-collection and statistical-analysis methods for this purpose, in order to improve our understanding of the complex, multilevel aspects of the relationship between acculturation and health. [ acculturation, minority health, health disparities, sociocultural context, effect moderation, statistical interaction] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To investigate the validity of the apparent downward trend in the national case-fatality rate for gunshot wounds from assault. Methods. We reanalyzed the estimated annual number of nonfatal firearm injuries the National Electronic Injury Surveillance System reported from 2003 to 2012. We adjusted the estimates for discontinuities created by the substitution of 1 hospital for another in the sample and for a downward trend in the percentage of gunshot injuries classified as "unknown circumstance." Firearm homicide data are from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System. Results. The unadjusted National Electronic Injury Surveillance System estimate increased by 49%, yielding a decline in the case-fatality rate from 25% to 18%. Our adjustments eliminated these trends; the case-fatality rate was 22% in both 2003 and 2012. Conclusions. With reasonable adjustments, the trend in nonfatal injuries from interpersonal firearms assault tracks the flat trend in firearms homicides, suggesting that there was no increase in firearms violence during this period. The case-fatality rate did not change, and trauma care improvements did not influence the firearms homicide trend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intensifying speed-up of contemporary economic, social and political life troubles democratic theorists because they assume that democracy depends on patience. This article turns to Martin Luther King, Jr. to challenge democratic theory's temporal bias. I argue that King demonstrates that impatience, too, is a democratic virtue. Building on impatient knowledge, democratic impatience aides in overcoming undemocratic legacies, fosters democratic subjectivity and agency, ensures political accountability, and creates a more inclusive practice of democratic belonging. I furthermore show that King reveals the temporal sophistication of democratic impatience, thereby contradicting the prevailing interpretation of self-defeating instantaneousness. In particular, democratic impatience's temporal origins of centuries of injustice, human mortality, and the context of social acceleration provide a mature impetus for democratic action. Moreover, democratic impatience persists over time. On the one hand, it does so because injustice persists. On the other hand, democratic impatience contains within itself a subordinate operational patience. In other words, democratic impatience is always already somewhat 'patient.' King's democratic impatience therefore not only redresses democratic theory's shortcomings, but it also generates a renewed sense of democratic possibility in our age, as democratic impatience is well suited to help us in redressing the crises and injustices deepened or generated by social acceleration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]