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Until recently, an extensive area in the central lowlands of the Yucatán peninsula was completely unexplored archaeologically. In 2013 and 2014, during initial surveys in the northern part of the uninhabited Calakmul Biosphere Reserve in eastern Campeche, Mexico, we located Chactún, Tamchén and Lagunita, three major Maya centers with some unexpected characteristics. Lidar data, acquired in 2016 for a larger area of 240 km2, revealed a thoroughly modified and undisturbed archaeological landscape with a remarkably large number of residential clusters and widespread modifications related to water management and agriculture. Substantial additional information was obtained through field surveys and test excavations in 2017 and 2018. While hydraulic and agricultural features and their potential for solving various archaeologically relevant questions were discussed in a previous publication, here we examine the characteristics of settlement patterns, architectural remains, sculpted monuments, and ceramic evidence. The early Middle Preclassic (early first millennium BCE) material collected in stratigraphic pits at Tamchén and another locale constitutes the earliest evidence of colonization known so far in a broader central lowland area. From then until the Late Classic period, which was followed by a dramatic demographic decline, the area under study witnessed relatively constant population growth and interacted with different parts of the Maya Lowlands. However, a number of specific and previously unknown cultural traits attest to a rather distinctive regional development, providing novel information about the extent of regional variation within the Maya culture. By analyzing settlement pattern characteristics, inscriptional data, the distribution of architectural volumes and some other features of the currently visible archaeological landscape, which largely reflects the Late Classic situation, we reconstruct several aspects of sociopolitical and territorial organization in that period, highlighting similarities with and differences from what has been evidenced in the neighboring Río Bec region and elsewhere in the Maya area., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Objective: The ancient Maya used to practice dental inlays as part of the cultural traditions. Most of those inlays remain in place after more than one thousand years. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the incidence of pulp pathosis associated with ancient Maya dental inlays to assess the impact that such common practice had on the population's oral health., Design: We scored 193 anterior inlaid teeth from 107 pre-Hispanic Maya dentitions studied at three archaeological storage facilities (Universidad Autonoma de Yucatan, Harvard University, Atlas of Guatemala Project). Two hundred eleven untreated frontal teeth of pre-Hispanic Mayan collections were used as controls. We performed macroscopic, radiographic and microscopic analyses to assess the frequency of caries, pulp calcifications, internal root resorption (IRR), and periapical lesions (PALs)., Results: In the inlaid teeth, the frequencies of pulp calcifications, IRR, caries and PALs were 59.8%, 2.2%, 18.5% and 19.2%, respectively. Compared with untreated teeth, inlaid specimens exhibited greater susceptibility to caries, pulp calcifications, IRR and PALs than untreated teeth (pulp calcifications: 44.5%, IRR: 0%, caries: 1.4%, and PAL: 1.9%). Age-at-death did not have any significant influence on susceptibility to pulp calcifications, IRR, caries or PALs., Conclusions: We noted relatively low pulp irritation and a low frequency of carious infections, IRR and PALs in Mayan inlaid teeth. However, these levels exceeded the frequencies of untreated teeth from the same area and time period. We follow that the cements used by the pre-Hispanic Maya to fix the inlays into their sockets provided excellent sealing characteristics on average., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Through the history of a Yucatecan Mayan shaman (h-men), this article analyzes the changes and continuities in Yucatecan shamanism and, more specifically, in one of its main functions: tsak, healing. The results presented here are part of fieldwork carried out over 40 years, from 1976 to 2016. The author lives in a community in central Yucatán (Tabi, Sotuta) and has carried out a number of research studies on Yucatecan shamanism in communities in the Mexican states of Yucatán, Campeche and Quintana Roo. Juan Cob, h-men of Yaxcabá, is not only an informant but also the author's friend and neighbor, with whom he has created a number of films.

When humans moved from Asia toward the Americas over 18,000 y ago and eventually peopled the New World they encountered a new environment with extreme climate conditions and distinct dietary resources. These environmental and dietary pressures may have led to instances of genetic adaptation with the potential to influence the phenotypic variation in extant Native American populations. An example of such an event is the evolution of the fatty acid desaturases ( FADS ) genes, which have been claimed to harbor signals of positive selection in Inuit populations due to adaptation to the cold Greenland Arctic climate and to a protein-rich diet. Because there was evidence of intercontinental variation in this genetic region, with indications of positive selection for its variants, we decided to compare the Inuit findings with other Native American data. Here, we use several lines of evidence to show that the signal of FADS-positive selection is not restricted to the Arctic but instead is broadly observed throughout the Americas. The shared signature of selection among populations living in such a diverse range of environments is likely due to a single and strong instance of local adaptation that took place in the common ancestral population before their entrance into the New World. These first Americans peopled the whole continent and spread this adaptive variant across a diverse set of environments.

Economic, political, and cultural relationships connected virtually every population throughout Mexico during Postclassic period (AD 900-1520). Much of what is known about population interaction in prehistoric Mexico is based on archaeological or ethnohistoric data. What is unclear, especially for the Postclassic period, is how these data correlate with biological population structure. We address this by assessing biological (phenotypic) distances among 28 samples based upon a comparison of dental morphology trait frequencies, which serve as a proxy for genetic variation, from 810 individuals. These distances were compared with models representing geographic and cultural relationships among the same groups. Results of Mantel and partial Mantel matrix correlation tests show that shared migration and trade are correlated with biological distances, but geographic distance is not. Trade and political interaction are also correlated with biological distance when combined in a single matrix. These results indicate that trade and political relationships affected population structure among Postclassic Mexican populations. We suggest that trade likely played a major role in shaping patterns of interaction between populations. This study also shows that the biological distance data support the migration histories described in ethnohistoric sources., (© 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

Our archaeological investigations at Ceibal, a lowland Maya site located in the Pasión region, documented that a formal ceremonial complex was built around 950 B.C. at the onset of the Middle Preclassic period, when ceramics began to be used in the Maya lowlands. Our refined chronology allowed us to trace the subsequent social changes in a resolution that had not been possible before. Many residents of Ceibal appear to have remained relatively mobile during the following centuries, living in ephemeral post-in-ground structures and frequently changing their residential localities. In other parts of the Pasión region, there may have existed more mobile populations who maintained the traditional lifestyle of the preceramic period. Although the emerging elite of Ceibal began to live in a substantial residential complex by 700 B.C., advanced sedentism with durable residences rebuilt in the same locations and burials placed under house floors was not adopted in most residential areas until 500 B.C., and did not become common until 300 B.C. or the Late Preclassic period. During the Middle Preclassic period, substantial formal ceremonial complexes appear to have been built only at a small number of important communities in the Maya lowlands, and groups with different levels of sedentism probably gathered for their constructions and for public rituals held in them. These collaborative activities likely played a central role in socially integrating diverse groups with different lifestyles and, eventually, in developing fully established sedentary communities.