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In October 2022, New Brunswick Minister of Education and Early Childhood Development Dominic Cardy publicly resigned and widely disclosed his disappointment with Premier Blaine Higgs' leadership. Using Cardy's unprecedented public resignation letter as a primary source, this paper explores the inner workings of neoliberal governance and privatization in public education and critically analyzes data manipulation, governance shifts, and problematic conservative "hands-offism." Applying a rhizomatic methodological framing and theoretically drawing from Bourdieu and Passeron's (1977) conceptualization of symbolic violence and Gilmore's (2008) notion of "organized abandonment," we argue that neoliberal governance and privatization disproportionately affect vulnerable communities and weaken democratic processes. To understand these complexities, we utilize a rhizomatic analysis, simultaneously considering historical and geographical contexts, governance structures, and political narratives. We conclude that neoliberal governance and privatization are inherently symbolically violent, as they are used in tandem to perpetually defund and dismantle public institutions.

The study examined the strategies used by teacher educators in their teaching practices and gender integration in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. The nature of the engagement of educational leaders and administrators in supporting teaching, learning and mainstreaming gender issues in teaching was also examined. A total of 165 sampled respondents were reached. This included 81 government officials and educational leaders (18 government officials and 63 educational leaders) and 84 tutors. The study used a concurrent mixed-method approach where the combined qualitative and quantitative data collection methodologies were applied to answer the study questions. The study data were collected directly from the project participants through semi-structured interviews and survey questionnaires. 60% of preprimary and primary tutors from Kenya demonstrated knowledge and skills in pedagogical practices compared to 13% from Tanzania and 20% from Uganda. The findings also revealed that most tutors do not think training and application of lifelong professional development strategies on key pedagogical aspects and content are essential for achieving a gender-responsive and inclusive training and support program. These key areas include support for gender-based violence victims, support for pregnant girls and mothers to continue education; gender-sensitive expectations towards girls' and boys' achievements; gender-sensitive expectations around girls' and boys' behavior, lesson demonstration, and lesson observation. The study recommends that there should be integration of gender issues in delivering training for the tutors of the colleges in East Africa. The training should focus on enhancing pedagogical practices and related educational leadership and management.

Being ubiquitous, language is essential to our everyday existence. Human language is seen to be a traditional field that depends on using words in accordance with intricate standards. In this study, the idea of aggressiveness is investigated from a pragmatic viewpoint. The goals of this research are to identify the aggressive techniques that Clinton uses in her speeches, to show the impoliteness tactics that she mostly uses to accomplish her goals, and to expose the pragma-rhetorical tropes that are mostly mentioned in her speeches. The research proposes that in her presentations, Clinton utilizes indirect verbal passive aggression, mostly negative impoliteness techniques, and often metaphor as the main rhetorical device. The study's results validate that Clinton utilizes indirect verbal passive aggression, mostly employs negative impoliteness techniques, and emphasizes overstatement as the main rhetorical device in her hostile speeches. Clinton's speeches are analyzed pragmatically to find rhetorical devices, aggressive messages, and rudeness tactics. The research admits several limitations, namely the subjectivity that might lead to interpretive biases in pragma-stylistic analysis. Notwithstanding these drawbacks, this research provides important new information on the aggressive language used by public authorities to shape public opinion.

The role of the local government within the context of engagement and collaboration with universities has largely been understudied. Employing a cross-sectional design, this study of 67 universities and 78 municipalities from 29 states examines how collaborative capacity impacts university and local government perceptions of engagement and collaboration with each other. The findings indicate that local government trust is the primary catalyst for both engagement and collaboration between the parties.

Objectives: Overweight and obesity among school-aged children pose a threat to both their academic performance and public health. The Healthy Primary School of the Future (HPSF) initiative was established to address this issue. Our objective was to explore the conditions that make HPSF sustainable based on the perspectives of relevant stakeholders. Design: The study utilised Group Concept Mapping, a structured methodology for conducting mixed-methods participative research, combining qualitative data collection with quantitative data analysis measures. Method: Participants included parents, teachers, school directors, politicians, labour unions, educational, nutrition and health scientists and policymakers. They were asked to respond to the prompt, 'A necessary condition to make the HPSF sustainable is . . .'. The statements generated were then assessed for their importance and feasibility. Using multidimensional scaling and hierarchical cluster analyses, we identified the shared vision among the stakeholders. Results: A total of 106 unique statements were generated and grouped statistically into 10 clusters. The most significant clusters were identified as Financing; Accessibility for everyone; and Content/Lifestyle/School Programme. The clusters that were deemed most feasible included Content/Lifestyle/School Programme; Accessibility for everyone; and Evaluation. Conclusion: Achieving sustainability for the HPSF requires a comprehensive approach that addresses the conditions outlined in all 10 clusters. Based on the ratings of feasibility and importance, our recommendation is to prioritise implementation of Content/Lifestyle/School Programme and Accessibility for everyone. Subsequently, efforts should be directed towards realising the less feasible but crucial conditions, such as Financing and Evaluation, followed by the remaining six clusters of conditions as identified.

In this study, I explore the discourse surrounding parental rights in U.S. public schools, with Virginia as a focal point. Analyzing two sets of model policies regarding the treatment of transgender students--one established under a Democratic governor and another implemented following the election of a Republican candidate championing parental rights--this research employs qualitative content analysis to gain insight into the contemporary parental rights movement in educational settings. Five key themes emerged: 1. Reliance on expert opinions; 2. Variation in depth and breadth of information within policies; 3. Transgender student inclusion in policies; 4. Student and parent focus imbalance; and 5. Adherence to legal intent. The findings indicate a shift in emphasis from addressing gender identity concerns to prioritizing parental rights, with ramifications for the broader political landscape. This research enriches the ongoing dialogue on the role of parents in education and the consequences of the conservative parental rights movement for educational policy.

Much research has investigated the determinants of higher education funding across the United States. Some established variables are statewide conditions while other variables relate to the political machine in the capital city. Politicians' personal characteristics, such as party affiliation and gender, influence higher education funding. This paper investigates whether the one state flagship university receives preferential funding. An original hand-collected dataset on governors' degree attainment is used to examine the role of the governor's own education in the funding outcomes. Results indicate that all public colleges within a state's system receive higher funding when the governor is a graduate of the state's flagship.

This study uses framing theory and the concept of causal stories to examine beliefs about causes and solutions to improving chronically low-performing schools in response to Michigan's school turnaround policy. Across cases, policymakers and district leaders assigned most responsibility to poor leadership, poverty, and chronic educator turnover as primary causes of problems leading to turnaround identification. These causal stories were most often framed as side effects of policy or practice rather than as intentional actions. However, a notable subset assigned blame more directly to intentional policy action (or inaction) that would help districts counteract the effects of concentrated poverty, such as weighted funding. In terms of solutions, most leaders believed that improved funding was necessary to strengthen and stabilize the workforce and meet the nonacademic needs of children--for instance, attending to the deleterious effects of poverty through wraparound services or efforts to address trauma.

Given the pervasive influence of patriarchy in politics, women in the political arena must be equipped to address the various challenges that come with it. Therefore, there is a need for political education tailored to their specific needs. Women's political representation plays a vital role in advancing democracy. This study investigated political communication strategies and ideologies of Islamist parties in Indonesia, with a focus on enhancing female politicians' voters through political education. One of the Islamic parties in this research is the Prosperous Justice Party, also known as Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). The study employed a qualitative approach as the primary research method. The research suggests that Islamic parties can enhance their political communication strategies by integrating their political ideology. This political ideology can be transformed into guiding principles and spiritual development platforms that serve as a form of political education for political party cadres. This study highlights the challenges faced by those who may be reluctant to fully support women in politics. The strategy employed by PKS does not involve the abandonment of its core party ideology but rather focuses on reinforcing and promoting this ideology among its cadres and sympathizers through effective da'wah and cadre development.

The purpose of the study reported on here was to introduce the perceptions of senior academic administrators in the Northern Cyprus Ministry of Education on the structure of the current education system as a whole. In order to carry out this case study, the views of 14 senior academic administrators were obtained through semi-structured interviews. There is no doubt that in qualitative research semi-structured interviewing is a flexible and powerful tool to capture the voices and the ways in which people make meaning of their experiences (Kvale, 2007). As Yin (2009:18) states: "An empirical inquiry about contemporary phenomena (e.g., 'case'), set within its own real-world context -- especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident." Therefore, by reflecting on the current education system in Northern Cyprus as a case, we tried to show the real context of the education system itself. The data collected from the semi-structured interviews were analysed through content analysis. According to the findings of this research study, the current education system must be reconstructed considering the curriculum, strategies in teaching and learning approaches, developing of collaborative and student-centred classrooms, applying active learning strategies and voicing the voices of the senior academic administrators during the decision-making process.

The processes of formulation of language policies have not been researched thoroughly. This paper aims to explore the relationship between ideas, power and agency in language policy-making and specifically with reference to the formulation of language-in-education policy for multilingualism in Ireland. Through an argumentative approach to language policy and using a discursive institutionalist framework, the paper examines data from policy documents and interviews with policy actors in the Department of Education and Skills. The paper reports on the ways in which agentive discourses are constrained and enabled by institutional structures. The analysis shows how power resulting from asymmetric internal forces and the hierarchical architecture of institutions prevailed over the capacity of some actors to promote their ideas through discourse. Moreover, it shows how static ideational elements are powerful structural constraints on agency. The paper argues for a conceptualisation of actors in policy-making as agentive individuals who engage in a dynamic struggle over ideas to realise complex and changing policy goals. It concludes by claiming that a focus on discursive forms of power in the policy analysis at the so-called macro level would be beneficial for language policy scholarship.

UNESCO's relatively high prestige across East Asia has spurred intensifying efforts by governments to use its imprimatur to legitimate official narratives of the past and visions of the future. This article focuses on China's use of UNESCO as an arena for competitive national 'branding' in the education field, especially relating to STEM and AI. We analyse the Chinese state's engagement with UNESCO's education work in the context of shifts in budgetary and political influence within the organisation, and of a growing 'securitisation' of education within China itself. We show how Chinese engagement with UNESCO's educational agenda reflects both domestic political considerations and the 'major country diplomacy' of Xi Jinping, as manifested in the 'Belt and Road Initiative' and intensifying strategic competition with the USA. We conclude by discussing the implications of rising Chinese influence within the organisation for UNESCO's capacity for articulating a coherent and consistently humanistic vision for education.

Interest in media literacy education is increasing across the United States and around the world but little is still known about the prevalence of various instructional practices used to implement it in elementary and secondary schools. Surveys and semi-structured interviews with a statewide quota sample of education stakeholders included school leaders, educators, librarians, elected public officials, parents, and members of the community in all 24 school districts in Rhode Island. Results show that only a few instructional practices are implemented with most or nearly all students in the state. However, the implementation of various media literacy instructional practices varied considerably from one community to another but these differences were not due to the size of the community, its geographic location, or its socioeconomic status. Nearly half the variance in instructional practices can be accounted for by obstacles including technology limitations, school policies, academic priorities, perceptions of students, and educator response.

The purpose of this article is to reexamine the decision-making process on Portugal's entry into PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment). The analysis indicates that the decision, which was not unanimous among the government members with responsibilities in the education field, was made in a context of normative emulation, with the goal of strengthening a specific direction of the national educational agenda.

Background: Living in the digital era, young adults with intellectual disabilities use diverse digital products, the Internet, and social media in their daily lives. However, they may need support in digital undertakings as in other aspects of life. In a disability service context, staff are primary support providers but are restricted and guided by organisational goals and strategies. Previous research has shown that staff have dual roles as support providers and executors of organisational ambitions. This study analyses the motivations and prerequisites, as well as the obstacles to the implementation of digitalisation at a strategic level of disability services. Method: Qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted with public officials and municipal politicians responsible for providing disability services. A thematic analysis was performed using a constructionist perspective. Findings: Three themes were identified: Intertwined ideals of digital infrastructures in disability contexts, culture of vertical governance, and developing competencies. These themes can be seen as pillars of the digitalisation of digital services at the organisation's strategic level. In addition to shedding light on specific issues, these themes reveal underlying issues relating to conceptions of support practices and organisational culture. Conclusion: Digitalisation is motivated by a desire to preserve the organisation's legitimacy and be a relevant service provider. Digital infrastructure is required for digitalisation but is lacking because of intertwined legal and moral issues. Digitalisation also appears to be hindered by organisational structures and organisational culture, whose impact greatly outweighs that of digital issues.

This study explores the perceptions of government officials, teachers, and parents in Scotland regarding the use of Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) results to evaluate national education performance. International large-scale assessments (ILSAs) such as PISA have been increasingly influencing education policymaking worldwide, but there is limited understanding of how education actors perceive these assessments. This study uses Scotland's recent declining performance in PISA after the implementation of the Curriculum for Excellence (CfE) reform in 2010 as a case study. Interviews with key officials involved in implementing the CfE, and parents' and teachers' representatives reveal their doubts about the validity of PISA as a means of assessing Scottish education performance. This is because PISA data lack comparability and accountability, as students' academic performance is not impacted by PISA scores and teacher evaluations are not based on them. They do not consider that the PISA results reflect the effects of the CfE reform. These views contradict the Scottish government policy that PISA, among other assessments, is meant to inform policymakers and evaluate reform effects. Our findings have implications for countries that routinely use PISA to assess their educational performance and do not consider the views of education actors.

Purpose: Using a large-scale school improvement program in Sweden as a case, this article aims to explore the state governance of a large-scale school improvement program in Sweden and how officials at the state agency level made sense of the reform ideas and operationalized them in policy actions. Design/methodology/approach: Data were integrated from Swedish Government Official Reports and formal directives from the Ministry of Education. Officials of the Swedish National Agency for Education (SNAE) were also interviewed. Data were analyzed to identify how regulatory rules, professional norms and cultural-cognitive beliefs shaped SNAE's design of the program. Findings: The article shows how different types of governance (i.e. regulatory rules, professional norms and cultural-cognitive beliefs) set the direction for managing large-scale school improvement. In particular, in the studied case, the lack of clear regulatory directives enabled sensemaking processes clearly influenced by normative ideas and cultural-cognitive beliefs. Research limitations/implications: The findings are mostly presented from the perspective of managers, so further study is required to attain a broader understanding of the state agency level's role and function. Practical implications: By illustrating the strengths of understanding various dimensions of educational governance, the findings are highly relevant to both policymakers and educational managers at different levels of school systems. Originality/value: The article offers a valuable perspective on large-scale school improvement and educational governance by focusing on a level that has hitherto received little attention.

Between 2019 and 2022, 21 Hungarian public institutions were placed under the control of so-called public interest foundations (trust funds) instead of the state. As a result, the board of each foundation gained considerable power and authority over the institutions and thus paving the way for radical changes in the university management and internal governance. Although the governance reform is in line with international trends in many respects, we identified the unique characteristics of the Hungarian reform, such as the high proportion of politicians among members or their lifetime employment. Based on 38 interviews and document analysis, we examined the rationale behind the reform and the different interpretations of the role of boards. The results show that the perception of the role of boards depends on the level of trust that the board has in the institution and its management. Where boards treat universities as minors, a micro-managerial, supervisory role is more prevalent. Where, on the other hand, the university management is seen by the board as a more responsible, mature grown-up, a more empowering partnership role is possible.

In the countries that receive aid from donor agencies, the educational policymaking process is not straightforward because the power and interest of donors contradict with national contexts. This qualitative study aims to investigate how educational policy decisions in Nepal, a country that receives foreign aid for its educational projects, are made. Drawing on the Habermasian conceptualisation of deliberative democracy, I theorise that educational policy decisions are made either through deliberation or decisionism. An analysis of interviews conducted with educational policymakers of Nepal found that policymaking in Nepal follows decisionism in which the representatives of foreign aid agencies are more dominant than national bureaucrats. Even though Nepali bureaucrats and political leaders are involved in the decision-making process, rational interactions do not happen because they want to fulfil their personal interests by endorsing the decisions determined by the donors. This study concludes that because of decisionism, neocolonialism, and dysfunctional policy sphere, teachers, students, parents, and community people are excluded in the decision-making process. The findings are significant not only for understanding the lack of deliberation in the policymaking process but also for improving the educational praxis of aid-recipient countries like Nepal.

Many genre scholars have focused on how individuals might build genre knowledge, generally understood as the enculturation processes, gradual stages, or ingredients that lead to one's facility with a genre in context. While genre knowledge describes whether people can engage genres, it does not describe the various factors that shape how people may engage genres. By consolidating scholarship across Rhetorical Genre Studies (RGS), this article characterizes "genre" access as the power, opportunity, permission, and/or right to engage genre. Furthermore, this article integrates Network Gatekeeping Theory to develop a micro-level analytical approach for explicitly describing genre access. The author demonstrates and develops "genre" access as a concept and analytical approach with an illustrative example from a larger ethnographic project. Specifically, this illustrative example explores genre access for the Staff Report, a common genre in local government that proposes recommendations from individual departments to their elected City Commissioners for voted approval. Overall, the purpose of this article is (1) to consolidate and extend RGS's exploration of the power, opportunity, permission, and/or right to engage genres; (2) to identify and name "genre" access as a fundamental aspect of how genres work; and (3) to provide a micro-level analytical language for researchers to tease out the various factors the shape genre access.

While biographical sketches of many publicly elected leaders in the US exist, little is known about the connection between serving in college student government and running for or serving in elected public office after college. This phenomenological study explored the experiences of 19 former college student government officers in elected, post-college public office. Notably, former college student government officers felt like they were in public office all along and that student government was a microcosm of post-college public life. College campaigns and elections were preparatory experiences, and college student government was a "training ground" for later elected office and representational leadership.

This paper displays a Systemic Functional Linguistic and Critical Discourse Analysis of Boris Johnson's first public speech on COVID-19. COVID-19 is a very dangerous infectious disease caused by the last discovered virus of the Coronavirus strain. This virus began in Wuhan's Chinese city in December 2019. COVID-19 has spread from Wuhan to the rest of the world. It has now turned into a pandemic affecting the whole world. Halliday's (2004) model of systemic functional linguistics (meta-functions), relying on interpersonal and ideational meta-functions, and Van Dijk's ideology and discourse (2000) model depending on the argumentation categories, are the adopted models of analysis. The paper's main objectives are to analyze the speech of Prime Minister Boris critically to uncover the used ideologies to advise, persuade and control the people's beliefs and actions. In addition, this paper aims to identify the interpersonal and ideational meta-functions in the selected speeches of the chosen figure stating their frequencies, then finding out how these features uncover the ideological strategies used to affect all people; Finding the argumentation categories that are used by the prime minister to support the ideas and actions presented. The paper presents a theoretical background of discourse, Critical discourse analysis, dominant, and ideology. Explains the adopted models; Analyzes the speech critically.

Character is a crucial aspect of living in society. Character building has been carried out in Indonesia from hundred years ago. The people have improved their way of life by adopting local culture's educational values, such as the Makassar-Buginese "Siri'." However, in this era, there is a deterioration of student character as a result of losing "Siri'" cultural ideals that are rarely found in the field of education. The study aimed to explore the Makassar-Buginese "Siri'" educational values as the foundation of character building. This study was designed as a qualitative study using the ethno-pedagogy approach. The data were collected through interviews, observation, and documentation and analyzed through data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing. The results have revealed that the Makassar-Buginese "Siri'" contains the following educational values: "teppe" (faith), "pesse" (compassion), "lempuk" (honesty, straightening deeds, and intentions), "sipakatau" (humanizing human), "sipakalebbi" (glorification of human), "sipakainge" (reminding each other), "sipatokkong" (mutual help and mutual support), "tongeng" (sincerity), "reso" (hard work), and "abbulosibatang" (collaboration). In conclusion, the Makassar-Buginese "Siri'" educational values play a crucial role in character education to be integrated into the learning process to improve student character.

The purpose of this work is to provide empirical evidence as to how state level Freedom of Information or Access to Information and data protection regulator bodies in Mexico carry out their training tasks. We use different theoretical assumptions, particularly those that refer to the idea of "training in the public sector" regarding two aspects that allow to account, at least in part, about the referred training practices: first, the pedagogical model they declared to use; and second, the evaluations regarding trained public officials. FOI/ATI and regulator bodies in Mexico have a legal obligation to train and carry out professional development for public officials. This responsibility associated, with performance management--along with other purposes--and to guarantee the human right to information and data privacy for individuals, is in the hands of public officials that must have not only knowledge and skills but also values and attitudes regarding this fundamental right. These public authorities have several challenges to comply with ATI and data privacy laws; some relate to responding public information requests--that is, in a timely and adequate manner--or publishing the information mandate by law. ATI regulator bodies mitigate these multi-casual issues through training or development courses. Currently, public officials are trained to comply with the law and its implementation in the best possible way. Our main finding is that the local regulator bodies overall comply with their legal training mandate. That is, they do have and carry out training programs, although in an unprofessional and potentially deficient manner.

Courses and training in public decision-making have often disappeared from Public Administration curricula. This paper argues that this is unfortunate as skills therein are severely needed to steer developments towards the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Whereas some see this as a macro development that befalls countries, this paper argues otherwise. Decision-making by individual and corporate actors is judged to be central in the 4IR. This makes the steering thereof possible and desirable. Without being trained in the needed skills in decision-making our graduates will not be prepared to do so and will not become the responsible public officials able to direct 4IR developments.

With its imperial past, nationalist tradition, past westernization attempts, inverse orientalism toward populations from the East, and current neo-Ottomanist policies, Turkey presents an interesting case in which to examine the ideologies underlying its education system. Turkish schools began receiving a large number of Syrian refugees following the outbreak of the Syrian War in 2011. How does Turkey seek to absorb these former subjects of the Ottoman empire politically, discursively, and socioculturally into its national body politic, and more specifically into the education system, in light of shifting relations with Arabs and changing representation of the Arabic language and culture? Based on literature review and interviews with Syrians, state officials, and NGO representatives in Istanbul between 2017 and 2020, this study demonstrates that while there is strong emphasis on shared religious and cultural ties, Syrians are still expected to assimilate, similar to other historically minoritized populations in Turkey, albeit with some peculiarities. These peculiarities stem from increased prominence of the Arabic language through the Islamization project of the present government, international funding for the accommodation of refugees, and the economic relations the government seeks with Arab countries.

There is a growing consensus that existing arrangements for policy making in education are far from optimal. This paper is about policy making and the roles of--and relationships between--elected officials, civil servants and academics in the making of policy. It aims to open up a conversation about new ways of making education policy that make better use of academic expertise by shedding light on policy making from the perspective of a former policy broker. With specific reference to England, experiences of the world of policy are drawn on to provide an account of the following: the disconnect between academic research and policy; what good policy advice looks like; and, most significantly, what an expert policy advice mechanism in education could look like. The mechanism put forward is one possibility for further discussion within the academic community in the first instance: an independent group of diverse academic experts to provide trustworthy and transparent policy advice to the education ministry. It is envisaged that by bringing a set of insights together here, understandings of the world of policy making will be enhanced and further thinking and conversations about mechanisms for expert policy advice in education will be induced, starting with this flagship journal's readership. The subsequent accumulation of these discussions may then, in time, lead us towards better policy making.

In this article, I provide a critical reading of the now-removed statue of Sir John A. Macdonald in Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, Canada. I bring together my own experience visiting the statue with understandings from Indigenous scholarship and public pedagogy theorizing to think about commemorations as public pedagogies that are foremost relational. I consider how the Macdonald statue works narratively, discursively, and as a site of embodied encounter to create a harmful relationality. Thinking relationally, and pedagogically, about colonial statues suggests possibilities not only for understanding how these commemorative practices produce bad relations but also for envisioning and enacting good relations.

Bahasinan is a traditional game, a maritime cultural heritage, which still exists today in the area of South Kalimantan, Indonesia, precisely in the village of Gunung Makmur. Bahasinan itself is a traditional game that should be played in groups. In Bahasinan, people can find many aspects that have strong correlation with the learning of mathematics. For example, in Bahasinan children should make up their arena by drawing six rectangles that should be combined with one another. This drawing of rectangles alone has contained mathematical concepts. Thus, the object of the recent study is to identify which part of the traditional game Bahasinan that contain mathematical concepts and to identify what mathematical concepts that have been contained in the traditional game. In conducting the study, the method that has been selected is qualitative study using ethnography. The data are gathered from observation, interview, and documentation with the local public figures and two children as the subject for the study. After the data have been collected, the data are analyzed by using data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing or verification. In order to assure the data validity, triangulation method has been implemented so that the data that will be resulted are consistent. The results of the study show that the parts of the traditional game Bahasinan that contains mathematical concepts are game arena, game procedures, player position and player gesture whereas the mathematical concepts that can be found in the traditional game Bahasinan consist of two-dimensional figure, translation, reflection, inter-line connection, congruency, and mathematical activities.

Democracy is based on individuals' ability to give their opinions freely. To do this, they must have access to a multitude of reliable information sources (Dahl, 1998), and this greatly depends on the characteristics of their media environments. Today, one of the main issues individuals face is the significant amount of disinformation circulating through social networks. This study focuses on parliamentary disinformation. It examines how parliamentarians contribute to generating information disorder (Wardle & Derakhshan, 2017) in the digital public space. Through an exploratory content analysis--a descriptive content analysis of 2,307 messages posted on Twitter accounts of parliamentary spokespeople and representatives of the main list of each political party in the Spanish Lower House of Parliament--we explore disinformation rhetoric. The results allow us to conclude that, while the volume of messages shared by parliamentarians on issues susceptible to disinformation is relatively low (14% of tweets), both the themes of the tweets (COVID-19, sex-based violence, migrants or LGBTI), as well as their tone and argumentative and discursive lines, contribute to generating distrust through institutional criticism or their peers. The study deepens current knowledge of the disinformation generated by political elites, key agents of the construction of polarising narratives.

College student government is a form of student involvement in higher education, and one that has evolved over time. But student government is not without politics, from legislating on campus to making statements on local, national, and international issues. This article illuminates data from a phenomenological study of nineteen former student government officers who ran for or served in post-college public office (e.g., mayors, city councilmembers, state senators, and more). Two major themes are rendered in this article: "student government and non/partisanship" and "student government and decision-making power." Questions and recommendations are left as a way to better understand college students and student government and serve as a calling to further interrogate this topic and form of student- and political-engagement.

In 2019, the U.S. Department of Education (DED) began increasing its enforcement of the Higher Education Act, Section 117 statute, which provides instructions for institutional reporting regarding foreign and contracts. The three questions guiding this article include: What were DED's stated premises for the investigations? How was international engagement characterized in the notices? And finally, what traits, characteristics, and/or qualities were attributed to different actors? After providing an overview of Section 117, this article examines the notices of investigation issued by DED between 2019 and 2021 to better understand how the Agency discursively characterized malign and/or undue foreign influence utilizing a discourse historical analysis approach. After exploring these questions, this article then discusses the problematic assumptions revealed by four frames which emerged from the notices of investigations and concludes with a brief reflection on the continued challenges for universities and their international engagement (broadly defined) moving forward.

Many researchers have considered recent and intergenerational immigrant children's perspectives on immigration policies. Fewer have investigated nonimmigrant children's views despite children's sociopolitical identities forming long before they can vote. Drawing from data generated in spring 2017, the author illustrates how young children at an urban, midwestern school argued against the Republican administration's (anti-)immigration policies. Framed as an ethnographic case study, the author focuses on how third graders enacted justice-oriented identities as they wrote to congressional representatives about contemporary immigration policies. By attuning to how children embedded multiple institutional and political contexts in their written rationale, the author explicates the tensions and possibilities for nonimmigrant children in writing policies and possibilities for tomorrow. Ultimately, the author argues adults must intentionally sustain children's civic participation in ways beyond the niceties that plague early years classrooms.

This research shows the power of powerful metaphors in a language or linguistic perspective. It aimed at examining the important factors like reproduction of metaphors according to the theme of contestation, its duration, use of electronic media and problems associated with their forms, class and syntactic structures in a linguistic perspective. This study used a descriptive qualitative research method to examine metaphors used by the contestants in Indonesian public intellectuals' platform. It conducted a content analysis (Creswell & Miller, 2000) and identified themes namely how metaphors occur, why living metaphors are used productively, and what the implications of the metaphor used. The study sampled 14 video recordings (of 15 debate opponents) from 04/04/2018 to 22/12/2019, from the electronic media, related to "hot issues," and "trending topics" in Indonesia. The selection criteria were the use of metaphors and by contestant who were in competition with Rocky Gerung in political debates. The results showed that metaphors reflect the power, culture, and greatness of speakers in processing language and common sense. The contestation used an average time duration of 13.55 minutes contains many syntactically structured metaphors (phrases, clauses, and sentences). Each metaphor depicted the intensity of language and its structure. The implications of using metaphors make learning intelligent, imaginative, expressive, scientific, poetic, effective, and powerful ways of thinking. Contestants in the debate in pragmatic dialogue are very attractive to the attention of their listeners.

Political communication exemplifies rhetoric and propagandist approach in its various forms, among which the Aristotle's rhetorical theory and its three aspects, ethos, pathos and logos are the major ones. This study used these three as indicators of public rhetoric in the context of Indonesian parliamentarian speeches This study used a qualitative research design, to produce descriptive data comprising sampled speech excerpts of parliamentarians. Secondary data from journals, books, documents, websites, media helped in sustaining the rhetorical criticism. The data was analyzed using data reduction techniques prior to describing, clarifying, and interpreting the data. The study took a discourse analytical approach to find out the implied ideas in the sampled speech excerpts. The theoretical dimensions explained by Wodak (2012) and Fairclough (2000a, 2000b) helped this study to analyze the linguistic data and find out the structures intended by the speakers. The study findings imply that the parliamentarians who speak on the policy of handling COVID-19 in Indonesia are largely determined by their position, whether from parties supporting the government or the opposition. The application of the Aristotelian three principles would provide useful insights to understand the objectives and impact of the political speeches.