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Richard Münch: Die Herrschaft der Inzidenzen und Evidenzen: Regieren in den Fallstricken des Szientismus. Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag 2022. 978-3-593-51603-5

Regional parliaments have only limited formal possibilities to engage in the European Union’s (EU’s) multi-level system of governance. Our paper focuses on networking activities of regional members of parliaments (MPs) as informal attempts to make agency claims and as a main driver for perceived collective agency. We employ a relational perspective, taking into account the various stakeholders and environments which regional parliaments have to deal with in the EU. Engaging in such networks can enhance collective agency since such activity is linked to recognition and can open doors to new resources and networks. We use data from a survey of regional deputies in Austria, Germany, Spain, and the Czech Republic to investigate these associations. The results point to the importance of such activities for the perceived influence of regional parliaments on political decision-making in the region and for perceptions about the future role of regions in the EU. Contacts with European actors prove to be crucial in this respect since they can lead to new, agency-enhancing contacts and resources., Historical Social Research Vol. 48, No. 3 (2023)

Scientific policy advice is a special, hybrid type of scientific activity: science in its advisory function faces the conflict of having to present content in a scientifically credible, unbiased, and value-free form and, at the same time, to prepare it in a politically effective way, i.e., in a way that guides action and is publicly comprehensible. The resulting texts are therefore particularly interesting for approaching scientific research practices with regard to the question of how the struggle for epistemic quality and social legitimacy is reflected in their language and content in the (co-)construction of knowledge. Using exemplary cases, a current interdisciplinary DFG project investigates the practice of scientific policy advice in Germany in terms of form, content, and function from a linguistic and epistemological perspective. Wissenschaftliche Politikberatung ist eine besondere, da hybride Art der wissenschaftlichen Tätigkeit: Wissenschaft in ihrer beratenden Funktion gerät in den Konflikt, Inhalte wissenschaftlich glaubwürdig, sachbezogen und wertfrei darstellen und gleichermaßen politisch wirksam, d.h. handlungsleitend und öffentlich nachvollziehbar, aufbereiten zu müssen. Die daraus resultierenden Texte sind daher für die Wissenschaftsforschung spannend im Blick auf die Frage, wie sich in ihnen das Ringen um epistemische Qualität und soziale Legitimierung sprachlich und inhaltlich in der (Ko-)Konstruktion von Wissen niederschlägt. Im Rahmen eines aktuellen interdisziplinären DFG-Projekts wird die Praxis wissenschaftlicher Politikberatung in Deutschland in Form, Inhalt und Funktion anhand exemplarischer Fälle linguistisch und erkenntnistheoretisch untersucht.

Modeling for policy has become an integral part of policy making and technology assessment. This became particularly evident to the general public when, during the COVID-19 pandemic, forecasts of infection dynamics based on computer simulations were used to evaluate and justify policy containment measures. Computer models are also playing an increasing role in technology assessment (TA). Computer simulations are used to explore possible futures related to specific technologies, for example, in the area of energy systems analysis. Artificial intelligence (AI) models are also becoming increasingly important. The results is a mix of methods where computer simulations and machine learning converge, posing particular challenges and opening up new research questions. This Special topic brings together case studies from different fields to explore the current state of computational models in general and AI methods in particular for policy and TA. Modellierung für die Politik ist zu einem integralen Bestandteil der Politikarbeit und der Technologiebewertung geworden. Dies wurde der breiten Öffentlichkeit besonders deutlich, als während der COVID‑19‑Pandemie Prognosen über die Infektionsdynamik auf Basis von Computersimulationen zur Bewertung und Begründung politischer Maßnahmen zur Eindämmung herangezogen wurden. Computermodelle spielen auch in der Technikfolgenabschätzung (TA) eine zunehmende Rolle. Mithilfe von Computersimulationen werden technologiegebundene Zukunftsperspektiven erkundet, beispielsweise im Bereich der Energiesystemanalyse. Auch Modelle der künstlichen Intelligenz (KI) werden immer wichtiger. Das Ergebnis ist ein Methodenmix, bei dem Computersimulationen und maschinelles Lernen zusammentreffen, was besondere Herausforderungen mit sich bringt und neue Forschungsfragen eröffnet. Dieses TATuP Special topic bringt Fallstudien aus verschiedenen Bereichen zusammen, um den aktuellen Stand von Computermodellen im Allgemeinen und KI‑Methoden im Besonderen für Politik und TA zu untersuchen.

Communication is a process and part of human identity without which man could not exist today. Intercultural communication is a form of global communication, which refers to intercultural interactions between different cultures that appear in a social group with different religious, social, ethnic, cultural, and social backgrounds. North Macedonia and Kosovo are considered multicultural states which have ethnic identities within them, which are part of the mosaic and the promotion of intercultural communication is a test of the democratic development of these states. Therefore, this study aims to research and analyze the role of intercultural communication between local communities in both countries, communication of local government with the community, and community participation in public meetings as part of local decision-making. The methodology applied in this paper is the study of literature and the development of quantitative research with local communities. The results show that even though the participation of local communities is low in both countries, due to various factors, intercultural communication has broken down barriers between communities and has influenced the initiatives for the organization and development of the community itself.

Zugleich: Dissertation, Universit��t Kassel, 2021, Gef��rdert durch den Publikationsfonds der Universit��t Kassel

Mit Beginn der Corona-Pandemie waren die Familien in Deutschland konfrontiert mit völlig neuen Herausforderungen. Lockdownphasen mit Homeschooling und Kontaktverboten sorgten für eine Überforderung vieler Familien. Das Projekt Das Projekt „Konflikte in Familien in Zeiten der Corona-Pandemie - Fokus Sachsen“, welches vom 01.05.2021 bis 30.04.2022 am Forschungszentrum der Evangelischen Hochschule Dresden unter Leitung von Prof. Dr. Nina Weimann-Sandig durchgeführt wurde, bietet hier wichtige Anhaltspunkte . Ein zentrales Ergebnis: Die Erfahrungen der vergangenen zwei Jahre sitzen tief bei den deutschen Familien. Sie erlebten und erleben herausfordernde und belastende Zeiten und entwickelten ganz eigene Bewältigungsstrukturen, um gut durch die Krise zu kommen. Jedoch machen die Ergebnisse deutlich, dass es spezifische Familienmodelle gibt, die es leichter hatten durch die Krise zu kommen, als andere. Das Vorhandensein von Ressourcen spielt hierbei eine große Rolle. Es sind die gutverdienenden Familien mit zwei Einkommen und Möglichkeiten der flexiblen Arbeitszeitgestaltung, mit ausreichend Wohn- und Rückzugsflächen sowie guten sozialen Netzwerken, die bisher relativ gut durch die Corona-Pandemie gekommen sind. Vulnerable Familienformen haben hingegen in der Krise deutlich gelitten. Right from the start of the Covid-19 crisis, families were confronted with a host of entirely new challenges. Phases of general lockdown in Germany and repeated quarantine periods brought family members into closer physical and organisational proximity. Questions on the compatibility of paid work and family care work attracted scrutiny from the beginning of the crisis. Lengthy periods of home schooling in Germany and a high infection rate here in the federal state of Saxony compelled a large proportion of parents and children to repeatedly engage with the challenges entailed in organising learning at home for sustained periods. German bodies concerned with child and youth welfare rightly called attention to the increasing numbers of problematic situations that emerged as a result and the intensity of conflicts associated with them in families that had already been disadvantaged and under pressure before the pandemic. Valid empirical research results on the development of conflicts in families under the conditions of the pandemic were clearly urgently needed. The “KonFa” research project (“Conflicts in families during the Covid-19 pandemic”) accordingly aimed to contribute to closing this research gap, specifically by examining developments in the state of Saxony.

Mit dem zweiten Beiheft zum Thema „Schule und Corona“ verfolgen die Herausgeber im Wesentlichen zwei Ziele: Sie wollen erstens Forschungsbefunde vorstellen, die zum Zeitpunkt der Veröffentlichung des ersten Beiheftes am 15. Juni 2020 noch nicht vorlagen. Entsprechend ergänzt der erste Teil dieses Beiheftes die im vorausgehenden Heft erschienenen Beiträge um drei weitere, die den Stand der Forschung zu „Schule und Corona“ in einigen wichtigen Punkten erweitern. Zweitens – und hier liegt die ursprüngliche Motivation für ein zweites Beiheft zur Thematik – wollen sie Forschungsaktivitäten dokumentieren, die sich den pandemiebedingten Einschränkungen des Schulbetriebs, dem „Fernunterricht“ und seinen mit Präsenzunterricht kombinierten Varianten (Hybridunterricht) widmen, um auf diesem Wege eine Informationsgrundlage für thematisch Interessierte aus Wissenschaft, Politik, (Bildungs-)Administration und (Bildungs-)Praxis bereitzustellen. (DIPF/Orig.)

Six years have passed since the so-called “long summer of migration” of 2015, and the numbers of newly arriving asylum-seekers in Germany have flattened. However, as one of the main receiving countries of refugees, other challenges are coming into focus. Besides labour market participation and cultural participation, political participation is crucial to social life. But how to enable the political participation of refugees in host countries remains a challenge. This study examines how refugees without the condition of citizenship, who, thus, lack formal, electoral means of participation, can engage in political activities. To this end, it first uses a qualitative approach to examine how various self-organisations in the city of Cologne, Germany, use their resources to bring their interests into the political decision-making process. Second, it examines the political opportunity structures that exist at the local level to enable refugee self-organisations (RSOs) to engage in political activities. For this purpose, interviews were conducted with representatives of the organisations as well as the municipality and other civil society actors in Cologne. The results show that RSOs can be important partners for municipal decision-makers when it comes to refugee-specific issues. However, the results also suggest that opportunity structures are unevenly distributed among organisations and affect the organisations’ resource endowments, thus limiting access., Discussion Paper

Die globale digitale Ordnung ist seit vielen Jahren Gegenstand der Beratungen der G7. Das Themenspektrum reicht von der Digitalwirtschaft über Cybersecurity bis hin zu Künstlicher Intelligenz. Unter britischem Vorsitz wurden 2021 die Aktivitäten in diesem Feld noch einmal intensiviert. Für die neue Bundesregierung bietet sich die Chance, diesen Faden aufzugreifen und dabei eigene Akzente zu setzen: Denn der An­spruch einer liberalen Ausgestaltung der globalen digitalen Ordnung gerät zunehmend unter Druck und sollte daher proaktiv verteidigt werden. Einen konkreten An­satzpunkt bildet die Internet Governance als zentrales Element der globalen digitalen Ordnung. Hier wird technisch das Fundament für eine offene und inklusive Digitali­sierung gelegt - und bietet sich politisch eine Gelegenheit, neue Partner zu gewinnen. (Autorenreferat)

From the perspective of policymakers, planning for the many uncertainties that the future brings is a complicated task. Because of the growing complexity of global affairs, more and more information is destined to land on the desks of decision makers. State-of-the-art futures analysis structures information about conceivable events and developments, thus supporting more effective and legitimate anticipatory governance. Forecasting and foresight, the dominant analytical approaches, serve different political functions. Forecasting geopolitical events is primarily relevant for the execu­tive branch, which must act on short-term assessments. Foresight scenarios, on the other hand, significantly contribute to deliberations on the desirability of plausible mid- to long-term developments in consultative bodies such as parliaments. Both approaches should be utilized in EU policymaking. (author's abstract)

An enabling environment for the social and solidarity economy (SSE) largely depends on policy co-construction with stakeholders, and their commitment to implement policy across all levels of government, especially at the local level. The city of Durban is emerging as an exemplar for creating an enabling environment for the SSE to flourish through the co-construction process of policy making with relevant stakeholders and the implementation of these policies in a consultation process. Through the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality (eTMM)1 in the province of KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), the city experienced success in establishing an enabling SSE environment by means of its Cooperative Development Plan (CDP). Together with partners and stakeholders2, the CDP delivered a model that serves as a tried and tested example to be replicated all over South Africa. Following various socio-economic challenges, the country experienced a proliferation of SSE entities, and active3 registered SSE entities now represent between 16% and 18% of the total of all active registered enterprise entities of all sectors of South Africa. Within the national SSE landscape, the KZN province is a stronghold, accommodating 32% of all registered cooperatives and an estimated 20% of non-profit organizations (NPO) including social enterprises in South Africa.

Daten bilden während der Corona-Pandemie die Basis für weitreichende politische Entscheidungen im Bund, in den Ländern und in den Kommunen und beeinflussen damit massiv den Alltag und die Gesundheit von Millionen Menschen. Jedoch fehlen viele Daten zum Infektionsgeschehen und vorhandene Daten aus anderen Bereichen werden nicht ergänzend für vertiefte Analysen genutzt. Beschrieben werden die aktuell vorhandenen Schuldaten sowie die darüber hinausgehenden Datenerfordernisse für das geplante Bund-Länder-Programm zur Schließung von coronabedingten Lern- bzw. Kompetenzlücken der Schüler*innen und dessen Evaluation. Ergänzend werden Ansätze zur Identifikation von kleinräumigen Infektionsclustern und zu berufsgruppen- und branchenspezifischen Auswertungen vorgeschlagen. Den Vorschlägen gemein ist die Nutzung von kleinräumigen Daten sowie die Inanspruchnahme eines vertrauenswürdigen Dritten, um datenschutzkonform (Individual-)Daten aus unterschiedlichen Quellen miteinander verknüpfen und für vertiefte Auswertungen als Grundlage für evidenzbasierte politische Entscheidungen zur Verfügung stellen zu können. (DIPF/Orig.), This paper discusses the fact that in Germany, many of the extensive political decisions pertaining to the Corona Pandemic lack adequate evidence as a basis. Yet these decisions exert a massive influence on the daily life and health of millions of people. Data on the development of infections are, however, often incomplete, and chances to connect them to existing data from other areas are being missed. The article thus describes currently existing school data and the data requirements beyond them with regard to upcoming political decisions on the closing of students’ competency gaps and its evaluation. Furthermore, approaches to identifying small-range infection clusters and possibilities for job-specific and sectoral analyses are proposed. The different suggestions share the ideas of using small-range data and utilizing a trusted third party to connect data from different sources and, in accordance with data privacy laws, make them available for deepened analyses, thus providing a basis for evidence-based political decisions. (DIPF/Orig.)

This study investigates the contagious nature of tax avoidance by examining how narratives affect tax avoiding behavior. We adapt the idea of narrative economics indicating that individuals' actions are stimulated by stories that spread within a society. We employ two types of infection models to theoretically investigate how tax avoidance schemes spread over time and vanish eventually consistent with patterns known from epidemiology. We find that general tax avoidance can persist even if its expected outcome is negative, while specific tax avoidance schemes might vanish even though their expected outcome is positive. We find empirical support for the predicted dissemination of narratives related to both general and specific tax avoidance schemes in google n-grams. Finally, we show that dissemination of specific tax avoidance schemes is attenuated by anti-narratives in (social) media. Our findings help to understand how tax avoidance spreads, under what conditions anti-avoidance measures can effectively curb tax avoidance and point towards the crucial role of transparency of enhanced enforcement by visible narratives.Science is increasingly expected to help in solving complex societal problems in collaboration with societal stakeholders. However, it is often unclear under what conditions this can happen, i.e., what kind of challenges occur when science interacts with society and what kind of quality expectations prevail. This is particularly pertinent for Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH), which are part of the object they study and whose knowledge is always subject to provisionality. Here we discuss how SSH researchers can contribute to adressing societal problems, what challenges might occur when they interact with societal stakeholders, and what quality expectations arise in these arrangements. We base our argumentation on the results of an online consultation among 125 experts in Germany (representatives from SSH, learned societies, stakeholders from different societal groups, and relevant intermediaries).

Die Energiewende ist ein viel diskutiertes Thema im Bundestag - doch bleibt dabei auch der eigentliche Anspruch eines Transformationsprojekts bestehen? Die Autorin greift diese Frage in ihrer Diskursanalyse der Bundestagsdebatten von 1998 bis 2017 auf. Dazu entwickelt sie ein innovatives Forschungsdesign, das computerbasierte quantitative mit qualitativen Methoden kombiniert und auch für weitere politische Transformationsforschung anwendbar ist. Mit dem Vorsorgenden Wirtschaften erweitert sie ihre Analysen um die politische Ökonomie und verortet sie in der feministischen, sozial-ökologischen Transformationsforschung. Ergebnis: Die Energiewende wurde im Bundestag nach 2011 politisch entleert.

Do citizens' decisions, which are discussed and co-ordinated a priori on online participation platforms, have any policy effects? The article addresses this question in an exploratory study. Taking theoretical concepts of participation and policy effects into account, LiquidFeedback platforms are investigated in four municipalities in Lower Saxony (Germany). A total of 80 cases - i.e., successful citizens’ initiatives that were afterwards considered by local city or district councils - are included in a content analysis. Results show that crucial policies are less often translated into binding policy decisions than other policies. Even though citizens’ decisions can have binding policy effects, large-scale projects, in particular, show rather diffuse policy effects. However, diffuse policy effects are hardly transparent for citizens and could, accordingly, inhibit the willingness to participate altogether. Haben von Bürger*innen auf Online-Bürgerbeteiligungsplattformen getroffene Entscheidungen Auswirkungen auf politische Entscheidungen? Der vorliegende Artikel befasst sich mit dieser Frage in einer explorativen Studie. Unter Berücksichtigung theoretischer Konzepte von Partizipation und politischen Effekten werden LiquidFeedback-Plattformen in vier niedersächsischen Kommunen untersucht. In die Inhaltsanalyse werden 80 Fälle miteinbezogen, die auf der Beteiligungsplattform positiv abgestimmt und später von den örtlichen Stadt- oder Bezirksräten geprüft wurden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass es vor allem in Politikfeldern, die viel Planungszeit erfordern, seltener zu bindenden Policy-Entscheidungen kommt. Unklare politische Entscheidungen sind für die Bürger*innen jedoch schlecht nachvollziehbar. Sind sie überdies noch intransparent, wirken sie sich hemmend auf die Bereitschaft zur (weiteren) Teilnahme aus.

Turkey's new Presidential System has failed to realise the goals that it was said to achieve with its introduction despite the disapproval of half the population. Contrary to the ruling party’s claims in favour of the new governance system, two and a half years after its introduction, parliament is weaker, separation of powers is undermined, the judiciary is politicised, institutions are crippled, economic woes are mounting and authoritarian prac­tices prevail. Despite the almost unlimited and unchecked power that the new system grants to the President over institutions, his space for political manoeuvre is, surprisingly, narrower than it was in the parliamentary system. Providing the otherwise divided opposition a joint anchor of resistance, the Presidential System unintentionally breathed life into the inertia of Turkey’s political party setting. The formation of splinter parties from the ruling party, primarily address­ing the same conservative electorate, alongside the changing electoral logic with the need to form alliances to win an election, poses a serious challenge to the ruling party and its leader - the President. Despite the oppositional alliance’s electoral victory in 2019 local elec­tions, it is at the moment unclear whether the forming parties share a common vision for steps towards democratic repair. Together with the institutional havoc caused by the Presidential System, the blurry outlook of the opposition requires caution about an easy and rapid positive transformation. While the European Union should be realistic in regard to expectations towards democratic reform, it should also strike a balance between cooperation in areas of mutual benefit and confronting Ankara when necessary to protect the interests of the Euro­pean Union and its member states. (author's abstract)

Rural migration in Kurdistan Region has occurred in two different patterns as a result of two different policies. The first pattern was a forced migration by a policy of the Iraqi government. This policy resulted in total demolition and evacuation of 4000 villages and lasted between five to 17 years, depending on the area. In contrast, the second migration was a consequence of push and pull factors. After the approval of the new investment law by the Kurdistan Region Government in 2006, this region was quickly developed and several sectors were significantly improved, such as the oil and construction sectors which pulled labour force everywhere to different sectors. However, the agricultural sector was not that much in the focus of the government and investors as compared like the other sectors. Hence, this development caused significant rural to urban migration and had severe adverse impacts, even ruin, for agricultural projects. This study describes the size of the demolition, and additionally investigates the most effective factor for migration after 1991. On the other hand, the study also explains how the government dealt with this phenomenon. The study employed a mixed-methods research design involving archival methods for the extent of the demolition. Furthermore, questionnaires were administered to 330 migrants and non-migrants (165 migrants in Mergasur and 165 non-migrants in Bahrka) to test the conceptual framework and the hypotheses. This was followed by an in-depth interview with 20 villagers and farmers to explore the push and pull factors in both origin and destination places. The last step in the research process were the expert interviews. These interviews were conducted with six persons at different levels from top management to low managerial level. The analysis revealed that the general effects of migrations in the rural areas were mixed. While migrations have had negative or positive impacts for some, they have also impacted on work culture, family size, lifestyle and education level. There were various factors such as physical security, income and other factors related to income that were the main factors impacting on migration after 1991. The factor of income was more deeply defined in this study as a “secured satisfied income”, which is addressed at a minimum by the Critical income level (CIL). The study concluded that the CIL is $137 and can be reached via proper policies in a proper conceptual framework.

The global threat of the coronavirus pandemic has forced policy makers to react quickly with totally new policy‐making approaches under conditions of uncertainty. This article focuses on such crisis‐driven policy learning, examining how the experiences of China and South Korea as early responder states influenced the subsequent coronavirus crisis management in Germany. The first reaction of the German core executive was the quick concentration of decision‐making power at the top of the political hierarchy. Asserting the prerogatives of the executive included the radical simplification of the relationship between politics, law and science. State actors took emergency measures by recourse to a single piece of legislation—the ‘infection protection law’ (Infektionsschutzgesetz)—overriding other elements of the legal order. They also limited the government’s use of scientific expertise to a small number of advisors, thereby cutting short debates about the appropriateness or otherwise of the government’s crisis measures. Finally, German actors failed to understand that some of the earlier Chinese and Korean responses required a precondition—namely public willingness to sacrifice privacy for public health—that is absent in the German case.

This paper presents a framework to understand the impact of scientific knowledge on the policy-making process, focusing on the conceptual impact. We note the continuing dissatisfaction with the quality and effects of science-policy interactions in both theory and practice. We critique the current literature’s emphasis on the efforts of scientists to generate policy impact, because it neglects the role of ‘user’ policymaking organisations. The framework offered in the paper develops an argument about the essential role of institutional conditions of policy ‘users’ for scientific knowledge to achieve impact. The framework is informed by the reflexive institutionalist and the neo-institutionalist theoretical approaches. Its main contribution is in outlining the intra- and inter-organisational conditions of policymaking organisations, along with personal characteristics of individual policy officials that influence the likelihood of scientific knowledge to generate conceptual impact. We also offer an operationalisation of the framework. The wider relevance of the paper is in moving the focus from the activities of scientists and the incentive structure in scientific organisations to the policy user side.

An enabling environment for the social and solidarity economy (SSE) largely depends on policy co-construction with stakeholders, and their commitment to implement policy across all levels of government, especially at the local level. The city of Durban is emerging as an exemplar for creating an enabling environment for the SSE to flourish through the co-construction process of policy making with relevant stakeholders and the implementation of these policies in a consultation process. Through the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality (eTMM)1 in the province of KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), the city experienced success in establishing an enabling SSE environment by means of its Cooperative Development Plan (CDP). Together with partners and stakeholders2, the CDP delivered a model that serves as a tried and tested example to be replicated all over South Africa. Following various socio-economic challenges, the country experienced a proliferation of SSE entities, and active3 registered SSE entities now represent between 16% and 18% of the total of all active registered enterprise entities of all sectors of South Africa. Within the national SSE landscape, the KZN province is a stronghold, accommodating 32% of all registered cooperatives and an estimated 20% of non-profit organizations (NPO) including social enterprises in South Africa.

Im Mittelpunkt dieser Publikation steht die zunehmende Bedeutung der Menschenrechte in der Arbeit des Sicherheitsrats. Sie umreißt die institutionelle Rolle des Sicherheitsrats und die Bedeutung des Menschenrechtsschutzes und erläutert die jeweilige Rolle von UN-Generalversammlung, UN-Menschenrechtsrat und anderen UN-Organen. Sie skizziert zudem die Entscheidungsprozesse im Sicherheitsrat, die eine systematischere Zusammenarbeit dieser UN-Organe ermöglichen, die eingeschränkten Beteiligungsmöglichkeiten im Sicherheitsrat für Zivilgesellschaft und Nationale Menschenrechtsinstitutionen sowie die Rolle Deutschlands im UN-Sicherheitsrat. Die menschenrechtspolitische Praxis des Rates wird anhand ausgewählter Resolutionen und der Entwicklung der Agenda "Frauen, Frieden und Sicherheit" aufgezeigt.

While Korea's compressed development has enriched and bolstered the economy, the social system still leaves much to be desired. The reason for this shortcoming lies within a short history of capitalism and growth-oriented policies that sacrifice distribution. The end of Korea's accelerated growth and ensuing sharp drop in social mobility-which drove the dynamics of Korean society-have incited growing concern over income inequality and inherited wealth. As a result, more and more people have begun to recognize the need for redistribution policies to resolve the socioeconomic inequality. The problem is, however, how much redistribution policy will meet the people's expectations? As evidenced by the controversies over the policies for free school meals and half-price tuition from 2010, and by the response to the various redistribution policies of the Moon Jae-in administration, Koreans are highly divided in their opinions about the level of redistribution. Nonetheless, little effort has been made to understand the degree to which views differ, and to discover the factors that lead to such conflict. Rather, debates over policy are overly focused on theoretical justification, which has served to escalate social tension, and there have been no substantial moves towards building social consensus on distributive justice. The policies of a democracy are not justified by abstract goals and political rhetoric, but through the people's support. Thus, a good grasp is first needed of the wide array of public opinion. This study aims to highlight this issue. [...]