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The State of Israel, established in May 1948, defined a new legal framework for the Churches located on its territory. The Declaration of Independence guaranteed freedom of religion and worship for all citizens. From the very beginning, however, there was a problem with regard to the Jews who had converted to Christianity and who had to be given pastoral care, also using Hebrew in the liturgy. Among the pioneers were Fathers Jean-Roger Héné AA, Joseph Stiassny NCD and Bruno Hussar OP. A certain reluctance on the part of the Arab and European clergy was overcome by the support from both the local hierarchy and the Vatican. On 11th February 1955, the Work of St. James was approved ad experimentum ad annum, and after a year of probation, on 11th February 1956, the Patriarch approved its statutes. The pioneers of the Work saw in this event a return to the beginning, when the first ecclesial community was the Judeo-Christian community in Jerusalem. This attempt to reconstruct the early Church was intended to restore the Hebrew element lost in the historical development of the Church. The issue to be resolved is its shape and the way it is implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews recent books by Jewish thinkers that critique the idea of a Jewish state from the perspective of Jewish exile. It outlines two main approaches. The first, secular approach, rejects the Jewish state in favor of a secular state, seeing Judaism itself as the problem, whether arising from biblical violence or collective identity. The second, post-secular approach, rejects the Jewish state as secular, and finds resources in Jewish tradition for an alternative political vision centered on exile, understood as resistance to sovereignty and violence. This article argues that Jewish opposition to the Jewish state aims to limit sovereignty, integrate Jews into the Middle East space, and recover an exilic Jewish tradition of social ethics and pluralism. The idea of exile thus provides resources for envisioning decolonization and coexistence in Israel–Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we address the evangelical religious ideology defending the State of Israel, focusing on Brazilian evangelical Zionism and its influence on politics. For this reflection, we used public opinion polls that were carried out and published in Brazil, between October and November 2023, immediately after another chapter of the war between the State of Israel and the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Catholicism has long been hostile towards Jews. It has even been claimed that its anti-Judaism was the matrix of twentieth-century anti-Semitism. This contribution sets out to show that the pontificate of John Paul II marks a break in the history of the Church in this respect. A relative break perhaps: the Polish Pope is following in the footsteps of the Second Vatican Council, one of whose major texts, the declaration Nostra aetate (1965), revokes the idea of the Jewish people's guilt in Christ's death sentence and accepts that the Jews are still part of the Alliance with God. However, there was one decisive break: influenced by his education between the wars, which brought him into contact with nineteenth-century literature favourable to an inclusive nationalism, he accentuated the “philo-Judaism” of the conciliar period by developing a new approach to the Jewish community, linking recognition of the State of Israel with a request for forgiveness for the sins of Christians addressed to the “Jewish People”.

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the author expresses his conviction that the 20th-century return of the Jews to the land of Israel is the fulfillment of old promises of God to his people. At the same time, he considers honestly seven objections to this understanding, namely: the promise was already fulfilled in the past, a fundamental condition for the return has not been met, the New Testament is silent about the issue, James' stand on the inclusion of Gentiles in the Jewish church, the fact that many Jews have not returned to the promised land, the fact that even today the nation of Israel is under threat, and the consideration that it is risky to draw firm conclusions from current events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews recent books by Jewish thinkers that critique the idea of a Jewish state from the perspective of Jewish exile. It outlines two main approaches. The first, secular approach, rejects the Jewish state in favor of a secular state, seeing Judaism itself as the problem, whether arising from biblical violence or collective identity. The second, post-secular approach, rejects the Jewish state as secular, and finds resources in Jewish tradition for an alternative political vision centered on exile, understood as resistance to sovereignty and violence. This article argues that Jewish opposition to the Jewish state aims to limit sovereignty, integrate Jews into the Middle East space, and recover an exilic Jewish tradition of social ethics and pluralism. The idea of exile thus provides resources for envisioning decolonization and coexistence in Israel–Palestine.

Jewish law has always co-existed with the surrounding legal cultures. Especially Samuel bar Abbas’s legal principle of “the law of the land is law” from the third century paved the way for an unproblematic adaptation of Jewish legal principles to square with the respective national law. When a Jewish state became re-established in 1948 parts of religious Jewish law became state-sanctionable, e.g. in matrimonial and inheritance law. This article tries to demonstrate the influence of national law on Jewish law using the example of Jewish marriage law.

Har HaMenuhot, the cemetery in western Jerusalem, was founded in 1949, but its first two decades were rife with disagreement and neglect. In the decades that preceded the founding of the state, burial societies that were affiliated with different communities had acted with no supervision on the Mount of Olives. Hostilities in the 1940s and the War of Independence meant a search for new burial sites in safer locations. With the birth of the state, a permanent site was found in Givat Shaul, and the government hoped to impose order and oversight over burial through its local executive arm, the community council. However, conflicts between religious agents and the nascent state's executive bodies led to a vacuum in the management of Har HaMenuhot. Ultimately, and against the wishes of the state, the cemetery saw a return to pre-state conditions, with a variety of burial societies active on the mount. The young country's struggle to define the place of its religious institutions in its governing framework ultimately strengthened today's burial societies, whose abundant activities are a result of an earlier reluctance to come to a resolution on the national level within the framework of the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much continues to be made internationally and by Turkey herself and her leadership (and Jews as well) of Turkey's seemingly important role in saving Jews on two historic occasions: (1) the Spanish Inquisition, when (some) Jews fled Christian-controlled Spain and Portugal in the 15th century; and (2) the Holocaust/Shoah, when (some) Jewsfled Nazi Europe in the middle of the 20th century. Additionally, up until the present moment, Turkey positioned itself as the "broker" between the Arab East and the European-American West as regards the State of Israel and its (Turkey's) own desire to become part of the European Union (EU). 1-hefirst and second events have, increasingly, however, come under critical scholarly review, both positively and negatively. Furthermore, the increasing Islamicization Of Turkey under its current Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan (b. 1954) has carried with it an increasingly hostile, and, at times, overtly antisemitic discourse as regards Israel and Zionism andlews and Judaism, and, with it, an increasing sense of vulnerability on the part of Turkey's relatively small present-day Jewish population. (In this context, one also notes that Turkey continues to put pressure upon both Israel and American Jewry not to support any recognition whatsoever of the Armenian, Assyrian, and Greek Genocides.) However, to complete the historical picture, especially during the years surrounding World War I (1914-1917), it is important to remember that not only Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks were regarded as dhimmis (non-Muslim subjects of an Islamic state-despite the seeming secularism of the Republic of Turkey), but Jews as well, and all were subject to the jizya (a per capita tax levied on a section of an Islamic state's non-Muslim subjects, who met certain criteria, e.g. able-bodied adult males of military age). Ihis contribution, therefore, is a preliminary exploration of the tenuous and vulnerable relationship the Jews of Turkey held not only with regard to the government and the larger society, but with other minorities as well (specifically the Armenian and the Greek populations), their (Jewish) participation as soldiers in the First World War, and the reality of Jewish life in Turkey today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past seven decades, dozens of Muslim holy places in Israel have undergone a process of Judaization, becoming an integral part of the Israeli-Jewish sacred landscape. The current paper compares three waves of Judaization that followed the 1948 and 1967 wars, emphasizing the institutional and popular character of this process. The appropriation of Muslim holy places and their conversion is tied to the political, social, and religious changes that Israeli society underwent during its seventy years of existence. During these decades, Jewish holy spaces gained social, cultural, and religious importance; visiting them became a popular pastime. As the demand for holy places grew, former Muslim sites were converted and became part of Jewish sacred space. The process of transformation took place in parallel on two planes – the institutional and the popular – as both Israeli governmental bodies and worshipers converted Muslim holy places into Jewish sacred sites. The outcome of the process was the expansion of sacred space in the State of Israel and the inclusion of the periphery, which in many cases contained former Muslim holy places, as an integral part of the Jewish map of holy places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel is a prominent topic in the Jewish and Christian scriptures, though it was not as prominent in Christian theological reflection until the aftermath of the Holocaust. As is the case with any theme in theology, insight on it benefits from considering it in the various historical and social contexts in which it has been expounded. But Israel is a historical reality in a distinctive sense. Within Israel’s story, as the scriptures tell it, Israel has been a wandering clan, a theocratic nation, an institutional state, a dispersed remnant, an imperial colony, and a religious community (Goldingay 1987). In subsequent millennia it has been a recognized religion, a persecuted minority, a martyred victim, and a secular state. Israel is a historical entity (more than one), but also a literary entity and a theological entity (Davies 2007). To complicate theological reflection, the question of Israel’s actual history, behind the story that the scriptures tell, is widely controverted. This article will focus on the implications of the story rather than taking positions on the history, though making use of insights that emerge from historical study. While there have been many Israels, some theological issues are common to all, arising through the scriptures and outside them. Consequently, while the various ways that Israel can be described indicate how insights emerge from considering Israel’s history stage by stage, further theological insight emerges through standing back from the sequential story and asking what emerges from the story as a whole. This article will focus on that broader level of theological reflection, dealing with the issues as a set of recurring questions, and paying most attention to the implications of the way the Torah, the Prophets, the Writings, and the New Testament speak of Israel. Although the Torah, the Prophets, and the Writings stand alone as the Jewish scriptures and one can ask about the significance of Israel in their context, the New Testament sees itself as picking up from them. There are significant parallels between the New and Old Testaments’ frameworks of thinking about Israel, as well as developments in the New Testament in light of Jesus’ coming. The diversity between the Testaments is not so different from the diversity within the Jewish scriptures, and this article will therefore interweave discussion of Israel in the two Testaments.

Since October 2020 there is a new actor in Israel's maritime space and energy sector after the Chevron Corporation acquired Noble Energy. This article examines the first year under the headings: financial aspects, regional politics, the UAE and the Abraham Accords, the EastMed natural gas pipeline, security aspects, Chevron and local companies and scandals and environmental aspects. The analysis determines the historical significances and projects ways forward, for a win–win outcome for Chevron and Israel. Chevron has ability to make the EastMed pipeline happen may also have positive ramifications for regional politics. Israel as a regulator will not permit Chevron to gain a larger stake of the gas fields, or even increase prices to the IEC and so to consumers. Israel will aim to ensure that Chevron will not cut corners that could result in labour issues, health and safety dangers, and environmental catastrophe. The Israel Navy has procured four new warships, to meet the gas fields' direct security needs, permitting a Brown Water doctrine shift while enabling enhanced power projection capability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the sixty years between 1948 and 2008, Israel's relationship with the movement of Messianic Jews developed in light of changes in Israeli society. Although wide circles of Israeli Jews consider Messianic Jews to be converts to Christianity, Messianic Jews describe themselves simply as "Jewish believers in Jesus (Yeshua)." Israeli religious discourse often identified them with Christian missionaries, and in some cases, missionary organizations were indeed transformed into congregations of Messianic Jews, at times operating directly through their organizations and at other times indirectly. Israeli authorities worked to prevent the spread of the movement and its activities in the country. The "Jewish believers in Jesus" in Israel faced various forms of defamation and harassment, administrative obstacles, and legal restrictions including a denial of the right to apply for Israeli citizenship through the Law of Return, a right guaranteed to all Jews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper demonstrates exegetically that God's prophesied gathering of the Israelites in Deuteronomy 30,1-10 can happen only after repentance and a return to devoted service of God, which is made possible by a divine or spiritual regenerative work on the minds and moods of Israel. This is supported by evidence that this pericopé was an intentional chiasm giving focus to this theme. Current relevance theologically is argued on the basis of how this understanding of Deuteronomy 30,1-10 can be applied to renewed and ongoing debate over the literal versus spiritual future fulfillment of, especially the timing of, Israel's restoration as a "nation." In particular this has implications for the current discussions over so-called Replacement Theology or Supercessionism, wherein some have tended to base evaluations on political correctness over exegesis. The question here clarified is what role this passage plays in regard to the nature of renewed Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Kalisher's messianic innovations asserted the centrality of a renewal of offerings on the altar to the creation of a linear path to redemption. Despite the common convention, his ideas were not disregarded by his peers and followers. In fact, while his ideas did not predetermine the rabbinic discourse, halakhic questions concerning the rebuilding of the Temple and its laws became quite popular and common. Surprisingly, lay figures, as well as several Talmudic scholars, kept this messianic idea alive. Indeed, from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, such figures published numerous works calling for concrete efforts to rebuild the Temple and renew the offerings. These findings shed light on the renewed religious Zionist interest in this method of reconnecting with God and promoting the final redemption, which is neither new, nor does it deviate from known and publicly articulated ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT The author's aim in writing this article is to describe how the history of conflict is about the establishment or formation of a country. Regarding the discussion to be discussed in this article, the conflict that resulted in a war in the formation or establishment of the State of Israel within the territory of Arab countries including the Palestinian territories. Then, regarding the research method that will be used in writing this article is to use method library research where, in writing this article, it is done by looking for reference sources from journals, books, and scientific papers based on the title to be studied in this article. Then the results of the discussion of this article reveal that the history of the establishment of the State of Israel occurred because of the struggle for territorial power again over the glory of an ancestral nation in the past, until finally a nation that had an ancestral civilization in the past wanted to control the place again. For example, the Jewish nation wants the establishment of a state, namely the State of Israel. The nation controlled the Palestinian mainland slowly by slowly, until finally the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 resulted in a great war with the Arab nations around it, the war ended in 1973 and a peaceful agreement was made.

Since exile, the galut , is an outcome of Israel's defeat, the Jewish political tradition rests on the quest of the least bad solution. This contrasts with Greek-Western political theory. Residing in foreign kingdoms, Jews had to accept their domination and invest in ways to survive in hostile environments. The article shows how rabbinical literature invented a kind of proto-theory of survival and opens opportunities for Jewish agency. Even the State of Israel, generally seen as a rupture in Jewish history, fits into this traditional political logic of survival in exile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the consequences of the digital heritagization of domestic photographs that the State of Israel has initiated as part of its aspiration to settle increasing tensions between traditional national values and modern identities in Israel's Jewish hegemonic social sphere. The process has been realized through the implementation of the community-based crowdsourcing initiative Israel Revealed to the Eye. Launched in 2011, it was designed to identify valued expressions of perceived national heritage in the photographs kept in the households of Israeli citizens across the country, and incorporate them into a centralized database for their safeguarding, study and public deployment. The article opens with an investigation of the various circumstances that have officially led the state to consider domestic photographs as cultural resources of national significance. As well as examining whose heritage the digitized photographs effectively safeguard once absorbed into the database, it then analyzes how their collection through coordinated crowdsourcing activities has reconditioned definitions and understanding of national heritage in the country. In doing so, the article demonstrates that the digital heritagization of the photographs has assisted in mitigating citizens' conflictual approaches to Israel's national heritage without repressing contestations of the dominant cultural status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

R. Ḥaim David Halevy was an exceptional voice in the Religious-Zionist camp in Israel. While espousing faithfulness to the halakhah, he recognized the importance of changing circumstances with respect both to halakhic rulings and philosophical issues arising in Hebrew law. He viewed the study of history as a practical imperative, necessary to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past. Frequently adducing biblical texts, he argued that Israel must learn from the patriarchs and maintain a strong military force. In particular, the events leading to the destruction of the Temple and exile prompted him to posit that the State should remain neutral and not take an active part in international affairs. On the basis of the historiographical and prophetic literature, he maintained that fidelity to the divine covenant – i.e., ethical conduct – would safeguard Israel's existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Kalisher’s messianic innovations asserted the centrality of a renewal of offerings on the altar to the creation of a linear path to redemption. Despite the common convention, his ideas were not disregarded by his peers and followers. In fact, while his ideas did not predetermine the rabbinic discourse, halakhic questions concerning the rebuilding of the Temple and its laws became quite popular and common. Surprisingly, lay figures, as well as several Talmudic scholars, kept this messianic idea alive. Indeed, from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, such figures published numerous works calling for concrete efforts to rebuild the Temple and renew the offerings. These findings shed light on the renewed religious Zionist interest in this method of reconnecting with God and promoting the final redemption, which is neither new, nor does it deviate from known and publicly articulated ideas.

This essay explores the approach of the World Council of Churches (WCC) to the theological questions involved in Jewish‐Christian relations, while also noting connections between these questions and political factors. The first part focuses on WCC assemblies. At Amsterdam in 1948, a brief document emphasized four key issues: the relationship of the Jewish people to God and to the Church; antisemitism; mission; and the State of Israel. At subsequent assemblies, especially after 1967, with attention focusing on the Israel‐Palestine conflict and the plight of the Palestinians, theological discussion of these questions was avoided. The second part of the essay turns to the discussion of these four questions at other levels of the WCC, also considering the wider context of this discussion in the varied approaches developed among WCC member churches. A major theme throughout the essay is that because of the spectrum of ecclesiastical and regional affiliations across member churches, theological discussion of these questions has been controversial within the WCC. If its output in this field of theological work has therefore understandably been limited in comparison with that of some member churches and ecumenical partners, the WCC does nevertheless have a unique capacity to play a convening role for discussion of these difficult questions between Christians of different traditions and from very different political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1948 and1967, Muslim cemeteries in the State of Israel saw many changes. The present article examines how the state elected to treat the many deserted Muslim cemeteries within its limits: should these cemeteries be protected by the Jewish state? Or should they be demolished, their remains removed from the evolving Israeli landscape? Israeli archival sources facilitate the study of this phenomenon, highlighting the duplicitous nature of the Israeli bureaucratic approach toward Muslim cemeteries. Charged with safeguarding the sites, the Ministry of Religious Affairs' Muslim and Druze Department attempted to confront the state's propensity to evacuate the cemeteries and use the vacant space for different needs. Yet, at the same time, other Israeli actors – various governmental offices, municipalities, and even the army – played a part in the process of neglect, damage, and appropriation that these cemeteries suffered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important aspect of Ukraine-Israel relations -- the history of the creation of a free trade zone between the two states is revealed in the article. Based on materials from current archives and open source data, the dynamic work process of preparation for signing the corresponding interstate agreement, its ratification by the parliaments of the countries is shown. It was found that it is a voluminous and labor-intensive process that requires consideration of the interests of the national economies of the two states; the creation of a free trade area has been the subject of many bilateral negotiations. Even the ratification of the agreement by the parliaments of the states for some objective reasons did not become a quick process. The national interests of the parties are taken into account in the relevant interstate document. Economic connections have always been an important and promising component of Ukrainian-Israeli relations. However, the parties have repeatedly pointed to the unsatisfactory level of economic relations. The interstate agreement on the establishment of a free trade zone between Ukraine and the State of Israel has its pros and cons, but in general we can talk about a significant improvement in many indicators that it can potentially bring. Although the process of creating a free trade area is incomplete, its study all the same is important in view of the importance of creating such a zone for both foreign economic relations of Ukraine and Israel and for development of friendly bilateral relations between them in general. While the agreement is not implemented, we have to be satisfied with the positive dynamics of economic relations, which is reflected in statistical indicators. They testify that the State of Israel is a very important trade partner of Ukraine in the Middle East. The Free trade area should bring beneficial results to Ukraine and Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although many changes have occurred and accumulated significantly in Arab society in Israel and in the majority-minority relationship, the great class gap between Arabs and Jewish has been retained. This gap depends on the division of the resources in Israeli society. Inequality in this division and in the social relations between Jewish and Arabs continues, although there are indications that it is lessening. It is difficult to speak about co-existence and peace between Jews and Arabs, since today the Arabs of Israel are integrated in Israeli society primarily by negative and involuntary forces, such as economic dependency, political heresy, and social ecological isolation (Smooha, 2011: 13). The present research focuses only on the Muslim Arab population integrated into the security forces in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before 1948, and stretching back more than 1800 years, the Jewish people suffered all the problems of statelessness. The Zionist movement, 1897–1948, strove to end the condition of Jewish exile and statelessness. The great historical irony and tragedy is that the establishment of the State of Israel brought about the Nakba, the catastrophe, of the Palestinian people. Both the Israelis and the Palestinians see themselves as the victims of the conflict. They seem to be competitors in what I call a "suffering sweepstakes." One of the problems with victimhood is that it prevents victims from assuming responsibility for their actions, including the victimization of others. In the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, both sides are victims and both sides are victimizers. The least helpful thing people can do – and regrettably many well‐meaning people do this – is to portray the situation in terms of a zero‐sum game, in which, if you're pro‐Palestinian, you must be anti‐Israeli, and vice versa. We must be both pro‐Palestinian and pro‐Israeli, because we are pro‐people and, therefore, pro‐peace. The achievement of peace necessitates a two‐state solution based on some recognition of the two narratives. The best fulfilment of Zionism will come when there is a Palestinian state alongside the State of Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the recent Israeli Nationality Law within a historical context. It argues that the law in many ways manifests the settler-colonial identity of the State of Israel and as such the law embodies clearly both the achievements of the Zionist movement and Zionist future designs. The law is not an extreme right-wing document but rather an accurate reflection of the major characteristics of the Zionist settler-colonial movement in Palestine. Like all settler-colonial movements, the Zionist movement strove to include as few Palestinians as possible in it. The incomplete implementation of this goal during the 1948 Nakba has informed Israeli policies since 1948 and are the best explanation for the 2018 Nationality Law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a pastoral theological perspective, the article identifies the current tasks that Christians face in combating anti-Semitism - above all in Germany and Austria. In contrast to the abundance of magisterial and theological materials available to pastoral leaders, the subject of anti-Semitism is not yet a structured research topic of this academic discipline. In the absence of representative empirical studies, the author describes anti-Jewish as well as anti-Semitic phenomena in the pastoral field based on three different terms of anti-Semitism. Special attention is paid to the classical dimensions of the Church's proclamation, the encounter with contemporary Judaism and anti-Judaism as genuinely theological phenomenon. The article is intended to be a first programmatic draft that aiming to trigger an intensive discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with attempt to research when exactly religion has become an important part of the Arab–Israeli conflict. The article attempts to research ideas of the religious Zionism and suggests the thesis about the appearance of the religious factor before the actual beginning of the conflict, but in the hidden form. The article analyzes consequences of the Six–Day War and is suggested to consider the beginning of a widespread engagement of religion to the conflict explicitly from 1967 on both sides of the conflict. Also, the article contains a number of main conclusions and attempts to outline a further vector of research related not only to the role of religion in this conflict, but also to the importance of other factors, in particular their significance in a peaceful settlement of the conflict. The ideologues of religious Zionism did not indicate in their texts, and perhaps they did not think about it at all, that other non–Jewish people live there in the territory of the Eretz Yisrael. The question of what to do with these people and how to combine the creation of the Jewish state with the vision of the future of this land by local mostly Arab people religious Zionism at that time does not yet pondering, but explanation of the necessity to establish a Jewish state in Palestine by the religious requirements gives a certain beginning to the issue of the role of religion in the future conflict. It can be said that religious Zionism at that time conducts a certain one–sided ideological struggle with a Palestinian, mostly Muslim population, which at that time did not have its own strong voice and was not represented in this ideological dimension. Religion is not the only significant factor of this conflict. In addition to religious, it is necessary to allocate at least political, economic, cultural and military factors. Moreover, political and economic scales may also be effective fields in attempts to resolve the Arab–Israeli conflict peacefully. Further research of these factors is undeniably necessary and relevant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A coalition of women from all walks of life was common in women’s activism at the beginning of the twentieth century. The recognition of the importance of the empowerment of women through autonomous, public activity was also shared among the women’s organisations that decided to cooperate in the political arena in Eretz Israel. Their collaboration indicates the importance they attached to the commitment to united action that was based on the acceptance of Zionist principles, on the one hand, and their aspiration to overcome what separated them, on the other. The women’s coalition overcame geographical distance and differences in class or political and social orientation, while challenging the old consensus and the boundaries of exclusion and inclusion prevailing in Zionist society. This article focuses on the collaboration between women’s organisations of labour Zionism and middle-class Zionism of various national affiliations, thus forming a transnational coalition in the build-up to statehood. Their claims, activities and modes of operation in the fields of politics and economics are analysed alongside the results and the effect of their efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with role of religion and religious figures in attempts of peaceful settlement of the Arab–Israeli conflict. The article attempts to determine the time frame for the beginning of the involvement of religious leaders in the negotiation process within the Arab–Israeli conflict, provides a number of examples of cooperation between Jewish, Muslim and Christian leaders in the context of attempts to resolve the conflict. Also, the article contains a number of main conclusions that come out of today’s interaction of religious leaders and attempt to identify the causes of such results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The involvement of diasporas in the advent of modern nationalism is not a new phenomenon: already in the 19th century some diasporas wanted to 'normalise' their national existence by building a state of their own. However, with the growing globalisation trend in the 199'0s , especially in the areas of transportation and communication, Benedict Anderson put forward the idea of long-distance nationalism (LDN), as a new way of linking diasporas and the national project and thus creating a more intense sense of belonging. LDN has been characterised by him as having two main features: its unaccountability which allows for intense political radicalism, and its instrumental function for strengthening ethnic identity in the diaspora and thus a sense of belonging. I will test those hypotheses in the case of the archetypal Jewish diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the identity labels attached to the Palestinians in Israel resulted from a reciprocal interchange of ideas between the Israeli political establishment and the Palestinians themselves, as part of the struggle over identity between the two parties. Each side chose identity labeling criteria that fit its narrative. This shows that such labels are not mere terms but rather serve through their historical evolution and political context to reflect the struggle for collective identity by Palestinian citizens among themselves as well as with the Zionist establishment of Israel, and highlights their symbolic significance. The main question which this paper attempts to answer is how the collective identity of the Palestinian citizens of Israel was shaped and determined within the Israeli context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the important role played by the Soviet Union in the salvation of Jews during World War II and its support for the creation of the state of Israel. Topics discussed include the influence of the Soviet Union on the discussion about the future of Palestine in the critical period of the war. Further discussion is offered on the Soviet policy towards the Jewish community of Palestine.