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Copyright of International Journal of Kurdish Studies is the property of International Journal of Kurdish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ÖZ: Bu çalışmada II. Abdülhamid döneminden II. Meşrutiyet dönemine miras kalan Osmanlı Devlet’in göç politikası, Kürt muhacir ve mülteciler özelinde karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde değerlendirilmektedir. Buna göre II. Abdülhamid döneminde, yoğun bir Müslüman muhacir topluluğunun Osmanlı topraklarına gelmesine, Müslüman nüfusun artmasına yol açacağı için olumsuz bir nazarla bakılmadığı görülmektedir. Zira çoğunluğunu Kafkasya’dan gelenlerin oluşturduğu bu muhacirler; savaş, kıtlık, Kürt aşiretlerinin saldırıları veya ekonomik sıkıntılardan ötürü çareyi göç etmekte bulan Ermenilerin bıraktıkları topraklara iskân edilecekleri için doğuda daha güvenli bir bölge oluşturulabilecektir. Bu yaklaşım Meşrutiyet’in ilanından bir süre sonra devam etse de zaman içerisinde bazı değişiklikler yaşanmış, özellikle Türkçülük düşüncesinin bürokraside hâkim olması nedeniyle Müslüman muhacirlerin iskânında İslamî bakış açısının yerini daha çok milliyet eksenli bir anlayış almıştır. Öyle ki Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda savaş mıntıkalarından kaçmak zorunda kalan çok sayıda Kürt mülteci, milliyet ekseninde iskân edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Böyle bir politika izlenmesindeki temel amaç ise göçebe-yarı göçebe bir yaşam sürdüren Kürtlerin, Türklerin çoğunlukta olduğu Anadolu içlerine iskân edilerek yerleşik hayata geçişlerinin sağlanmasıdır. Bu sayede, vergi ve askerlik gibi birtakım mükellefiyetleri yerine getirecekleri planlanmış; kimliklerini, yaşam tarzlarını değiştirmeleriyle birlikte ise faydalı bir unsur olmaları hedeflenmiştir. ABSTRACT: The present study comparatively analyzed the migration policy of the Ottoman Empire inherited from the reign of Abdülhamid II to the Second Constitutional Period, with a special focus on Kurdish muhajirs (migrants, coined from the Arabic word meaning “one who migrated from Mecca to Medina”) and refugees. In this regard, it was observed that the arrival of a significantly large Muslim muhajir group to the Ottoman lands was not viewed negatively during the reign of Abdülhamid II, as it would lead to an increase in the Muslim population. The reason behind this was that these muhajirs, the majority of whom came from the Caucasus, would be settled in the lands left by Armenians who had migrated due to war, famine, attacks by Kurdish tribes, or economic difficulties, and thus a safer region could be created in the east. Although this approach was maintained for an extended period of time after the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, certain changes occurred over time, and the Islamic perspective was replaced by a more nationalist-oriented understanding in the resettlement of Muslim muhajirs, especially as the Turkist idea became dominant in the bureaucracy. Thus, attempts were made to settle many Kurdish refugees fleeing from the war zones during the First World War on the axis of nationality. The main purpose of such a policy was to ensure that the Kurds, who led a nomadic or semi-nomadic life, were settled in Anatolia, where Turks were the majority. In this way, it was envisioned that they would fulfill certain obligations, such as taxation and military service, and that by changing their identities and lifestyles, could become a useful element.

The present study comparatively analyzed the migration policy of the Ottoman Empire inherited from the reign of Ab dülhamid II to the Second Constitutional Period, with a special focus on Kurdish muhajirs (migrants, coined from the Arabic word meaning "one who migrated from Mecca to Medina") and refugees. In this regard, it was observed that the arrival of a significantly large Muslim muhajir group to the Ottoman lands was not viewed negatively during the reign of Abdülhamid II, as it would lead to an increase in the Muslim population. The reason behind this was that these muhajirs, the majority of whom came from the Caucasus, would be settled in the lands left by Armenians who had migrated due to war, famine, attacks by Kurdish tribes, or economic difficulties, and thus a safer region could be created in the east. Although this approach was maintained for an extended period of time after the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, certain changes occurred over time, and the Islamic perspective was replaced by a more nationalist-oriented understanding in the resettlement of Muslim muhajirs, especially as the Turkist idea became dominant in the bureaucracy. Thus, attempts were made to settle many Kurdish refugees fleeing from the war zones during the First World War on the axis of nationality. The main purpose of such a policy was to ensure that the Kurds, who led a nomadic or semi-nomadic life, were settled in Anatolia, where Turks were the majority. In this way, it was envisioned that they wouldfulfill certain obligations, such as taxation and military service, and that by changing their identities and lifestyles, could become a useful element. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the official Turkish-British relations of 1583, the relations, which were thought to have continued at an equal level until the last quarter of the 19th century, started to follow a completely different course with the coming to power of W.E. Gladstone. In this latest course the British state mind which aimed to destroy the Ottoman Empire, sent orientalist researchers to Ottoman lands to examine many areas, especially the Ottoman social structure. It is found out that these orientalists, whose identities include doctors, soldiers, teachers, and nurses, came to the Ottoman lands having finished serious training. Edward William Charles Noel, the subject of the article, was sent to the Middle East as a representative of the aforementioned orientalists. The personnel file of Noel, who conducted various studies and missions in the Caucasus, Iran, Iraq, and Eastern Anatolia, is in the British Library and has not been brought to light by Turkish academicians until today. The file, which deals with his education and achievements, includes very essential data. The subject of the article involves Noel's mission around Sulaymaniyah, his research on the Kurds, and what happened after the attempt to suppress the Sivas Congress. In addition, the criticisms and reactions of the British statesmen towards the activities of Noel during the process were also discussed in terms of reflecting the British state mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the successful conclusion of the National Struggle by the Turks, the Lausanne Peace Conference came to the fore when the Allies invited the governments in Ankara and Istanbul to talks with a note dated October 27, 1922. GNAT government abolished the reign on November 1, 1922 and attended the conference on behalf of the Turkish nation alone. The issue of minorities had an important place in the new world order to be established at the end of World War I. At the Lausanne Peace Conference, besides many other issues, the issue of minorities was also brought up. During the talks, no separate agenda item was opened regarding the Kurds, and the word "Kurdistan" was not discussed. In this way, the Kurdish issue was negotiated indirectly within the scope of the minority issue. At the conference, especially England, made brought up the expansion of the concept of minority as racial, linguistic and religious minorities. The Turkish delegation, on the other hand, made the definition of the concept of minority according to Islamic law and argued that the Kurds are not a minority in the country, but that they are the main element. The Turkish delegation strongly opposed the concept of a Muslim minority within the borders of the National Pact. The Turkish delegation insisted that Turks and Kurds are an inseparable whole in the negotiations. The Turkish delegation, in the definition of minority; He suggested that the criterion of being a Muslim should be taken into account instead of the criteria of race, language and religion. In line with Turkey's request, the view that non-Muslims should be considered as a minority and that the criteria should be determined on religious basis was accepted. Only non-Muslims were counted as minorities as a result of the fact that the items related to minorities were handled close to the Turkish view in the negotiations. The acceptance of the Turkish delegation's proposal at the Lausanne Peace Conference was a development that clearly changed the British policies regarding the Kurds in favor of the Turks. Thus, the Kurdish issue ceased to be an international issue for a long time, as it was handled within the scope of minorities at the Lausanne Peace Conference. Thus, the Kurdish issue has turned into an internal issue of Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran by staying within its own borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nestorians living in the Hakkari Sanjak of the Empire started to create problems within the weakening Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century with the encouragement of the Western missionaries. The Nestorians began ignoring the authority of the Empire because of the promises of independence made by England and Russia. Nestorians continued to maintain their relations with western powers on the eve of World War I. They wanted to go under Russian protection, it was particularly the case after the operations carried out by the Russians in the South Caucasus. On the other hand, the Ottoman Empire took some measures including tax exemptions in order to increase the loyalty of the Nestorians to the state and decrease the influence of the western power over them. Furthermore, the Nestorians were promised with arms supplies by the state so that they would not engage in activities against the state. However, the efforts of the Ottoman Empire did not produce any results. Mor Şemun, the leader of the Nestorians, allied with the Russians and decided to support the Allies in World War I. Following that decision, the Ottoman Empire deployed soldiers including the ones from the Kurdish tribes to the region. Ultimately, the Nestorians were defeated by the Ottoman forces and migrated to Iran. This study, in the light of archival sources, aims to investigate the Nestorian revolts that became a significant problem in the Hakkari Sanjak as they joined World War I on the side of the Allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

1921 yılında kurulan Irak Krallığı, General Kasım ve arkadaşları tarafından 14 Temmuz 1958 tarihinde gerçekleştirilen ihtilal ile devrilmiş ve ülkede Cumhuriyet ilan edilerek “Irak Cumhuriyeti” kurulmuştur. Ülkenin başında bulunan Kral II.Faysal, Veliaht Abdullah ve Başbakan Nuri Sait Paşa olaylar sırasında öldürülürken, yönetime General Abdülkerim Kasım hakim olmuştur. Komünistler ile Kürtlere dayanarak ülkeyi yönetmeye çalışan General Kasım, içlerinde yakın arkadaşlarının da bulunduğu milliyetçileri ise tasfiye etmeye ve sindirmeye başlamıştır. Bu durum, Komünist-Kürt İttifakı’nın doğup özellikle Irak’ın kuzey bölgelerinde etkin olmaya çalışmalarına yol açarken, milliyetçiler başta olmak üzere ülkenin pek çok kesimi tarafından tepkiye karşılanmıştır. Bu tarz bir yönetim anlayışıyla hareket eden General Kasım ve desteklediği Kürt-Komünist İttifakı ise önce Kerkük’te 24-26 Ekim Olaylarının, ardından da Musul’da Albay Şevvaf İsyanı’nın çıkmasına sebep olmuştur. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmada, 14 Temmuz 1958 İhtilali neticesinde özellikle Irak’ın kuzeyinde yaşanan gelişmeler, şiddet olayları ve gerek Irak içinde gerekse uluslararası arenada doğurduğu sonuçlar ağırlıklı olarak Türk basınına yansıdığı şekliyle ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır.

Bu çalışmada, Arap Baharı sonrasında Irak Kürt bölgesinde yaşanan gelişmeler bağlamında, İran’ın Bağdat’la Erbil arasındaki güç dengesini koruma çabaları analiz edilmektedir. İran’ın söz konusu güç dengesini sağlamaya yönelik stratejileri bu kavramın bir alt unsuru olan dengeleme yöntemlerinin varsayımlarıyla önemli benzerlikler göstermektedir. Öte yandan, devletleri dengeleme davranışına başvurmaya motive eden faktörlerle, İran’ı Irak’ta dengeleme yönünde bir strateji benimsemeye sevk eden koşullar arasında da benzerlikler görülmektedir. Güç dengesine dair tanımlardan hareketle bu kavramın bir dış politika stratejisi olarak da kullanılabileceği hipotezine dayanılarak bu çalışmada, İran’ın Irak Kürtleriyle ilişkilerinin dengeleme aracılığıyla güç dengesini sağlama önermesi üzerinden açıklanabileceği iddia edilmektedir. Bu iddiayı somutlaştırmak adına çalışma, yöntem olarak 2011 sonrasında yaşanan bazı siyasi gelişmeleri örnek olay incelemeleri olarak ele almaktadır. Bunların başında Arap Baharı’nın etkilerinin Irak Kürt bölgesinde görülmesi sonrasında Kürt partiler arasında ortaya çıkan rekabet durumu gelmektedir. Bir diğer önemli mesele, DAEŞ terör örgütünün Kürt bölgelerine saldırması ve son olarak Eylül 2017’de Irak’ın kuzeyinde bir bağımsızlık referandumunun gerçekleştirilmesidir. Özetle, bu çalışmada tüm bu gelişmeler sırasında benimsenen İran dış politikası, devletlerin dengeleme motivasyonları ve stratejileri bağlamında analiz edilmektedir.

1923 tarihli Lozan Barış Antlaşması’yla birlikte yeni Türk devletinin sınırları büyük ölçüde belirlenmişti. Ancak Irak’la olan sınırın belirlenmesi sonraki bir tarihe bırakılmıştı. Suriye sınırı ise fiilen son şeklini almamıştı. Bu çalışmada bu iki devletin yanı sıra İran ile Türkiye’nin 1923-1940 yılları arasındaki sınır ilişkileri ele alınmıştır. Bu ilişkilerin seyrini etkileyen en önemli hususlar Türkiye ile sınırların çizilmesinin gecikmesi, Irak ve Suriye’de kurulan İngiliz ve Fransız mandater yönetimlerin Türkiye aleyhtarı politikalarının yanı sıra devrin ve bölgenin kendine özgü koşullarıdır. Çalışma sonunda görülmüştür ki komşuluk ilişkilerinin düzelmesi ve alınan diğer tedbirlerle birlikte sınırlarda emniyet ve huzur ortamı sağlanabilmiştir.

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mirza Musa Khan-ı Ensari served as Iranian Charge d'affaires in Van, Hakkari and Bitlis between 1883 and 1887, and during this time he reported the information he obtained from the field in 1888, when his term of office ended, and dedicated the report to Kachar ruler Nasireddin Shah with the name of 'Zübdeü'l-Vekâyî'. Musa Han's work in question is a very important and unique work consisting of the observations of an experienced diplomat on the historical, geographical, ethnographic, economic, administrative, ecological and socio-cultural structure of Van-Hakkari-Bitlis and its surrounding regions. In the work, information from primary sources about border designation and border commissions, as well as the mutual diplomatic relations of the Ottoman, Iranian, British and Russian states, are given, and extremely specific field information about Kurds, Armenians, Assyrian-Nestorians is shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mervânî Devleti, sınırları değişmekle beraber günümüzde Türkiye’nin Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi ve Doğu Anadolu’nun bazı şehirleri ile Musul’a kadar uzanan alanı kontrol etmiştir. Devletin kurucusu olan Bâd b. Dostık öldürülünce Ebu Ali (380/990) onun yerine geçmiştir. Ebu Ali, hükümdar olduktan sonra Bâd’ın aksine komşularıyla barışçıl ilişkiler tesis etmiştir. Ebu Ali’nin bu politikası kendisinden sonraki hükümdarlar tarafından da benimsenmiştir. Ebu Ali, Hamdanî tehdidini bertaraf ettikten sonra Mervânî sınırlarının kuzey kesimi ile ilgili hesapları olan Bizans İmparatorluğu ile karşı karşıya gelmiş ve yapılan mücadelenin ardından aralarında barış anlaşması imzalanmıştır. Ebu Ali, halkına karşı hoşgörülü bir siyaset takip etmiştir. Bu tavrı, Meyyâfârikîn’de bazı sorunların büyümesinde etkili olmuş ve sonunda aldığı radikal bir kararla muhaliflerini oradan sürmüştür. Ebu Ali’nin sürdüğü pek çok kimse Âmid’de toplanmıştır. Bu topluluk benzer bir durumu yaşayacakları korkusuyla Ebu Ali’yi Amid’de öldürmüştür. Bu çalışmamızda 978 ile 1085 yılları arasında Diyâr-ı Bekr Bölgesi’nde hüküm sürmüş ve bölgeye önemli katkılar sağlamış Mervânî Devleti Hükümdarı Ebu Ali’nin hayatı ele alıncaktır.

The article examines the relation between labor movements and politics by focusing on the Kurdish coal heavers' strike which took place in Istanbul in the November of 1910. It investigates the language and practices of the state institutions and socialists, police reports, socialist press and minutes of the Parliament to analyze the ways in which the strike moved out of its initial context of struggle between laborer and employer. It moved into a power field in which the most important topics of the Second Constitutional Period, like freedom of speech, state-society relations and relations between different ethnic groups, were discussed. In these debates, socialist saw the strike as a supra-ethnic movement and presented it to the public within an Ottomanist framework. Lastly, the article highlights the historiographical questions which emerge due the fact that our knowledge about Kurdish workers of the strike whose political representation is limited, are based on sources produced by members of other ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Iran’s efforts to maintain the balance of power in the region within the context of the developments in the Iraqi Kurdish region after the Arab Spring. Iran’s strategies to maintain this balance have shown similarities with the assumptions of balancing, which is a sub-element of the balance of power theory. In addition to these assumptions, the motivational aspect of balancing significantly resembles the circumstances that urge Iran’s balancing strategies in Iraq. This study utilizes various conceptualizations of the balance of power to emphasize that balancing is a foreign policy strategy. This emphasis it argues that Iran’s relations with the Iraqi Kurds are an example of ensuring balance of power via balancing. To clarify this argument, case study methodology is used mainly for examining the political developments after 2011. The most important of these was the rivalry between the Kurdish parties after the Arab Spring. Another was the ISIS attacks on Kurdish regions and lastly, the northern Iraqi independence referendum September 2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Iranian Studies / İran Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Iranian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Iranian Studies / İran Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Iranian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Erciyes Universitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Erciyes Universitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the founding of the new states with the aim of reaching the Mediterranean in the Balkans Russia realizing the difficulty of this task began seeking for ways. Russia planned to reach the Mediterranean via Eastern Anatolia. To this end she, on one hand, tried to win the Armenians and the Kurds over. On the other, she provoked them against each other and incited enmity between the Armenians and the Kurds. As a result of the Russian exertions some of the Kurdish tribes, such as the Bedirhans, approached Russia. Armenians, meanwhile, having decided to take their position in the ranks of the Russian Army began conscripting voluntary Armenian youth in Tbilisi. Upon the developments, some Armenians deserting the Ottoman Army to join the Russian Army, and some staying the Ottoman territories launched rebellions. Owing to the rebellions Russian Army easily marched over Van and occupied Malazgirt on 11 May 1915, Gevaş on 18 May and Van the city on 20 May 1915 with ease. What is more, the key to the city was presented to the Russian General Nikolai Nikolayevich Yudenich by the Armenians living in the city. As a result of the gesture, Russia allowed the Armenians to set up a provisionary government in Van. Later the Ottoman Army, with a counter operation took the Russian occupied territories of Malazgirt, Adilcevaz and Karaköse back. Russians, in return, took some decisions. One such decision was the moving of the Armenians living in the region to the Caucasus. This study concentrates on the causes and effects of the forced removal of the Armenians by the Russians. Moreover, the study seeks to find an answer to the number of the Armenians moved and the hardships they faced on their route to the Caucasus through the documents found in the Ottoman archives and in the relevant Armenian literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Khalidism has a special place in the sufi movements in the Islamic world in the 19st century. Khalidism, where the mujaddid sheikh Mawlana Khalid laid his foundation in Shahrazor, had the oppurtunıty to spread to a large part of the Islamıc geography during his years in Baghdad and Demascus. The firs serious support for Mawlana Khalid came without doubt from Shahrazur and the surrounding Kurdish elite. Membership of these personalities from Shahrazur, most of whom are members of the scientific class, to influential families and tribes, ıt accelerated the spread of Khalidism in this region. Similarly, the support for Khalidism in Shahrazur soon came from Kurds living in Iraq, Iran and Anatolia. Khalidism spread rapidly among the Kurds and started to establish a strong social base. This situation also affected the Qadirî families such as Barzanji, Takabani, Haydari Birifkani in Iraq, Nahri, Arwasi, Fırsafi and Abri in Anatolia, Sheikh Baba, Sure and Gashihanî in İran. While some of these families opposed to Khalidism, some preferred to remain neutral and some families preferred to carry out their sufi activities under the umbrella of this new formation. In this article, we will try to examine the approach of Qadirî families against Khalidism, who were active among the Kurds in the 19st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nusaybin, Anadolu’nun en kadim şehirlerinden biri olup Asurlulardan günümüze kadar birçok medeniyete ev sahipliği yapmış ve çok sayıda olaya sahne olmuştur. Selahaddin Eyyubî zamanında Nusaybin’den geçen İbn Cübeyr, bölge hakkında olumsuz bir tablo çizmiştir. Söz konusu seyahatten bir sene sonra Türkmenlerle Kürtler arasında baş gösteren kanlı çatışmalar bölgenin hassas bir dönemden geçtiğini göstermektedir. Bu çalışmada Nusaybin şehrinin o dönemdeki coğrafi ve idari yapısının yanı sıra Selahaddin Eyyubî’nin Zengî hanedanına karşı başlattığı iktidar mücadelesinin bölgeye yansımaları ele alınacaktır. Ayrıca etnik ve dinî hareketler ile kıtlık ve depremler gibi hem siyasî hem de ekonomik olarak toplumu geren hadiseler mercek altına alınacaktır. Böylece söz konusu dönemde Nusaybin ve çevresinin siyasî, sosyal ve kültürel yapısına ışık tutulacaktır.

Kafkaslar üzerinden Akdeniz’e inme planında Rusya karşısında Osman ve İran devletlerini bulmuş ancak karışık bir etnik yapıya sahip bu iki güçlü devletin içerisinde ilerlemek için etnik topluluklarla ilişki içerisine girmeyi uygun görmüştür. Bu sebeple Rusya hedef yolu üzerinde bulunan Kürtleri tanıma ve inceleme sürecini başlatmıştır. Kürtlerin dilini öğrenmekle başlayan bu tanıma süreci zamanla Rusları, Kürt edebiyatı oluşturmaya kadar götürmüştür. Rusya bu çalışmaları diğer Avrupa ülkelerinin kürdoloji çalışmalarının aksine tek elden bilimler akademisi ile yürütmüştür. Bu konuyla ilgili kendi araştırmalarını yapan sivil araştırmacılar olduğu gibi Rusya bölgedeki konsolosluk görevlileri ve askeri personelden Kürtlerle ilgili çalışmalar yapılması istenmiştir. Rusya kürdoloji alanındaki çalışmaları günümüze kadar devam ettirmiş ve kendisini bu alanda sürekli geliştirmiştir. Bu çalışmada Rusya’nın kürdoloji konusundaki faaliyetleri ve Rus bilim adamları, askeri görevliler, diplomatların yayımladıkları belli başlı çalışmalar ve raporlar hakkında bilgi verilmesi amaçlanmaktadır. / This Ottoman Empire and Iran were in the region against to Russia which aimed to reach the Mediterranean area over Caucasus. Russia tried to progress by building close relationships with the existing ethnic nations so as to go into the borders of the both states which had a mixed ethnic structure. Therefore, Russia wanted to know Kurd nation which exists on the targeted way. This identification period which started with learning Kurdish language enables Russians to make considerable contributions to the Kurdish literature. In this relation, the institutions were established and some efforts were initiated with the name of Kurdology. Russia, in contrast to the Kurdology works of the other European countries, carried out the relevant studies under the umbrella of Academy of Sciences. The consulate and the military personals along with the civic researchers were asked for making investigations related to Kurds with the commands of Russia. The efforts started in the Russia about the Kurdology field have got continued until now, firstly by Soviet Russia, then by Russian Federation; in this way, Russia have made a lot of progress on this area. The current study examines specifically the activities of Russia regarding the Kurdology subject.

In this study, the life of Marwanid ruler Mumahhid ad-dawla Abu Mansur Said b. Marwan will be handled. Mümehhidüddevle is the third ruler of Marwanids and ruled for thirteen years after his elder brother Abu Ali Hasan who was killed in Âmid in 387/997. He abandoned policy of expanding state borders pursued by Bâd b. Dostık and lived in peace with its neighbors. Upon the peace with Byzantine Empire, Basileious titled him "Magistros" and included him in his alliance. Mümehhidüddevle accepted Abdulbar and Ibn Dimne as his governors who killed his brother and ruled the city of Âmid. He tried to bring his relative Abul Hayca to the power in Aleppo, but Ebül-Heycâ failed. In this period, security structures in the country were strengthened, and public general conditions are improved. Mümehhidüddevle handed over the state administration to his vizir Sharwin, who had involved in the murder of his brother, and got killed by him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Kurdish Studies is the property of International Journal of Kurdish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Being one of the founding leaders, Peter the Great (1672-1725) had a great influence on Russia's achievement of its current position in the international system. Peter the Great, who made his country an empire during his tenure in power, did not satisfy with this status, set a goal for Russia to achieve global power status. He envisaged to reach the warm waters as one of the basic conditions to achieve his goal, and as of this date, the "Policy of Reaching the Hot Seas" has become an unchanging symbol of Russian Foreign Policy. Accordingly depending on this goal, Russia's desire to expand to the south had been resulted in constant competition against the Ottoman Empire. For this reason, the Ottoman Empire had to clash with Russia both in Eastern Europe and in the Caucasus. It is noteworthy that Russia used three basic strategies in its expansion towards the south in this period. These are respectively Panslavism, Pan-Orthodoxy put into practice by being the patroness of the Orthodox under Ottoman rule, and also collaboration with some ethnic elements in the country. The main goal of all three strategies was to weaken the political integrity and national resistance of the Ottoman Empire. As a part of this attrition policy, since the beginning of the 19th century, Russia started to deal with some ethnic elements such as Armenians and Kurds within the Ottoman Empire. This interest had resulted in serious consequences both in the Caucasus region and in the Ottoman geography. Russia's relationship with Kurdish groups has been continuing today, albeit in different dimensions. Therefore, this relationship between the parties is considered to be a factor that the must be taken into account in the formulation of regional policies. For this reason, in this study, the answers to questions such as what kind of outcomes Russia's policy towards Kurds may have resulted in the Middle East and how this may have reflections on regional relations will be sought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Kurdish Studies is the property of International Journal of Kurdish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Kurdish Studies is the property of International Journal of Kurdish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Kurdish Studies is the property of International Journal of Kurdish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu makale tarihte Kürt gruplar tarafından çizilmiş haritaları incelemektedir. Bu kapsamda Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında uluslararası konferanslara konu olmuş haritalar merkeze alınarak sonraki yıllarda çizilmiş Kürdistan haritalarındaki değişim ve değişimin gerekçeleri incelenecektir. Çalışmanın temelinde ise tüm haritalar gibi Kürdistan haritalarının da siyasi, ideolojik amaçlarla çizildiğini iddiası yatmaktadır. Bu kapsamda iddia eleştirel jeopolitiğin iddiaları ile temellendirilmektedir. Çalışmanın birinci bölümü -aynı zamanda teorik arka planı- eleştirel jeopolitiğin harita bilimine ve klasik jeopolitiğe getirdiği yeniliği kapsamaktadır. İkinci bölümde ise Kürt gruplar tarafından çizilen ve Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın ardından tartışmaya açılan haritalar, bu haritalarda zaman içindeki değişimi ve değişimin sebepleri incelenmektedir. Bu yolla haritaların, iktidar, jeo-strateji ve siyasi/tarihsel kanıtlarla kurduğu ilişki üzerinde durulacaktır

Bu makale tarihte Kürt gruplar tarafından çizilmiş haritaları incelemektedir. Bu kapsamda Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında uluslararası konferanslara konu olmuş haritalar merkeze alınarak sonraki yıllarda çizilmiş Kürdistan haritalarındaki değişim ve değişimin gerekçeleri incelenecektir. Çalışmanın temelinde ise tüm haritalar gibi Kürdistan haritalarının da siyasi, ideolojik amaçlarla çizildiğini iddiası yatmaktadır. Bu kapsamda iddia eleştirel jeopolitiğin iddiaları ile temellendirilmektedir. Çalışmanın birinci bölümü -aynı zamanda teorik arka planı- eleştirel jeopolitiğin harita bilimine ve klasik jeopolitiğe getirdiği yeniliği kapsamaktadır. İkinci bölümde ise Kürt gruplar tarafından çizilen ve Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın ardından tartışmaya açılan haritalar, bu haritalarda zaman içindeki değişimi ve değişimin sebepleri incelenmektedir. Bu yolla haritaların, iktidar, jeo-strateji ve siyasi/tarihsel kanıtlarla kurduğu ilişki üzerinde durulacaktır

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bandits in the Ottoman Empire were mostly located in regions far away from the capital where the state authority was limited. In regions like Ottoman Kurdistan where the geography is dominated by mountains and the society is based on tribal system, the banditry was accepted by the state and society as a part of the daily life. Like the inhabitants of the empire, the outsiders, especially the Western travelers, recognized the banditry as part of the daily life in this region and tried to deal with this in different ways. Some perceived this as a dreadful situation, some as a skillfully performed métier, some as a rule and procedure of the region, some as a part of the character of people in Kurdistan, whereas some others as the only means of livelihood. Crossing their path or not, Western travelers have narrated stories of bandits with some wit and sensation in their travelogues and made the voice of these groups, who inhabited in the isolated corners of the empire, heard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Kurdish Studies is the property of International Journal of Kurdish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, basically, writing operations of western intellectuals related Kurds, one of Middle Eastern community, which is biased, full of double standard and far from reality been explained. It is obvious reality that most of intellectuals who think and write on Middle East and Kurds and almost agitate this issue do not know Middle East in person. In this study, it is claimed that intellectuals who mentioned above, write on these issue without sticking to objective information, document and experience. In this general hypothesis, it has been trying to be proven that the expression of "Most populous ethnic group on the world without country" which is raised as related with Kurdish people is not true although it has made subject of a systemized propaganda. In this scope, there are more than twenty samples presented from important study and biased, double standards attitudes of western authors has been revealed within a randomly book selection. It is reviewed that all of these activities may make sense not with regard to scientific but with regard to Orientalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Classical Islamic sources are filled with information about different nations. But, the sources related to language don't mentioned the nations . Despite Taj al-'Arus which is a work Arabic dictionary, he talked about the Kurds in various ways. In this study, it is presented information about the Kurds in Taû'l-Arûs which is a classic work, to the people. In Tâj al-Arûs, a part of the information about the Kurds is given with Kurd, Kurdî, Ekrâd words. The some other information is understood from other sources which are of interest to Kurd or Kurds. The information that on the first choice is explained. The information falling within the scope of the second option is not mentioned. This article can be divided into five categories: Kurdish origin, scholars, tribes, places where they live, and some other different topics. Indeed, az-Zabidi has given a great deal of information about the Kurds in the book of az-Zabīdî, so he clearly states the issues that other sources have never mentioned about the Kurds. Sometimes it tells us that the people or tribe that they are telling is Kurdish, they have many scholars or they have beautiful qualities. According to our az-Zabīdî testimony which has benefited from many classical Islamic sources, Muhammad al-Bhdani of Muhammad al-Hamdî has most benefited from the subject we have discussed in this article [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Armenians and Kurds who had a lot of interest from the great powers such as Russia, England and Germany were living in the Caucasus, Iran and the Ottoman Empire. These elements who had different religions and cultures also differed in daily life style. Armenians and the Kurds did not show any integrity amongst themselves. The most important thing that divided these nations was the fact that they had no common sect. Kurds were Muslims, but they were part of both Sunni and Shia sects; so they were divided. Armenians; however, were the people who were affected the most by the missionaries; so they accepted their religious views and even their policies. There were also policy clashes between the Armenians themselves. This fact made the guidance of these two nations by the great powers much easier. Russia, who made plans to invade Eastern Anatolia, imposed some policies in order to take the Ottoman Armenians and Kurds by their side. They used some Kurdish tribe leaders as consultants for that purpose. They made use of the fact that some tribes did not particularly like the westernization policies of the Ottoman Empire and turned those tribes into rebels. Therefore, some Kurdish tribes were affected by the affection they got from Russia and cooperated with them against the Ottoman Empire. Russia also acquired the Armenian cause. In this study, it is aimed at revealing the policies that Russia followed in Eastern Anatolia, especially in Bitlis. We will also look at how the relations were between the Kurds and the Armenians amongst each other and how their relations were with the state as well as the uprisings in Bitlis that took place in 1913 and 1914. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottoman Empire was suffering from clashes and disagreements on its borders due to the competetitions between nations. Therefore, the Ministry of War required to take measures to sustain peace in the eastern territories while also ensuring safety of the borders, because there were also conflicts between the Kurds and the Armenians who resided on those territories. Russia fueled these conflicts in favor of its interests. In 1914, the Russian effect on the Ottoman Armenians reached a peak and their relations became much closer. In the meantime, they also worked on the nationalistic feelings of the Kurds and provoked the Shia Kurdish Tribes against the Sunni Ottoman Empire. In this study, the provoking of the Armenians and the Kurds by Russia in order to create unrest in Eastern Anatolia, the works on the Kurdish Tribes by Russia in order to pull them to their side and Russian plans of the invasion of Eastern Anatolia will be investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)