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Using two recent controversies involving campus social justice protests and student news organizations, this study uses an interdisciplinary lens to examine free expression and normative journalism ethics discourse. It explores themes related to First Amendment rights and values, journalism ethics, and racial justice, asking which are evident and absent in opinion journalism focused on the cases. It examines universities' dual missions of supporting free expression and advancing the goals of diversity, equity, and inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

∴ Introduction ∴ The rapid expansion of commercial advertising, especially through television, has created significant societal and cultural impacts. The unique attributes of television—its vast reach, diverse audience, and combination of visual and auditory stimuli—make it an exceptionally potent medium. This influence, however, is a double-edged sword, capable of both positive and negative effects. Television advertising, driven by modern nihilism and neoliberal ideologies, often oversteps reasonable boundaries, potentially causing cultural harm. The definition of culture, as articulated by Taylor, includes an array of elements such as language, religion, art, law, and morality, all of which can be affected by television commercials. Television advertisements interact intimately with public culture and societal norms, leading to significant legal challenges. Consequently, nations worldwide have instituted laws to regulate television advertising, curbing misleading advertisements and other violations even within free-market economies. In Iran, where cultural values are deeply rooted and the rule of law is paramount, it is crucial to scrutinize the legal boundaries of television advertising to mitigate its potentially anti-cultural impacts. This research investigates the legal frameworks that address the cultural impacts of television advertising in Iran. It aims to delineate the existing regulations and assess the effectiveness of these legal norms in safeguarding Iranian cultural values against the detrimental effects of commercial advertising. ∴ Research Question ∴ The main question of this study is: "What are the legal requirements for addressing the anti-cultural effects of television advertising in the Iranian legal system?" This question arises from the need to understand how existing laws in Iran regulate television advertising to protect cultural values and societal norms. It seeks to explore the adequacy of these regulations in countering the cultural degradation caused by commercial advertising. ∴ Research Hypothesis ∴ The central hypothesis of this study posits that despite the existence of numerous legal norms aimed at curbing the anti-cultural effects of television advertising, these objectives have not been fully realized. The hypothesis suggests that the current legal norms are fragmented and inadequately enforced, failing to effectively mitigate the cultural harms posed by television commercials. Unlike prior research, which has predominantly focused on the ethical and jurisprudential aspects of television advertising, this study emphasizes the legal norms governing the cultural impacts of television advertising. It hypothesizes that a more consolidated and refined legal framework is necessary for effectively regulating the cultural consequences of television advertising in Iran. ∴ Methodology & Framework, if Applicable ∴ This study adopts a qualitative and practical approach, primarily utilizing library-based research methods. The methodology involves a comprehensive analysis of existing legal documents, regulations, and policies that govern television advertising in Iran. The research framework is structured as follows: Literature Review: The literature review encompasses a thorough examination of previous studies on the cultural impacts of television advertising. This includes both Iranian and international perspectives, providing a comparative analysis of different regulatory approaches. The review highlights gaps in the existing literature, particularly the lack of focus on the legal aspects of cultural regulation in television advertising. Legal Analysis: The legal analysis involves scrutinizing the Iranian legal framework, including the constitution, statutory laws, and regulations related to television advertising. This analysis aims to identify the specific legal provisions that address the cultural impacts of television advertising and evaluate their effectiveness. Case Studies: Case studies of specific television advertisements in Iran are examined to illustrate the practical application of the legal norms. These case studies help to understand how current regulations are enforced and identify any discrepancies or shortcomings in their implementation. Interviews with Legal Experts: Interviews with legal experts, policymakers, and practitioners in the field of media law are conducted to gain insights into the practical challenges and potential solutions for regulating the cultural impacts of television advertising. These interviews provide valuable perspectives on the effectiveness of existing legal norms and suggest areas for improvement. Comparative Analysis: A comparative analysis is conducted to examine how other countries regulate the cultural impacts of television advertising. This analysis provides insights into best practices and potential strategies that could be adopted in the Iranian context. Synthesis and Recommendations: The final stage of the methodology involves synthesizing the findings from the literature review, legal analysis, case studies, interviews, and comparative analysis. Based on this synthesis, recommendations are made for refining and consolidating the legal framework governing television advertising in Iran. These recommendations aim to enhance the effectiveness of legal norms in protecting cultural values against the negative impacts of commercial advertising. ∴ Results & Discussion ∴ The study has meticulously analyzed the Iranian legal framework concerning television advertising and its cultural impacts. The research reveals that despite the establishment of extensive legal norms aimed at preventing the anti-cultural effects of television commercials, these norms have not fully achieved their intended objectives. The study identifies several critical findings: Comprehensive Legal Norms: Over the past four decades, Iran has developed a comprehensive set of legal norms at three levels—constitutional, ordinary laws, and specific regulations of the IRIB. These norms cover a wide array of areas, including economic distribution and consumption, women and family, children, ethics, social customs, audience and consumer rights, religious and jurisprudential rules, Persian language and literature, domestic and foreign policy, national independence, patriotic values, and social justice. Persistent Anti-Cultural Effects: Despite these extensive regulations, television commercials in Iran continue to exhibit anti-cultural and destructive elements. Issues such as consumerism, unrealistic lifestyles, feelings of inferiority, extravagance, fashion obsession, instrumental use of women and children, and reinforcement of social inequalities remain prevalent in commercial advertisements. Legislative Ambiguity and Enforcement Gaps: The study finds that the primary root of these problems is not the absence of legal norms but rather the ambiguity and lack of thoroughness in existing laws. This results in ineffective enforcement and compliance. The lack of clear oversight and enforcement mechanisms further exacerbates the situation, leading to widespread violations of legal norms in television advertising. Institutional Conflicts and Inefficiencies: The consolidation of legislative, executive, oversight, criminalization, and judicial roles within the General Directorate of Commerce of IRIB has led to significant issues. These include conflicts of interest, lack of independence, inefficiency, and lack of accountability. Such institutional arrangements hinder the proper enforcement of legal norms and prevent the establishment of effective oversight and judicial procedures. The discussion focuses on the implications of these findings and explores potential solutions to address the identified issues. Key points include: Need for Legislative Clarity and Precision: The study underscores the need for clearer and more precise legislative norms to effectively regulate television advertising. Laws should be specific, unambiguous, and comprehensive, covering all aspects of commercial advertising that could potentially harm cultural values. Enhanced Oversight and Enforcement Mechanisms: Effective enforcement of legal norms requires robust oversight mechanisms. Independent regulatory bodies, free from conflicts of interest, should be established to monitor and enforce compliance with advertising regulations. These bodies should have the authority to impose penalties and take corrective actions against violators. Institutional Reforms: The study advocates for institutional reforms to address the conflicts of interest and inefficiencies within the IRIB. Separating the legislative, executive, and judicial roles related to television advertising can help ensure greater transparency, accountability, and effectiveness in regulatory processes. Public Awareness and Education: Raising public awareness about the cultural impacts of television advertising is crucial. Educational campaigns can help audiences recognize and critically evaluate the content of advertisements, reducing their susceptibility to harmful influences. International Best Practices: The study suggests looking at international best practices in regulating television advertising. Comparative analysis with other countries can provide valuable insights and strategies that could be adapted to the Iranian context, enhancing the effectiveness of local regulations. Holistic Cultural Policies: Addressing the anti-cultural effects of television advertising requires a holistic approach. Cultural policies should integrate various aspects of society, including media regulation, education, and public policy, to create a cohesive framework that supports cultural preservation and promotes positive values. ∴ Conclusion ∴ The findings of this study highlight the Iranian legal system's attention to regulating the cultural impacts of television advertising. However, the persistence of anti-cultural elements in commercials indicates significant gaps in the enforcement and effectiveness of these regulations. The study concludes that: The existing legal norms, while comprehensive, lack the clarity and thoroughness needed for effective enforcement. Institutional arrangements within the IRIB contribute to conflicts of interest, inefficiency, and lack of accountability, hindering proper regulation of television advertising. Effective solutions require legislative reforms to clarify and strengthen legal norms, the establishment of independent oversight bodies, and institutional reforms to ensure transparency and accountability. Public awareness and education, coupled with international best practices, can enhance the regulatory framework and mitigate the cultural harms of television advertising. This research underscores the need for a multi-faceted approach to address the anti-cultural effects of television advertising in Iran, combining legislative, institutional, and public policy reforms to protect cultural values and public order.

Abstract Political scientists have crafted intricate taxonomies to classify nations beyond liberal democracy, positioning these societies along an authoritarian continuum. Despite the pivotal role of journalists in accelerating political dynamics, there exists a lack of comparative research on media governance in these regimes. Consequently, this study scrutinizes the media governance ecosystems in Vietnam and Singapore. Vietnam is a one-party authoritarian state, whereas Singapore represents a hybrid political system. However, both countries exhibit a stable and uninterrupted rule by the respective ruling party. Our research uncovers the nuances of Singapore’s media regulation, which embeds trusted stakeholders with financial interests in key press roles to reinforce the implicit political norms. Conversely, Vietnam employs a more direct, coercive, and state-centric approach. Media actors in both nations occasionally test the boundaries of acceptable discourses, with each government’s responses being shaped by specific contexts and broader history. Reforms in Vietnam, embracing privatization and commercialization, mirror Singapore’s integration of capitalism, public ownership, and commercial interests when governing media. These findings highlight diverse yet effective authoritarian media governance strategies, unique features, and commonalities in both systems. Overall, media structures in these Southeast Asian countries have undergone profound evolutions towards more sophisticated regulatory tools to manage societal and political transformations.

Political scientists have crafted intricate taxonomies to classify nations beyond liberal democracy, positioning these societies along an authoritarian continuum. Despite the pivotal role of journalists in accelerating political dynamics, there exists a lack of comparative research on media governance in these regimes. Consequently, this study scrutinizes the media governance ecosystems in Vietnam and Singapore. Vietnam is a one-party authoritarian state, whereas Singapore represents a hybrid political system. However, both countries exhibit a stable and uninterrupted rule by the respective ruling party. Our research uncovers the nuances of Singapore's media regulation, which embeds trusted stakeholders with financial interests in key press roles to reinforce the implicit political norms. Conversely, Vietnam employs a more direct, coercive, and state-centric approach. Media actors in both nations occasionally test the boundaries of acceptable discourses, with each government's responses being shaped by specific contexts and broader history. Reforms in Vietnam, embracing privatization and commercialization, mirror Singapore's integration of capitalism, public ownership, and commercial interests when governing media. These findings highlight diverse yet effective authoritarian media governance strategies, unique features, and commonalities in both systems. Overall, media structures in these Southeast Asian countries have undergone profound evolutions towards more sophisticated regulatory tools to manage societal and political transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1235-1245 | European Forum Insight of 24 January 2024 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction: Russian propaganda in state and online media: disinformation machinery in full swing. - I.1. Conceptual premise: a brief comparison between propaganda and disinformation. - I.2. Disinformation machinery in full swing: Russian propaganda in state and online media. - II. The RT case. - II.1. Disinformation machinery in full swing – Russian propaganda in state and online media. - II.2. RT France’s appeal. - III. “For the first time in modern history, Western European governments are banning media”: polemics with the banning of RT and Sputnik. - IV. Quo vadis propaganda regulation?. | (Abstract) The ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict has triggered a multitude of media regulation challenges within the EU. With the Russian state propaganda machinery continuing to work in full swing, it has become increasingly critical for the EU to regulate media content to prevent the dissemination of disinformation, harmful and misleading information and state propaganda. This Insight seeks to explore the EU’s reaction to the Russian coverage of the war through the example of the RT case. The study aims to provide a theoretical background to Russian propaganda as a premise for the case study. The focus of the Insight is the examination of the RT suspension and the RT France case via the broader understanding of “propaganda” restrictions using the case law of the CJEU and the ECtHR. The study also aims to introduce a scholarly critical viewpoint with regard to imposing stringent restrictive measures against a media outlet and the effectivity thereof. The main argument of the Insight is that the nuanced and contextual understanding of media in war is not only a legal necessity but an effective societal tool, too, especially in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Sosyal medya platformlarının gündelik hayattaki yerinin her geçen gün artmasına bağlı olarak reklam anlayışı da ciddi bir dönüşüm yaşamaya başlamıştır. Bu değişim, sosyal medya kullanımının arttıkça, yeni reklam yöntemlerini bünyesine katarak, yenilenmeye devam etmektedir. Reklam alanındaki hukuki düzenlemeler her zaman bu değişime aynı hızda ayak uyduramadığı için kimi zaman ortaya birtakım sorunlar çıkmaktadır. Sorunların çözümleri için öncelikle sosyal medyanın kendine has yapısının ve bu yapının ortaya çıkardığı reklamların tespiti büyük önem arz etmektedir. Çalışmamızda, tespiti yapılması ve çözüm üretilmesi gereken birçok konu arasından, sosyal medya kullanıcı davranışlarının reklam kabul edilebilip edilemeyeceğinin tespiti üzerinde durulmuştur. Makalede, yaygın sosyal medya davranışları ayrıntılı olarak ele alınmıştır. Bu davranışların organik ve reklam amaçlı kullanımının farkının belirlenmesi zorluk arz etmektedir. Bu sebeple, her davranış biçimi için örnekler ve kararlar üzerinden reklam kabul edilebilme durumları açıklığa kavuşturulmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonuçları, sosyal medya platformlarındaki reklam kullanımının karmaşıklığını göstermekte ve hukuki süreçler için önemli ipuçları sunmaktadır. Sosyal medya platformlarında reklam türlerinin sürekli değişkenlik gösterdiği göz önünde bulundurulduğunda, bu çalışmanın gelecekteki araştırmalara ve düzenlemelere katkı sağlaması hedeflenmektedir.

Many academic works examine religious media institutions and media content producers operating in European countries, including Hungary, but most of them do so in an isolated way, mostly focusing on a particular content producer. The present study aims to provide a comprehensive picture of the operation of religious content producers in Hungary in a broader context, which considers the overall media system from a legal and economic point of view. First, we give a short retrospective overview about the history of Hungarian church press. Afterwards we examine the current legal framework for audiovisual regulation in Hungary. The conclusions are based on data obtained using three different methodologies. We have analyzed the freely accessible records of the Hungarian media authority (NMHH) and legislation, conducted a total of 6 in-depth interviews and an analysis of the content produced by each media outlet. The results of our research showed that in Hungary there is a disconnect between the concepts of church and religious media and that churches have hardly any comprehensive strategy to exploit the potential of digitalization. It can be concluded that church-owned media with religious content cannot be included in the present legal and economic framework without problems. Finally, an important question is whether and how church media are adapting to the changed environment. Our case studies show that the picture is mixed in this respect, because there is a lack of a coherent strategy among the actors on how service providers can adapt as effectively as possible to the new technological consumption patterns.

This article examines Russia's practice of the ban introduced by the so-called 'fake news laws' during the war against Ukraine. It blends doctrinal legal with discourse analysis to study how and why Russian courts have applied the laws, which epistemology of knowledge they have constructed while limiting fake news about the war and what implications this has for freedom of expression and public debate of the war within Russia. The dataset covers 446 Russian court decisions from 2022 to 2023. A historical approach is utilised to discuss the results in connection to the Soviet Communist ideology. The article argues that Russian courts have used the laws to make truth in Russia conditional and loyalty unconditional, actualising the Soviet principles of 'partyness', 'objectivity' and 'scientificalness'. It demonstrates how courts construct a mythologised reality about the 'imaginary' 'military operation' to help the government monopolise the public debate and misrepresent the war against Ukraine within Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeszyty Prawnicze Biuro Analiz Sejmowej is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ASBU Law Journal is the property of Social Sciences University of Ankara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AbstractThe aim of the study was assessing the implications of community-based private media for nation building in Ethiopia. To this end, the study employed a mixed research approach. Likewise, interviews, questionnaires, and document reviews were employed as data gathering tools of the study. The study population consisted of community-based private television stations found in Ethiopia such as Oromia Media Network, Amhara Satellite Radio and Television, Oromia Broadcasting Service, LTV Ethiopia, Ethiopian broadcast authorities, Ethiopian journalist associations, and political elites. As well, purposive and convenient sampling was utilized for selecting interviewees, and simple random sampling was employed for selecting participants for questionnaires. In so doing, 400 informants were selected as the sample size of the study. Thematic data analysis was used for the qualitative data, and SPSS with descriptive and inferential statistics were used for the quantitative data. Thus, the findings of this study revealed as follows: First, community-based private media has a devastating role in nation-building and state integration in Ethiopia. Similarly, community-based media played a significant role in inciting conflict and violence in the country, and they have made a momentous contribution to destabilizing the on-going political transition. Second, the on-going violence in the country is fuelled by community-based media in a state-sponsored manner, primarily by people who are in the government structure deliberately working against the interests of the government to fasten the disintegration among various ethnic communities in the country. Third, community-based media often propagate ethnic nationalism to erode the national unity and solidarity of the people by reporting fake news. Therefore, the study concluded that the key constraints causing Ethiopia’s nation-building process and state integration to weaken over the last few years are the absence of media law to shape the media’s behaviour pattern, weak leadership, the absence of credible independent civic associations, a lack of political determination to maintain law and order in the country, and the presence of poor media ethics. Media law shall be effectively applied to make community-based media’s contribution to nation building and state integration positive as well as to make them accountable for their deeds.

Reporting on crime and the courts are among the classic functions of journalism. In the UK, journalists and others must abide by the Contempt of Court Act 1981, the main piece of primary legislation aimed at ensuring coverage of legal matters is fair to the participants. The restrictions are generally tighter in practice than in jurisdictions such as the US, where the media has a much freer hand to engage in pre-trial reporting. This paper argues that media coverage of the arrest of the so-called 'Yorkshire Ripper' serial killer, Peter Sutcliffe, in 1981 while Parliament was considering the question of contempt, has made the UK regime tougher than it might otherwise have been. Excessive reporting was influenced by an unusually celebratory police news conference. This news coverage coloured the contemporary debate around contempt, and any opportunity for a more relaxed approach to contempt in the UK's jurisdictions was lost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study deals with the legal regulation of publications in the Slovak Republic, noting the position of publishers and web portal operators in the context of the new law 'on publications'. This law specified publishers and operators as participants in the media market, defined community media, and established modern regulatory elements, including self-regulation, which have brought significant transparency to the ownership and financing of print and web media. In this study, we note the historical outline of the development of the press after 1989, the stabilisation of the situation within the legislative regulation of the press in 2008, while our primary objective is to define the current legal standards of the newly adopted Publications Act. We also reflect on the possible risks and problems that the new law entails, but our main aim is to present the fundamental and innovative changes that have resulted from several years of legislative process in the field of media law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to analyze the legal regulation of the media in Western countries. The study is based on universal scientific methods, such as observation, deduction, analysis, comparative and historical historical analysis of different legislatures and the practices of their implementation. The countries chosen for the analysis are the so-called "old Europe" countries. The study concludes that the legal regulation of the media is a complex issue that must be addressed with a holistic approach. The law is important, but it is not enough to guarantee freedom of expression and information pluralism. There is also a need for effective law enforcement and media monitoring systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lex Humana is the property of Lex Humana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article consists in a case-study of the Portuguese site Notícias Viriato (NV), which has controversially been registered by the Portuguese Regulatory Authority (ERC) as a 'general information' site, officially recognised as drawing close to mainstream journalism in a context of accusations of rightwing bias. We will argue that NV's registration with ERC marks a new phase for the far right in the Portuguese political and journalistic spheres, due to grounding legitimation in the Constitutional right to freedom of expression. By drawing close to officialdom, this news site bypasses the inexistence, in the Portuguese juridical framework, of advocacy journalism. According to the Portuguese Constitution, partisanship excludes journalistic activity, with journalism being of an 'informative', and therefore objective, nature. While the dangers of partisanship are recognised, the existence of an advocacy continuum within journalism are ignored. In a digital era in which journalistic objectivity has ceased to be the norm, the labelling of journalism as 'general information', defined against 'partisanship', is incapable of responding to the challenges posed by alternative media in redefining professional journalism. This demonstrates the need to update both the Portuguese Constitution and prevalent media legislation to accompany changing times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Failure of political governance is commonplace in Fiji where lack of media freedom, democratic bargaining, political transparency, and accountability has led to political dysfunction and political strife, including military coups, suppression of rights of journalists and media organisations, suspension of freedom of expression, lack of democratic accountability, including draconian media rules and laws that encourage media self-censorship and political oversight over media content. Democratic deficit theory highlights that so-called democratic governments such as Fiji fall short of fulfilling the principles of democracy in their practices and operation because of its history of suppressing media rights, including fundamental freedoms of citizens to express themselves freely. Under such circumstances, Fiji citizens have taken to social media, especially after the 2006 military coup as the future of media freedom remains uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Court proceedings against the alleged perpretrator of the Christchurch mosque attacks in 2019 led to what may be ground-breaking cooperation between the judicial system and the media to balance fair trial rights and a determination to (a) avoid retraumatisation and (b) prevent the court being used as a platform for white supremacist propaganda. The case, and the willingness of media to honour these imperatives, demonstrates the centrality of publicity in acts of terrorism known as 'propaganda of the deed'. The research outlined in this article suggests that institutional cooperation can avoid 'giving oxygen' to perpetrators and their causes without sacrificing journalistic integrity or a duty to bear witness in the interests of open justice. A change of plea resulted in proceedings being limited to a sentencing hearing. A lengthy trial may have tested the robustness of the measures put in place but, nonetheless, the planning processes employed in New Zealand lead to a conclusion that they could provide a basis for similar cooperation in other judicial jurisdictions, such as Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study was assessing the implications of community-based private media for nation building in Ethiopia. To this end, the study employed a mixed research approach. Likewise, interviews, questionnaires, and document reviews were employed as data gathering tools of the study. The study population consisted of community-based private television stations found in Ethiopia such as Oromia Media Network, Amhara Satellite Radio and Television, Oromia Broadcasting Service, LTV Ethiopia, Ethiopian broadcast authorities, Ethiopian journalist associations, and political elites. As well, purposive and convenient sampling was utilized for selecting interviewees, and simple random sampling was employed for selecting participants for questionnaires. In so doing, 400 informants were selected as the sample size of the study. Thematic data analysis was used for the qualitative data, and SPSS with descriptive and inferential statistics were used for the quantitative data. Thus, the findings of this study revealed as follows: First, community-based private media has a devastating role in nation-building and state integration in Ethiopia. Similarly, community-based media played a significant role in inciting conflict and violence in the country, and they have made a momentous contribution to destabilizing the on-going political transition. Second, the on-going violence in the country is fuelled by community-based media in a state-sponsored manner, primarily by people who are in the government structure deliberately working against the interests of the government to fasten the disintegration among various ethnic communities in the country. Third, community-based media often propagate ethnic nationalism to erode the national unity and solidarity of the people by reporting fake news. Therefore, the study concluded that the key constraints causing Ethiopia's nation-building process and state integration to weaken over the last few years are the absence of media law to shape the media's behaviour pattern, weak leadership, the absence of credible independent civic associations, a lack of political determination to maintain law and order in the country, and the presence of poor media ethics. Media law shall be effectively applied to make community-based media's contribution to nation building and state integration positive as well as to make them accountable for their deeds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant element of Central and Eastern Europe's democracies backsliding process turns out to be changes in the media law. These changes are now leading to a decline in media freedom. The article attempts to understand this phenomenon by analyzing the process of legal and policy changes in Poland. In the course of the analysis, the reader's attention is drawn to three elements that form the mainline of events related to the weakening of media freedom. These are, in turn, (a) the takeover of public media by influencing the staffing of media companies, (b) introducing a new, completely politicized body into the legal order, which duplicates the already existing and partially politicized media authority, and (c) exerting economic and legal pressure on the media independent of the authorities, so that they can be taken over by state-owned companies or businessmen favoring the authorities. As a whole, this decline in media freedom can be viewed as a strategy that antagonizes society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the 2018 General Election, the incoming coalition made numerous institutional reform pledges, including the establishment of a Malaysian media council to self-govern the press. Nevertheless, the concept is not new as it was initially proposed in 1973. Following stakeholders' discussions over the past few years, it was decided that a self-regulatory media council should be formed. This is a critical step towards restoring the country's long-suffering press freedom that had been stifled by press regulations. Hence, it is necessary to study the self-regulatory paradigm as Malaysia is moving towards the formation of a self-regulatory media council to govern its press. The United Kingdom's vast experience with media self-regulation may help Malaysian policymakers decide whether to adopt a self-regulatory approach to governance or not. The authors in this study used textual analysis of legislation and case law and secondary data from existing works to examine the proposal of establishing a self-regulatory Malaysian media council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments across the world are struggling to address the market dominance of technology companies through increased regulation. The Australian Federal government found itself leading the world in platform regulation when, in 2021, it enacted the Australian News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code. The furore surrounding the introduction of the legislation, and Facebook's subsequent Australian 'news ban' exposed the limits of a regulatory model that has previously left the tech industry to moderate itself. In this paper, we argue the introduction of the Code is a leading example of a global trajectory towards regulatory change, which sees governments move from a reactive regulation model to specific interventions around the governance of digital media spaces. We discuss how best to measure the successes and failures around this more interventionist model through a case study of the implementation of the Code in Australia. More broadly we consider how global platforms have responded, and whether the reform is an effective regulatory model for other national governments to emulate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the practical operation of Australia's National Classification System (NCS) for films and games, to evaluate its alignment with the findings of psychological research.1 Twenty-nine decisions of the Classification Review Board are examined to determine the factors applied in assessing the impact of violent content and drawing the line between the different classification categories. The language used in referring to violent content is analysed to determine the concepts that influence the Board's view about the correct classification. These concepts are then tested against the research evidence on the depictions of violence that create the greatest risk of adverse outcomes for viewers and players. Not all of the concepts used in classification have a basis in the research evidence, and some are directly at odds with that evidence. The article concludes by recommending changes to the rules that could lead to better alignment between classification decisions and the research evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dramatic changes in media law and practice took place on Israel's 70th year of independence: The Press Ordinance was abolished; the Broadcasting Authority (IBA) was replaced by the Israeli Broadcasting Corporation (IBC); and the Second Authority Law (which governs commercial broadcasting) was amended, abolishing the "dual broadcasting model" established in the 1990s. What characterizes these changes is that they mark the breaking up of Israel's media policy structure from its post-colonial roots. The new laws demonstrate for the first time in Israeli media policy history a unique Israeli structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Slovak press law of 2008 became a significant step in the transformation of the media space in Slovakia. After many years the new law replaced the original, nine-time-amended press law of 1966, which was outdated and did not reflect the current needs of journalists, periodical publishers or press agencies. The press law has been amended several times since 2008. This paper presents individual amendments and tries to compare them in order to clearly define the changes that have occurred in the development of the Slovak press law. The paper also describes the changes that await media legislation in 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing interest in journalism studies in metajournalistic discourse—that is, sites where journalists construct the boundaries and norms of their field. This study highlights a hitherto unstudied site of such discourse: the briefs of amicus curiae that news organizations file in U.S. appellate courts. While other forms of metajournalistic discourse seek to influence journalistic or public opinion, amicus briefs represent an attempt by journalists to influence judicial opinion and, consequently, the laws affecting U.S. journalism. Our analysis of 168 briefs finds that journalism amici employed a strategy that relied most heavily on several different variations of a discourse of inclusion, while a discourse of exclusion was used sparingly as an auxiliary to discourses of inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise in defamation claims in Malaysia has placed an onerous workload on the courts to deal with such matters. Against this backdrop, Hamid Sultan Abu Backer JC (as his Lordship then was) (Hamid Sultan JC) suggested in two separate High Court decisions that to alleviate the courts' burden, matters pertaining to libel and slander ought to be constrained to the criminal courts through appropriate statutory amendments, including to the Criminal Procedure Code (Malaysia). In this paper, the author cautions against the learned Hamid Sultan JC's recommendations and proffers an alternative proposal in the form of media arbitration schemes to handle the growing influx of defamation claims. In particular, the salient features of the IMPRESS and IPSO Schemes from the United Kingdom are scrutinized in detail and measured in terms of suitability for a potential arbitration scheme in the Malaysian jurisdiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on a study that focused on the radio broadcasting and licensing scene in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2020. The study interrogated the sincerity of the Zimbabwean government in advancing both media pluralism and diversity. Opposition political parties and civic organisations pressured Zimbabwe into adopting a liberal approach that they hoped would widen the political and media space. The study examined how the government has taken and implemented such a liberal approach. Drawing on the competitive authoritarianism concept, the study argued that the cosmetic application of contested and undemocratic media laws that pretended to be democratising the media was indeed gagging democracy. This is called a pseudo-progressive stance. The study gathered data using qualitative interviews with three media activists, three policymakers, two media professionals, and two media scholars in Zimbabwe. In total, 10 qualitative key informant in-depth interviews were carried out. The analysis revealed a silhouette of grandiose but empty media laws that have continued to impede democracy in Zimbabwe. Therefore, the study concluded that the monopoly of media influence and concentration of broadcasting media ownership within the ruling party is dire and not conducive to the development of diverse and creative content for the nation. Thus, collaborative efforts are needed for real change to be achieved in the broadcasting media in Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this paper explores the online media representation of the victims of terrorist attacks in relation to the ethical and legal frameworks aimed at protecting the people. Despite the fact that freedom of expression should not be restricted under any circumstances, the news media outlets ought to take into consideration the legal acts, the moral behaviors and ethical principles when publishing and disseminating information about the terrorist attacks. Journalists should aim to pursue the purpose of this profession with the intent of remaining objective and upright while respecting the human rights. The research of this paper focuses on the interdependence between journalism, ethics and law by analyzing how Le Monde covered some of the terrorist attacks which happened in Europe. The importance of ethics in journalism had been acknowledged by analyzing the role of the regulatory organizations for the press, as well as the professional standards which were set in order to guide the journalists and protect the people. The in-depth analysis of the media representation of the victims of terrorist attacks highlighted the fact that the journalistic ethical codes might have the power to strengthen the protection of the people in the press, while assessing the noninfringement or the breach of the supranational and national legislation enacted by the European Union and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article advances discussions on media freedom and media development in Melanesia through the introduction of an ‘external’ and ‘internal’ threats analytical framework. Singling out the challenges and categorising them into these two main groups provides a clearer picture of the issues at stake, the links between them, and the need to address the situation holistically. External threats emanating from outside the media sector are often seen as more serious, and they often overshadow internal threats, which come from within the media sector. This article argues that both sets of threats have serious impacts on media and journalism in their own ways, and that both should be regarded equally. Furthermore, the linkages between these threats mean that one cannot be properly addressed without addressing the other. A key outcome of this discussion is a clearer understanding of how little control the media have over both external and internal threats, and how stakeholder support is needed to overcome some of the issues. Because good journalism benefits the public, this article argues for increased public support for high-quality journalism that delivers a public benefit.

The sovereign states of Melanesia are countries where the yoke of colonialism and struggles for independence are still within living memory. There are territories within Melanesia where the questions and complexities associated with achieving self-determination are very much live issues. In West Papua, this issue is one over which blood continues to be spilt. As these countries, and the communities within them, grapple with political-economic and technical shifts, the need for independent journalism is self-evident. However, journalists, editors, publishers and media owners face a barrage of challenges to their ability to operate free from repression or coercion by those who wield power in their societies. Some of these challenges are overt and can extend to threats or physical intimidation. Others are more subtle but no less pervasive and damaging. They lead to a narrowing of the media landscape, the loss of talented professionals to other areas, the rise of self-censorship, and more.

The principle of open justice, including the media’s right to attend and report on criminal courts, must be balanced with the protection of individuals’ privacy and an accused person’s fair trial rights. Prohibiting media from identifying those involved in criminal cases is one way privacy and fair trial rights may be protected in New Zealand. Court news was not always restricted in this way: 115 years ago all parts of criminal court proceedings could be reported and media decided what information was censored. In 1905, New Zealand judges were given the power to suppress court evidence to protect public morality, and 15 years later, the power to suppress the names of certain first offenders to give them a second chance. The laws now stretch to suppressing many kinds of evidence and the identities of some people accused and convicted of New Zealand’s most serious crimes. Investigation of the 115-year-long evolution of New Zealand’s name suppression laws illuminates a piecemeal, but severe, curtailment of media freedom and a trend of imposition of increasingly complex laws which journalists must keep abreast of, understand and observe to prevent appearing before the courts themselves.