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This paper integrates the scholarship on compliance with international human rights courts to reflect upon how the literature approaches delays and compliance cycles. Building on this review, we propose a new analytical approach that helps distinguish between reparations prone to immediate or protracted implementation. We introduce two metrics to facilitate the interpretation of delays: the yearly probability of compliance and the expected time to compliance. We also show, using machine-learning tools, how scholars can reconstruct life cycles of compliance. The article illustrates the utility of this approach with an analysis of all cases decided by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) between 1989 and 2019. This analytical framework provides critical insights for courts and activists seeking to promote interventions at key moments when compliance is most likely. Moreover, the study underscores important lessons for the Inter-American Human Rights System. Current concerns about a compliance "crisis" at the IACtHR partly reflect a failure to distinguish between reparation types and the Court's preference for reparations requiring protracted implementation. By modeling compliance life cycles, our study opens a promising research avenue that can facilitate effectual and timely policy intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the tumultuous period in Italy between 1968 and 1977, known as the 'long 68', myriad alternative publications focusing on the narratives and the experiences of avant-garde groups, marginal communities, labour organizers and political activist circles gained widespread popularity. Among these, two significant literary and political reviews, I Quindici and Contropiano , played a pivotal role in these movements. My paper aims to analyse the aesthetic and textual makeup of these publications by examining the significance of these journals in the context of the explosive political climate that led to the cycle of protests in streets, schools and factories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does a citizen's decision to participate in political activism depend on the participation of others? We conduct a nationwide natural field experiment in collaboration with a major European party during a recent national election. In a party survey, we randomly provide canvassers with true information about the canvassing intentions of their peers. When learning that more peers participate in canvassing than previously believed, canvassers significantly reduce both their canvassing intentions and behaviour. An additional survey among party supporters underscores the importance of free-riding motives and reveals that there is strong heterogeneity in motives underlying supporters' behavioural responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on idea of Just Transition (JT) emerging from the trade union movement in the 1980s. Topics include bringing together trade unions, environmentalists, and working class communities for a genuinely worker-led transition; and presentations to trade union workshops, activist blogs, and think tank publications.

We use two-round survey data from 62 elections in 10 countries since 1952 to study the formation of vote choice, beliefs, and policy preferences and assess how televised debates contribute to this process. Our data include 253,000 observations. We compare the consistency between vote intention and vote choice of respondents surveyed at different points before, and then again after, the election, and show that 17% to 29% of voters make up their mind during the final two months of campaigns. Changes in vote choice are concomitant to shifts in issues voters find most important and in beliefs about candidates, and they generate sizable swings in vote shares. In contrast, policy preferences remain remarkably stable throughout the campaign. Finally, we use an event study to estimate the impact of TV debates, in which candidates themselves communicate with voters, and of shocks such as natural and technological disasters which, by contrast, occur independently from the campaign. We do not find any effect of either type of event on vote choice formation, suggesting that information received throughout the campaign from other sources such as the media, political activists, and other citizens is more impactful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the efforts of Egyptian feminist activists to insert gender equality in the country's post-revolutionary constitutions in 2012 and 2014. While the literature on women's political role during this period provides insights into exclusionary gender practices and conditions for bargaining power structures, this study contributes with a conceptual analysis of how feminist activists construed constitutional gender equality. The study is based on interviews with, and written statements by, activists engaged in the constitutional process. The article argues that these activists viewed the constitution as a central instrument in the struggle for gender equality and demanded a gender equality model beyond the sameness/difference paradigm. Instead, they argued for a substantive notion of gender equality that reflected women's situated experiences while they, at the same time, navigated the legacies of Egypt's earlier constitutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims first to contribute to discussions on both the agency of religious women and feminist transversal politics, and second, to emphasize the need to build solidarity coalitions to resist interlocking oppressive structures. It examines the intellectual mobilization of religious women in Turkey (2010–2016), drawing on an ethnographic study of an Istanbul women's organization. It explores the way religious women contextualized Turkey's socio-political transformation and analyzed earlier initiatives, and analyses their struggle to challenge the perceptions of them as outsiders vis-a-vis the secularist Republican state patriarchy and Islamist neoliberal patriarchal state. The study concludes that national socio-political transformations curtailed their discursive activism and that broader solidarity networks, transversal politics, and feminist coalitions are necessary to resist such oppressive structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Convene the AAPI Community With Policymakers and Other Stakeholders Finally, simply bringing AAPI stakeholders from different parts of the aging community together could have a tremendous impact. Such local initiatives reflect gaps that older AAPIs face in accessing key aging services - not only transportation, but also financial security, caregiving resources, and in-language services, among others - that should be part of building our community's policy agenda. For too many in the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) community, the pandemic also has brought us particular pain as we have seen a rise in anti-Asian sentiments and violent attacks. Keywords: AAPI; Congress; Disparity; Equity; Native Hawaiian; WHCOA EN AAPI Congress Disparity Equity Native Hawaiian WHCOA 100 104 5 08/23/22 20220701 NES 220701 For too many Americans, the past few years have been filled with serious challenges: the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic that caused suffering at home and abroad, political and social unrest, and economic struggles. [Extracted from the article]

Tunisia's president Zeindeddine Ben Ali was the first Arab dictator to be overthrown by a revolution on 14 January 2011. Back in 2019, a Tunisian former political prisoner and justice activist expressed to me his deep frustration with the fact that a platform created to coordinate transitional justice activities and advocacy in Tunisia was controlled by international actors. As with Tunisia, Syria's civil society in exile was confronted with the transitional justice industry as early as 2011 when Syrians revolted against the brutal Assad dictatorship. [Extracted from the article]

The students were sponsored by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), selected in what was called the "Leadership Scholarship Program" - a joint endeavor between USAID and the SVN government with the aim of training future Vietnamese leaders and public servants in South Vietnam. By the 1970s, the leadership students' activism was made easier because the political environment in the United States at that time allowed more visibility of minority spokespersons or intellectuals in the political discourse.[94] When Saigon made good on its promise by requesting that USAID terminate their scholarship and the U.S. government deport them, USAID quickly acquiesced. On the other hand, if the United States granted the students asylum status, it would mean recognition by the U.S. government of the repressiveness of the SVN regime.[96] Despite being young and in a vulnerable situation, the antiwar students understood the dilemma the U.S. government faced. [Extracted from the article]

In an act of minor comparativism, this Article studies feminist writings on unmarried cohabitation from Canada's jurisdictions of the common law and civil law. It examines activist texts and legal scholarship for and against regulating cohabitants. Reading the English-language literature from the common law provinces and the French-language literature from Quebec, it reports differences in substance, in emphasis, and in what is common sense. Differing approaches to ideas of freedom, autonomy, and choice run throughout. The Quebec literature shows disagreement between activists and scholars. Over time, that literature has moved towards the view in the common law literature. Lessons for comparatists relate to varieties of difference, the definition of legal sources, the asymmetrical role that legal traditions play in majority and minority contexts, and the limits of law in explaining differences. Given the unreliability of initial observations of difference and sameness, comparatists should read a broad range of sources with care and humility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the growth of a progressive religious Muslim activism among Palestinian women in Israel and the challenges it poses to the religious patriarchy and colonial power structures. Based on semistructured interviews with a religious feminist organization's activists, the study revealed that feminist Islamic activism addresses an alliance between state officials and patriarchal–religious establishment gatekeepers that interlock to block Muslim feminist reform. Unlike other Muslim activists in former settler colonial states where state and religion are separate and unlike progressive Muslim women in Muslim states who struggle to escape the religious–patriarchal trap, in Israel, these activists face a religious–colonial–patriarchal trap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, in Australia the issue of abortion had not attracted the violent protests that are frequently part of the American political landscape. Nor had it featured prominently in parliamentary debates. This began to change in 2004 when the issue was put on the political agenda by a small but vocal group of conservative members of the Federal Parliament. It also emerged as an issue at the state government level between 2008 and 2019 with the decriminalization of abortion in four Australian states and one territory. These changes in turn, led to a response by opponents along three lines as follows: first, legal challenges to safe access zones around fertility clinics; second, the pursuit of legal recognition of fetal personhood in state parliaments; and third, ongoing attempts to prevent Medicare (public) funding of abortions in relation to the occurrence of sex-selection abortion. All three strategies have been influenced by, or are copies of, the actions of antiabortion activists in the United States. To date, none of these strategies have proven successful in Australia. Nonetheless, anti-abortion activists are resolute in their desire to overturn recent gains in decriminalising abortion law in Australia. While Australian developments are in conformity with global trends towards liberalization of abortion law, the recent overturning of Roe v. Wade by the Supreme Court of the United States and the restrictions introduced across various states in America, has emboldened opponents of abortion who hope to replicate similar bans and restrictions in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an interview with Karen Bell, a community worker and senior lecturer in geography and environment at the University of West of England, Bristol. Topics include mainstream environmental movement talking about the NGOs, the direct activists, and the membership organizations; and working class environmentalism interacting with other kinds of inequalities such as sex inequality and race inequality.