Search

Set in the context of current calls for the decolonization of universities, curricula, and academic disciplines, this essay first outlines what this might mean in the discipline of New Testament studies, highlighting both the formation of the discipline within a particular western European context and the need to move beyond the disciplinary practices shaped by this history. It then introduces the papers collected in this special issue, not by summarizing each paper individually (the abstracts of each provide this summary) but by identifying certain themes and issues that emerge from the collection. Both the contextualized character of these various studies and their modes of ethical, political, and theological engagement raise challenges for the discipline as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper unpacks our efforts as external evaluators to work toward decolonizing our evaluation practice. Undertaking this writing exercise as a form of reflective practice demonstrated that decolonization is much more complex than simply translating materials, organizing locals to collect data, and building participants' capacity around Western modalities. While this complexity is clear in the decolonization literature, practice-based examples that depict barriers and thought processes are rarely presented. Through this paper, we deconstruct our deeply held beliefs around what constitutes good evaluation to assess the effectiveness of our decolonizing approach. Through sharing our critical consciousness-raising dialoguing, this paper reports our progress thus far and provides information and provocations to support others attempting to decolonize their practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As colonial rule in the Congo neared its end, western conservationists grew concerned about the potential collapse of the national parks left behind by Belgium. However, despite half a decade of political turmoil following independence, the nature reserves in the central African country survived. The Second Republic under Mobutu then ushered in a new era for the parks. Lobbied by international conservationists, the autocrat authorized harsh repressive measures against 'intruders' and established four new national parks. This created or exacerbated conflicts that still breed violence today. Drawing on archival documents from leading conservation organizations, this article examines the evolution of the Congo's nature protection regime during the crucial 15 years following independence. Thus, it contributes to a growing body of studies critically assessing the role of nongovernmental organizations in shaping contemporary Africa. As I will demonstrate in this article, some international experts swiftly recognized decolonization as an opportunity. To promote authoritarian measures in the parks, they exploited nationalist sentiments and the Mobutu regime's quest for international recognition. Consequently, violence became further normalized as a means of conservation in the Congo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tsenay Serequeberhan's hermeneutics has been crucial to the development of African philosophy. Initially employed as a pathway through the ethno- and professional philosophical debates, scholars have engaged how Serequeberhan's hermeneutics grapples with one's own place within a socio-historical world in service of liberation/self-determination. However, this scholarship mainly has focused on his adaptation of Gadamer's 'effective-historical consciousness' for his own concept of heritage. This consequently leaves his concept of a 'lived existence' – which is equally crucial – under-examined. This paper probes what a 'lived existence' entails and its essentiality when explicating how one even begins to authentically think, which is the groundwork to Serequeberhan's hermeneutics. This deepens why his concept of heritage matters as a starting point for self-determination. Addressing this lacuna, this article asks, where does philosophy begin and where should it go, particularly when rationality has been historically denied? Serequeberhan's point of departure to answer this question proposes Heidegger's concept of thinking itself to arrive at a notion of existence; contrariwise to most African scholars who employ a Sartrean existentialism via Frantz Fanon. As such, this paper gives an in-depth exploration of Serequeberhan's initial reading of Heidegger, and then unfolds how he appropriates Heidegger to craft his notion of 'lived existence'. The upshot this is twofold: First, a broader understanding of Serequeberhan's project, its non-existentialist view of existence; Second, it describes how he specifically tailors his 'lived existence' to undergird his hermeneutical approach to heritage as a prescriptive, activist project which dynamically addresses the postcolonial situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did it become possible for Denmark to integrate Greenland into the colonial metropole during anti-colonial post-Second World War multilateral diplomacy on decolonisation? Scholarship on the evolution of international society generally equates post-war political decolonisation with the universalisation of sovereign independence. This leaves unaddressed that a quarter of colonial territories did not emerge as sovereign states in post-war political decolonisation. Through multi-archival research, this articles starts to address this conundrum by tracing the emergence of integration into the colonial metropole as a route to political decolonisation in early multilateral diplomacy within the United Nations and how this option was first applied to Greenland. Entering the diplomatic engine room, I demonstrate the generative impact of Danish diplomatic practices and the constitutive importance of a discourse of Danish colonial exceptionalism to explain the legal emergence of decolonisation as integration by 1952 and Denmark's ability to employ this option in the United Nations by 1954. The implications of the paper for scholarship on the evolution of international society go beyond uncovering the emergence of integration as a legal option in political decolonisation. Through its attention to everyday discursive negotiation and diplomatic practice, the article nuances extant scholarship by demonstrating that early post-war multilateral diplomacy was less a quick propagation of universal sovereignty than a contentious, ongoing, negotiation over the meaning and application of self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relevance of the decolonial approach for analyses of postsocialist disablement, taking as its test case the analytical tool of the 'postsocialist disability matrix'. The question we pose is how much decolonial critique can the analyses of postsocialist disablement embrace without becoming reactionary amidst growing illiberalism and social abandonment in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)? We provide an overview of postsocialist illiberalism, assess critically some central arguments in decolonial disability studies and outline the production of 'southern bodies/minds' as a key feature of social abandonment in CEE. We conclude that decolonising disability in the postsocialist region needs to go beyond the North versus South binary to account for the specific experiences of disabled people inhabiting the 'poor North'. Given these considerations, the double-edged critique implied in the original formulation of the 'postsocialist disability matrix' as scepticism towards both the state and the market could also help embrace the decolonising imperative while remaining sceptical towards both Northern and Southern theory production in disability studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Black and Third World Marxist tradition have demonstrated that colonialism is inseparable from historical accounts of global capitalism. This paper contributes to that project through an account of heterochronic capitalist time by indexing both its uneven incorporation of socio-ecological temporalities and its disciplining of enslaved people. To illustrate this, I examine how Western industrial temporal relations are generative of, and imposed through, its conflictual relations with Indigenous Taíno and enslaved West African socio-ecological forms of time within the Caribbean sugar complex. In addition, I emphasize that despite colonial capitalism seeking to merge African and Indigenous socio-ecological temporal knowledge into abstract labour, it is never a totalizing process. In effect, while colonial capitalism wields various techniques to incorporate Indigenous and African life worlds, there are always phenomenological remainders of cultural temporal difference that do not reproduce the logic of capital. Highlighting two contrasting postcolonial readings of Marx's notion of subsumption, I argue that we can index the existence of a multiplicity of non-linear and cyclical forms of eternal time that comingle and link past, present and futurity. Inscribing their own emergent dialectics, however, I caution that preserved forms of temporal difference can potentially be taken up in service to reactionary political projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociology is one of the major disciplines to foster understanding and protection of the livelihoods of local people. For instance, the discipline can describe the linkage between the environment and people and the effects of environmental change on local groups of people in a Delta country such as Bangladesh. However, the imperial philosophy of modernity that dominates the discipline and which is evident in the Sociology department at the University of Dhaka (UofD) underscores a considerable distance between academic conceptualizations of local perspectives on issues such as climatic change and the actual views of the local people of Bangladesh. Grounded on this assertion, this paper explores a question: What are the challenges for Sociology to represent Delta people and protect their social justice? The paper depends on the content analysis of sociological practices at UofD: imperial modernity and climatic adaptation. The findings of the paper argue that Sociology has been failing to represent the local meanings of climatic change due to the domination of imperial conceptualizations of modernity. Climate finance conceptualized by a Western perspective, and Sociology, as a discipline, fails to represent locally contextualized meanings related to climate finance; thus, the marginalized groups of people are increasingly facing survival challenges responsible for climate apartheid. Only a decolonized Sociology can challenge this imperial domination and play an effective role in reducing the discipline's gap of understanding of the local people and in promoting social justice in Delta Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning with my personal experience of encountering ideas about decolonization in various settings, and considering what it might mean for New Testament studies in Aotearoa New Zealand, this essay then presents the contributions of the few Māori scholars who have worked in biblical studies, identifying how they reflect on the legacies of colonization and the challenge of decolonization. As an example of a Māori engagement with a New Testament text, I present a reading of the Canaanite woman's encounter with Jesus as presented in Matthew 15.21–28, focused on issues of racism, people, and land. Finally, the essay concludes with some proposals on what a decolonized New Testament studies would look like based on my experience as a Māori student and then lecturer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I recount my experiences with western media theory. Working on my PhD thesis marked my turn to decolonial theory. I used the creolisation strategy of putting critical western Marxist theories in conversation with African, black and Latin American decolonial theories. I worked on my PhD thesis under conditions informed by the Rhodes Must Fall (RMF), the Fees Must Fall (FMF) and other broader protests in South Africa whose connecting thread was the demand for the decolonisation of both the academy and public life. It is my conviction that, although work has already begun, there is still a lot of work to be done in decolonising the disciplines of journalism, media and cultural studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study responds to the central question: 'What do you see as the tasks, methods, and aims of New Testament studies, given the demands and priorities of the context in which you work?' From a decolonizing perspective, biblical scholarship's crucial role is fostering interdisciplinary approaches to help address 21st-century challenges set within the communal see-judge-act-evaluate-celebrate/ritualize framework. As a test case, this study characterizes Mary, her maternal health, and the perils of pregnancy in Luke 1–2 from a decolonizing angle within the context of the teenage pregnancy crisis in the Philippines. This decolonizing and interdisciplinary approach involves utilizing a synergy of contextual biblical hermeneutics in interpreting Luke 1–2 as an attempt to ensure that New Testament studies remain a relevant source of inspiration for actionable responses to promote teenage maternal health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What constitutes the field of 'cultural sociology' today? Where has it come from, and where is it going? And how has the journal Cultural Sociology played a role in the field over the journal's 15 years of existence? This article comprises a dialogue between one of the current editors, Christopher Thorpe, and one of the founding editors, David Inglis. Reflecting on these questions, the dialogue also touches on major issues in cultural sociology today; these include the continuing legacy of Bourdieu, the presence of Actor Network Theory, differences between critical-theoretical and Yale School conceptions of cultural autonomy, neo-liberalization processes, the status of postcolonial sociological ideas in the field, attempts to decolonize sociological accounts of culture, and the interplay between mainstream and 'productively weird' kinds of cultural sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a new perspective on the failed states agenda, and the reconfiguration of colonial discourse buttressing it, by theorising its afterlives. The concept of afterlives has mostly been discussed as a metaphor or in passing in the IR literature. Drawing from the post- and decolonial literature, we propose to define the concept simultaneously as echoes and aftermaths of the past. This conceptualisation of afterlives aims to contribute to the study of the persistence of colonial forms beyond notions of continuity and rupture. We develop the concept of afterlives through a discussion of the failed states agenda and its iterations. We discuss four specific iterations of the agenda: the genesis of the agenda in the decolonisation period; the consolidation of the agenda during the early 1990s; the crisis of the agenda and the rise of the resilience discussion; and finally the rise of the fragile city agenda as one of the afterlives of the failed states agenda. To illustrate our argument, we discuss two specific 'fragments' through which we can effectively grasp the echoes and aftermaths of coloniality: the pathologisation of fragile states and cities, operated through various twin figures (civilised/barbaric; strong/dysfunctional; resilient/vulnerable) and their practical repercussions; and the visualisation, mapping and colour-coding of fragile states and cities, exemplifying the durability and contradictions of the failed states agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 meeting of the Group for Debates in Anthropological Theory (GDAT) Social Anthropology, University of Manchester. The motion is, of course, a riff on Audre Lorde's well-known 1984 claim that 'the master's tools will never dismantle the master's house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change.' Lorde is asking about the tools of a racist and constitutionally exclusionary world, but we can ask similar questions about the tools of an academic discipline, anthropology, which arose during the height of empire, and the house that anthropology has built and its location in the university. Are anthropology's tools able to dismantle a house built on oppression, exploitation and discrimination and then build a different better house? If not, then what kinds of other tools might we use, and what is it that we might want to build? The motion is proposed by David Mills and Mwenda Ntarangwi and opposed by Kelly Gillespie and Naisargi Davé with Soumhya Venkatesan convening and editing the debate for publication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article questions the place of the child in the metaphysics and imaginary of Western colonization, racialization, and decolonization. In the last chapter of The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon, children appear not only as victims but also as a problem for which Fanon struggles to account as a theorist of decolonization as much as a psychiatric practitioner. Through a reading of one of the cases, this article interrogates the ways in which colonization attempts to infantilize colonized populations while erasing childhood, and the ways in which decolonization meets colonization by regarding childhood in the end as a misfortune. The work of decolonization, to proceed, thus would demand us to rethink childhood, and in doing so break free of Western metaphysics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, an increasing amount of research has focused on adapting psychotherapy concepts for refugees moving to Germany. For a long time, research from disciplines like anthropology and cultural studies has problematized the eurocentrism of psychology's theoretical premises and methodologies. Currently, scholarship around Global Mental Health and decolonization emphasizes how knowledge production from various disciplines and regions relates to this topic and could contribute to improving respective approaches. Consequently, this review aims at evaluating the actual transdisciplinary and transregional opening of studies on psychotherapeutic interventions for refugees in Germany. It provides a theoretically as well as empirically informed basis for looking at disciplinary premises, practices, and boundaries as well as the regional locatedness of respective research. Fourteen relevant studies, published between January 1, 2007 and March 4, 2022, were identified by systematically searching the databases PubPsych and Web of Science. The studies were reviewed regarding study design, choice and characterization of target groups, regional origin and target group specific adaptations of the therapeutic concepts, integration of elements from and connections to other disciplines, and use of references to scholarship from the Global South. The findings show a pronounced focus on the development of trauma therapy approaches and moreover a broad variety of concept adaptations in response to the assumed characteristics, situations, and needs of the target groups. While the findings reveal a complex transregional pattern of development and adaptation of the therapeutic concepts, transdisciplinary opening and reference to the Global South appear scarce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A plethora of discussion informs decolonising social work. However, how social work can be decolonised from women's perspective is still unexplored. Using the context of Nepal as a case study, this article theoretically explores 'the what', 'the why' and 'the how' of decolonising social work from women's standpoint. It is hoped this analysis will initiate and contribute to the critical debate on women, social work and decolonisation in Nepal and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the little-known but formative networks developing across the 1960s between anarchist political prisoners in Franco's Spain and emerging activists of the European New Left. As social change accelerated, these prisoners broke with the out-of-touch anarchist leadership-in-exile to connect with a new generation of activists inside and outside Spain. The article uses prisoner correspondence and prisoner-aid bulletins to reconstruct these informational networks, and argues they were an important element in the 'global rupture of 1968'. It posits that anarchist prisoners' input was a formative influence on how New Left activists came to see post-war Europe as a whole: both looked beneath Francoism's consumerist surface (habitually foregrounded in discussions of it as a Western client regime), to its reconfigured repressive core. The article discusses key discursive shifts by the anarchist prisoners as they sought international support in a new era of decolonization, 'national liberation' and the ramping up of the Cold War. In a landscape shaped by Castro's success in Cuba, war in Algeria and the birth of ETA inside Spain, anarchist prisoners and New Left activists alike defined Franco's political prisoners as victims not only of a national dictatorship but also of the Western Cold-War order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I trace Safavid paintings depicting women's imagery online and explore the possibility of digitally mapping Safavid (1501–1736) paintings featuring women on publicly accessible platforms. Along with the practice of online mapping that led me to digital museums, I investigated the descriptions presented on three digitized paintings on different platforms to address the questions, "Where and how can Safavid paintings be digitally encountered" and "In light of the theoretical developments in the scholarship on pre-modern discourses of Safavid gender and sexuality, how do the descriptions of Safavid paintings reflect gender discourses online?" By following Safavid paintings of women online and probing the textual descriptions attached to them, and using netnographic research methods to document my experience and encounter with the digitized Safavid paintings, I explore whether the online descriptions accompanying the images could contribute to the making of decolonial knowledge about non-Western gender discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the diversity of tactical interventions that transpired at the Whitney Museum of American Art in 2019, culminating in the resignation of the vice-chairman of its Board of Trustees. Instead of accepting the myth of museum neutrality, the activist campaign, spearheaded by the action-oriented movement Decolonize This Place, treated the Whitney as a site of ideological struggle, permeated by inner divisions and conflicting interests. Through their organizing efforts, activists prefigured a movement-based form of cultural production, mapped connections between seemingly disparate struggles, and built decolonial solidarities. While the activists' actions were essential to stage the antagonisms that had been dormant in the institution, a multiplicity of actors needed to step in during the process, creating multiple pressure points and taking sides in the division. To amplify the Whitney staffers' attempt to hold the museum leadership accountable, they sought to bring political protest into the institution, challenging the very principle of counting who belongs to the community and who is excluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In settler-colonial countries like Aotearoa New Zealand, television programmes about rurality are fundamentally entwined with the nation's colonial history, but how this context impacts on locally made, public service television content and production is seldom examined. Utilising data collected from interviews with programme makers and a novel bi-cultural friendship pair methodology, we examine how a high-rating mainstream programme, Country Calendar, conceptualises and delivers stories about Indigenous Māori and consider the extent to which these stories represent a decolonising of television narratives about rurality. The findings highlight the importance of incorporating Indigenous voices and values, the impact of structural limitations and staffing constraints on public service television's decolonising aspirations, and challenges reconciling settler-colonialism with the show's well-established 'rosy glow'. While rural media are often overlooked by communication scholars, our study demonstrates the contributions they might make to the larger task of decolonising storytelling about national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The literature on decolonization in settler contexts is characterized by an almost exclusive focus on the Anglo-French world, and by a marked emphasis on violence as the predominant feature of the settlers' reaction to change. This article aims to challenge this assumption. Eritrea – like the other former Italian colonies – is certainly a peculiar case of early, top-down decolonization; but the actors on the field were anything but passive spectators. In the 10 years in which the international community decided the fate of Eritrea, there were a lively political confrontation and an armed struggle with anti-colonial nuances, while the settlers organized themselves politically to defend their interests. The complex variety of strategies with which they reacted to the end of colonial power constitutes an example of the non-binary relationship between former colonizers and former colonized; it enriches our knowledge of how whites reacted to decolonization in Africa; and it helps to complicate the monolithic idea of settlers as an undifferentiated transnational category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India presents a rich context for research on work and employment, epitomising the paradox of an 'emerging economy' but one where 92.4% of the workforce is informal – insecure, unprotected, poor – and women and disadvantaged groups most vulnerable. It displays a wide range of production relations in its formal/informal economy, embedded in diverse social relations, and the related forms of exploitation and resistance. This WES Themed Collection aims to review existing WES scholarship on India since 2001, identifying both gaps in scholarship and fruitful avenues for future research on India. The purpose is to showcase some of this scholarship while also advancing the internationalisation and expansion of the journal's presence in countries in the Global South. This effort is timely as decolonisation of scholarship and increased focus on the South is on the intellectual agenda, challenging established structures of power and knowledge in academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates the import of feminist reflexivity for the decolonial project. At its best, the decolonial project reveals the form and extent to which contemporary ideas and power structures are imbued with generations of power structures whose foundations were laid during colonialism. However, some power dynamics can be lost in reified forms of decolonial critique. Feminist methodologies, especially reflexivity, remind us to revisit the particulars of the constructions of power within dominant power structures and, as importantly, within resistant power structures. We revisit the decolonial stance within an Indigenous cosmology, Aymaridad, 'the' Aymara worldview as constructed for the second largest Indigenous population in Bolivia. Aymaridad is an important site for feminists to revisit the relationship between feminism and decoloniality because over a decade ago, María Lugones charted a course for decolonial feminism that drew on an Aymaran approach to decolonizing gender. By revisiting the coloniality embedded in the construction of Aymara (in academe and in politics), we reveal that feminism's persistent reflexive methodology, even more than its attention to gender specifically, makes it an essential part of the decolonial theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The repatriation of many citizens to Italy from the former colonies, and from other Italian communities in Africa, between the Second World War and the late 1960s, had a significant impact on the country. Compatriots coming back from Africa forced Italian institutions to deal with problems of reception and resettlement and made the consequences of African decolonization evident in the peninsula. Looking at three different cases of repatriation, the return of settlers from Italian ex-colonies (Libya, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia), and the return of Italians from Tunisia and Egypt, this article aims to display the political strategies enacted by post-war Italy in order to cope with citizens returning from Africa. The comparative approach highlights the political reasons that guided the State's action during the long repatriation. Italian governments had different attitudes towards the returnees, depending on the purposes of domestic and foreign policy but also on their places of departure and the supposed more difficult assimilation of certain groups of repatriates. In this regard, the article argues that the definitive resettlement in the peninsula of the returnees from Tunisia and Egypt was especially discouraged by the institutions, which long tried to divert those flows of migration to other destinations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1950s and early 1960s, Chinese communist trade officials used commercial marketing not just to spur trade with foreign capitalists, but also to redefine China's national identity in the eyes of companies, consumers, and governments outside the socialist bloc. Chinese officials sought to unmake the perception of China as a backward, 'semi-colonial' state and to write a narrative of China as a modern, postcolonial member of the postwar international commercial order. This article examines two persistent themes that emerged within 'new' China's commercial narrative of itself. First, Chinese officials developed a story of solidarity with decolonizing states based on the theme of shared oppression at the hands of imperialist aggressors. Second, Chinese officials used commercial marketing to call for open and inclusive trade, regardless of differences in domestic political systems or ideology. By doing so, these officials wrested 'free trade' for China's own use as a cudgel for attacking U.S. sanctions and as a device for framing 'new' China as a champion of trade rights for postcolonial states. Both themes reveal how China sought to redefine its image in the eyes of diverse audiences outside the socialist bloc through international commerce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michael Burawoy's 2021 essay, 'Decolonizing Sociology: The Significance of W.E.B. Du Bois', forges dialogues between the scholar denied and established theorists with the aim of reconstructing the sociological canon. My commentary situates the author's essay and his own Du Boisian turn in a long career dedicated to reflexive science and recomposing theory. I reflect on the seemingly innocuous notion of a dialogue itself: its implications for sociological theory and practice, and how it supports decolonial efforts. Thinking with Toni Morrison, Hazel Carby, Lisa Lowe, and others, I offer a sketch of a decolonial methodology—what I call a Du Boisian shadowplay—that brings into view the intimate dimensions of imperialism. Ultimately, such a feminist methodology reconstructs dialogues that reflect on researcher standpoints and nested imperial histories; and in the face of today's social crises, nurtures dialogues that are animated by an ethic of love. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the policies employed by United Nations (UN) peacekeeping leadership and mid-level staff to silence West Papuan anti-Indonesian activists and dismiss the population's political opinions as immaterial to their territory's sovereign future. The UN brokered the New York Agreement, legitimising Indonesia's claims to the region following a decade of international discussions and military skirmishes between Indonesia and the Netherlands over the territory of West Papua. The Agreement vested the UN with sovereign control of West Papua for seven months to facilitate the transition in authority from Dutch colonial rule. Drawing on a multi-archival study of the mission, this article offers depth and balance to previous high-policy-focused scholarship on the dispute, rendering mid-level peacekeepers visible and bringing their role in shaping peacekeeping practices to light. It illuminates how the mission staff dismissed the views of West Papuan representatives in 1962–3 and contributed to the project of disenfranchisement carried out by the Indonesian government. In doing so, the mission leadership decisively participated in the re-colonisation of the population and disregarded rights violations on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period following the Second World War saw much international debate around African marriage, especially practices believed by Western observers to be coercive, and the emergence of international instruments ostensibly designed to counter these practices. Drawing on feminist readings of governmentalities, this article explores United Nations debates around the 1956 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, and the 1962 Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages. Despite the United Nations's preferred impression of benign universality, neither the international debates around forced and early marriage, nor the instruments they generated, were the product of neutral 'expertise'. Rather, they represented attempts to reframe and govern marriage and the family through knowledge production. The interventions produced did not – and were not intended to – produce tangible benefits in the lives of African women and girls. Instead, they served political ends in the adversarial atmosphere of the decolonization and Cold War-era United Nations, and also represented continuities with earlier colonial ideas. In the creation of these discursive framings, African women's voices were largely ignored, excluding them from debates that concerned them and minimizing their contributions to international 'knowledge'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even as policymakers in both the United States and Britain agreed that decolonization should be gradual, the principles and institutions that the Americans advocated undermined the very prospect of the sort of gradual change they claimed to prefer. At the heart of the matter was the notion of political accountability to an international organization. While American policymakers assumed that such accountability would – and should – be established after the Second World War, British policymakers recognized that the mere assent to the principle of international political accountability would lead to the pressure to decolonize more rapidly. American policymakers would constantly reassure their British counterparts that the commitments to international accountability which they had undertaken under American pressure were safely restricted to the moral and legal realm and would therefore not undermine their ability to govern in the colonies. But policymakers in Britain accurately predicted that once admitted in principle, the moral commitment to political accountability to the international community would become a political weapon against the colonial powers. The American conviction – which stemmed from a thoroughgoing liberal internationalism – that the colonial powers could persuade the anti-colonial powers to moderate their stance and sympathize with the dilemmas of decolonization was refuted time and again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to step back from the long-standing debate between art and artifact—aesthetics and science-- understood as terms that reference central concerns of the quintessentially modern Western disciplines of art history and anthropology. In their landmark edited volume The Traffic in Culture: Refiguring Art and Anthropology, George Marcus and Fred Myers explored the growing convergences exhibited by the concerns and methods of practitioners of the two disciplines, both in the academy and the museum. By training our attention on contemporary artworlds—understood as systems—they illuminated the exchanges of aesthetic and conceptual ideas and forms that have brought Western and non-Western arts into shared discursive and real spaces. Yet in the quarter century since the book's publication there has been a noticeable retreat from attempts by the proponents of visual studies and an expanded visual anthropology to actualize disciplinary convergences. The boundaries that separate art and anthropology have not been dissolved. Art historians and anthropologists continue to ask different questions and to support different regimes of value. From the author's vantage point in a settler society currently directing considerable energies to institutional projects of decolonization the old debates have rapidly been receding as a new 'third term' – Indigenous Studies-- intrudes itself on the well trodden terrain. Not (yet) definable as a discipline but, rather, maintaining itself as an orientation, Indigenous Studies nevertheless renders the earlier disciplinary debates moot. Place, rather than time-based, collective rather than individual, holistic rather than either disciplinary or interdisciplinary, Indigenous Studies formulations exert decolonizing pressures on institutions that are rapidly mounting. Using Anishinaabeg: Art and Power, a show in 2017 at the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM), as a case study, this article shows how an exhibition moved representation away from the art/artifact dichotomy as well as from contested strategies of 'inclusion' and pro forma recognitions of 'Indigenous ontology' toward a genuine paradigm shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds new light on the relationship between internationalism, decolonisation and ideas about development through a reassessment of an overlooked period in the life of Joseph Murumbi (1911–90), cultural collector and Kenya's second vice-president. It follows Murumbi's engagement with three internationalist spaces during the 1950s: in the Afro-Asian worlds of India and Egypt he honed his vision for community development and the practical coordination of internationalism; in London he pushed British activists to take a more internationalist approach to anti-colonialism in a case of 'reverse tutelage'; disillusioned with the British Left, in Scandinavia and Israel he questioned the translatability of community development and the practical role of external sympathisers as Kenyan independence approached. Murumbi's trajectory confirms the inseparability of internationalism and nationalism in 1950s Africa, reinserting internationalist thought into narratives of Kenyan freedom struggles and suggesting how alternative visions for post-colonial Kenya were lost. Moreover, we argue, this reassessment of Murumbi's life advances the burgeoning scholarship on internationalisms in the decolonising world by showing that Murumbi's internationalist practices and his interest in the supposedly 'local' question of community development drove one another. Murumbi thus shows us a particular set of entanglements between the 'local' and the 'global'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) recognises both Indigenous peoples' right to self-determination and simultaneously offers protections in regard to states' right to sovereignty and territorial integrity vis-à-vis Indigenous peoples' claims. Often, this is considered an internal inconsistency of the UNDRIP, and another common critique is that Indigenous peoples were only recognised as having a diminished right to self-determination, which is less than what everyone else enjoys. This article stands in contrast to these two lines of critique, arguing that the UNDRIP's articulation of self-determination is potentially ushering in a broadening, and possible reshaping, of self-determination, which has been increasingly decoupled from singular Westphalian notions of 'sovereignty' and 'territoriality' in ways that require ongoing negotiation between peoples and states. This case study of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy's issuance and use of their passports, based on original fieldwork including a set of qualitative interviews with key informants, demonstrates how the Haudenosaunee Confederacy is pushing the practice and understanding of self-determination in multiple, new directions to include plural sovereignties in deeply significant ways concerning International Relations in both theory and in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]