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This article discusses two papers by Steven Stern and Daniel Goldin that delve into the concepts of selfobject experience and empathy in psychoanalysis. The author highlights the need to explicitly articulate implicit theoretical concepts and acknowledges the influence of subjectivity and sociocultural positioning on understanding these concepts. Stern's paper explores the idea of a complex selfobject experience and introduces the notions of fittedness and specificity of connection. The author relates Stern's ideas to their own work on twinship experiences. The article also addresses the dangers of dehumanizing others through objectification and reductionism, both in clinical practice and in broader societal contexts. The concept of empathy and its role in therapy are also discussed. The author examines the ideas presented in two other papers, one by Stern and one by Goldin, and reflects on how these ideas relate to the issue of difference. The author suggests that empathy involves recognizing both similarities and differences between individuals, and that therapy can only be effective when these aspects are acknowledged and embraced. The author also advocates for a more self-aware and less ethnocentric approach to therapy in order to better address issues of difference. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examined the brutal tactics used by security forces in the early days of the COVID-19 lockdown in South Africa. Key questions raised relate to the philosophical (dis)connectedness of their actions. The paper posits that the way in which some police and soldiers conducted themselves in black communities is reminiscent of colonial-apartheid hermeneutics. Their conduct, devoid of Ubuntu, relegates the culprits to "mere symbols with no substance," in a deeply conditioned state of mental subjugation. Though black, the culprits remain largely unAfrikan in thought. The paper concludes that training for security forces needs to inculcate philosophies of Afrikanism. Furthermore, the paper highlights key lessons to be embraced. Recommendations made include the professionalisation of the security forces, enabling public dialogue, and bringing the culprits to book faster to restore the image of the country, the government, and the security agencies. This paper used a qualitative desktop design that applied inductive analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature of the unfolding social cohesion in previously racially segregated residential spaces has attracted attention since the collapse of apartheid in South Africa and the subsequent transition to democracy in 1994. This paper uses sense of neighbourhood to investigate the emerging social interactions in Cambridge, a former whites-only residential suburb in East London, South Africa. Fitting a binary logistic regression on survey data from a sample of residents of Cambridge, the paper tests the likelihood of race and gender influencing three indicators of the sense of neighbourhood: the sense of safety, trust and norms of reciprocity. The results show that relational dimensions of the sense of neighbourhood differed along racial lines, with low levels of interracial trust mirroring studies elsewhere in the country, and the national-level South African Reconciliation Barometer survey reports. Due to the voluntaristic nature of relational ties, social integration will remain elusive, and regardless of the extent of racial changes, variations in the sense of neighbourhood will characterise the urban residential spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I consider a selection of photographs of a man of color from a luxury book of male nudes, Images (1982), aimed at white gay men and published in South Africa by Alternative Books (AB) in the late apartheid period. Given the exclusive association of assimilable homosexuality with whiteness in the national gay press and other homoerotic commodities available in South Africa at the same historical juncture, I propose that these photographs, which interrupted longstanding, racist homoerotic iconographies, elicited experiences of ambivalence (and thus critical reflection) amongst their historical audiences. To this end, I analyze the editorial and commercial content of the newspapers Link/Skakel and Exit for the period that AB was active (1981–1991), anticipating an overlap of readership between these papers and the publisher's titles. More precisely, I discuss the prevalence of the figure of the "good homosexual" and representations of classical (that is, white) male beauty in these papers to plot how apartheid logic was broadly reproduced (and same-sex desire disciplined according to such dictates) in mainstream South African gay movements, institutions, and print cultures during this time, but, notably, not in Images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from the author's experience, this Research Note provides an overview of the University of the Western Cape Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archives. This archive is rooted in the liberation struggle in southern Africa and contains a considerable number of historical documents, oral histories and audio-visual materials documenting the global anti-apartheid movement. Located in Bellville, on the outskirts of Cape Town, South Africa, the archive is easily accessible and well worth a visit from scholars of the Cold War in southern Africa, the global Black freedom struggle and international social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reads contemporary South Africa through the lens of melancholia and situates the experience of loss at the heart of social entanglements in the country. It argues that the purchase of melancholia lies partly in the fact that the problem of disarticulated and disenfranchised loss is common to post-apartheid modernity in general. It suggests that post-apartheid melancholia is a resultant effect of the country's fraught engagement with loss and (be)longing. It also notes that post-apartheid melancholia is a result of structural traumas and moral anguish that have not been worked through. This paper shows how melancholia manifests in the different modes of attachments to, and identifications with victimhood; it explains why each identity group lays il/legitimate claims to victimhood in South Africa. In addition, this paper conceptualises post-apartheid melancholia along racial and generational lines. That is, it examines the ways in which personal testimonies and meditations shed light on the prospects of white, black and intergenerational melancholia in post-apartheid South Africa. In all, this paper argues that melancholia is an affective structure of the everyday life in post-apartheid South Africa which – if we are not quick to pathologise it – may help combat hurried attempts at closing the door on the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of this paper adopted a transformative framework in this article to examine how the legacy of apartheid continues to manifest within higher education in South Africa. In particular, the authors analyzed (a) how mainstream mentoring knowledge of 'black' and 'marginalized' people have influenced mentoring in post-apartheid South Africa; (b) varied ways in which mentoring initiatives and programs have been silenced and ignored previously marginalized voices through the application of apartheid mentoring knowledge, and (c) shared how the mentors/lecturers and students show and tell their stories about the demands of mentoring and the emphasis of contextual and responsive mentoring for the previously marginalized people in higher education in South Africa. The shortage of mentoring has been cited as a crucial reason for women's lack of advancement in leadership. Implications for advancing transformation through mentoring in higher education in South Africa are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Moses Kotane founded The African Defender in 1937, he did so with the intention to encourage African self-sufficiency through teaching and publishing in indigenous languages and through sharing information on how to survive in segregated South Africa. In doing so, he entered into public conversation with writers and editors of other independent publications such as The Anti-Fascist or occasional series by groups such as the South African Jewish Deputies Board. In the decade after Kotane and his peers began their own discussions, conversations about fascism and anti-fascism in South Africa moved from the margins among those deemed alarmist into spaces where anti-racist activists increasingly saw red flags connecting European oppression with the growing populist nationalism in their own country. This article examines this decade through the language and conversations of independent publications such as Kotane's, in the face of the proliferation of groups such as the Greyshirts, The People's Movement, the South African National Democratic Party ('Blackshirts'), The South African Fascists, and the Gentile Protection League. It argues that anti-fascist philosophies not only informed but served as cornerstones to a nascent anti-apartheid movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-apartheid government in South Africa has provided increased opportunities for public participation at the local government level. Local party politics tend to bedevil these local participatory processes. This paper discusses ANC party politics and how they impact on public participation. It draws on a case study of five municipalities in the Cape Winelands District of the Western Cape that was conducted through semi-structured interviews and secondary data analysis. Local ANC politics has a huge impact on local government structures and their participatory processes. The ANC is a unitary structure in its policy but there is a lack of uniformity in understanding, commitment, and implementation of participatory policies at different levels of the organisation and government spheres. Some deployed public representatives work to advance themselves and their factions, at the expense of the ANC and the communities they are supposed to be leading. The findings of this study have as much significance for civil society as for the local state and its representatives. They show that it is not always the case that the state is bad and civil society is good as leaders of civil society get involved in clientelist relationships and blatant corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes J.M. Coetzee's "The Mind of Apartheid" as a point of departure in thinking about audits in universities. Using the psychoanalytic framing of apartheid that Coetzee puts in place, audit is likened here to a form of obsessional neurosis. If this is indeed a plausible diagnosis of audits – and this should remain a question for deliberation – then a set of questions emerges for post-apartheid universities, which the paper seeks to develop. By what scenes from the past are audits haunted? What memory traces do audits reactivate? What phantoms do audits seek to exorcise? Can we speak of the demons by which auditing is possessed? And what sort of working through the past would this call for? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two objectives. It aims, firstly, to provide an overview of the explanatory dilemmas that J.M. Coetzee highlights in his acclaimed essay "The mind of apartheid" in respect of existing theories of apartheid ideology. It then makes recourse, secondly, to a series of concepts in Lacanian psychoanalysis so as to shed light on these dilemmas. Two questions seem to particularly vex Coetzee. Firstly, where should we seek to locate agency in respect of apartheid ideology: predominantly on the side of the subject or predominantly the side of structure? Secondly, if we need to appeal both to subject and structure, then how are we to understand the relation between these two factors in the workings of apartheid ideology? By means of Lacanian conceptualisation, the paper supplements and extends Coetzee's argument according to which the notion of desire is central to understanding the spread and hold of apartheid ideology. The paper then moves on to elaborate a Lacanian understanding of ideological agency which accounts for the relation between subject and structure (or, in Lacanian terms, subject and the symbolic Other) and does so by thinking apartheid as a transaction of desire and/or lack between the two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Drama of the Peace Process in South Africa" by Sylvia Neame is a book that reflects on the author's experiences and writings during the late 1980s in South Africa. Neame, a South African historian and former member of the South African Communist Party and African National Congress, provides insights into the ANC's strategy and debates surrounding negotiations with the apartheid regime. The book includes extracts from her diaries, as well as papers she wrote during that time. While the book offers valuable perspectives on the ANC/SACP alliance and the author's efforts to shape the approach to negotiations, it may not appeal to a wide audience due to its length and lack of broader context. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the pragmatic stance that the United States adopted, during the Nixon era, regarding relations with Pretoria. The Nixon administration believed that Washington needed to prioritise the protection of its own strategic and commercial interests and not become overly concerned about the domestic agenda of its global partners. The vehement anti-communism of the National Party government combined with a profitable economic relationship and the abundant mineral resources of the apartheid state dictated a need on practical grounds for closer ties with South Africa. This stance was further reinforced by Nixon's contempt for sub-Saharan Africans and lack of interest in achieving racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The argument of this paper is that the search for alternatives to capitalism, the prevailing and dominant socio-economic and political system in South Africa (and elsewhere), is both necessary and urgent, especially because it has failed to meet even the most basic needs and aspirations of the citizenry. In South Africa, this failure is borne out by the fact that despite all the policy reforms, strategies and plans of the post-Apartheid government, the material conditions of the vast majority of people have not met the promise of liberation and may in fact have regressed in some regards. The article examines key elements of the failures of capitalism by reference to a key set of critical indicators, following which it examines some of the foundational ideas about socialism that underpin the emergent solidaristic responses to global corporate capitalism. The final section will deal with the emergence of alternative solidaristic and cooperative forms of social and solidaristic economy in response to the persistent crisis of capitalism and its effects on the global poor and the natural environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages issues of complicated femininity and the representation of such in South African telenovela Gomora. Set in South African township Alexandra, Gomora tells the story of contemporary life in post-apartheid South Africa, where people are forced to engage issues of poverty, inequality, racism, and more. In particular, the paper engages one of the main characters in the program, Nomasonto Mildred Molefe. Mam' Sonto is the matriarch of her family who is also the head of an established hijacking syndicate. Throughout the first season of this show, audiences are able to engage with a complicated woman who is good and bad, kind and cruel. Moving away from a moral reading of the character, this paper unpacks how the character comes to be and how she asserts her own power and agency in engaging a deeply racist and sexist society in order to survive and provide for her family. Engaging works of Pumla Gqola, Sisonke Msimang, Roxanne Gay, and more, the paper presents a reading of this character that enables a clear argument for the need for such depictions of complicated womanhood as part of pushing the reified boundaries of patriarchy that women are forced to exist within. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the onset of the apartheid era, Jewish women across South Africa began to publish community cookbooks to raise money for Jewish schools, synagogues, and other organizations. Through their combination of recipes, titles, advertisements, prefaces, and guidelines, community cookbooks narrated the economic, social, and cultural successes of the women who compiled them. In the postwar period, South African Jewish women sought a place for themselves in Jewish communal life, and in the white middle class of the country's new apartheid order. By producing and consuming community cookbooks, these women armed themselves with the organizational platform and the cultural capital that would help them claim that place. In order to be able to step into the public sphere while meeting their domestic obligations, they came to rely on the invisibilized labor of the black women who worked in their homes and kitchens. The paper uses cookbooks to think critically about the position of South African Jews in the apartheid system, analyzing how Jewish women benefited from the privileges of whiteness in the intimate arena of their homes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Irma Brenman Pick, a highly respected British psychoanalyst, has passed away at the age of 89. Originally from South Africa, she moved to the UK in 1955 and received training in child psychotherapy and analytic training. She was known for her clinical work, teaching, and supervision, and was a Distinguished Fellow of the British Psychoanalytical Society. Brenman Pick believed that the analyst's emotional openness to the patient was crucial in therapy, contrary to traditional views that see countertransference as a problem. Her influential paper, "Working Through in the Countertransference," explored how the analyst's work with their own countertransference feelings can deepen the analytic process. [Extracted from the article]

Through land restitution, a component of land reform, the state seeks to restore the dignity of black communities who lost their land during colonial and apartheid times. Land restitution seeks to return the land that was unfairly grabbed from black people or to offer alternative land or cash compensation. Much public discourse and research on South African land reform has been on the failure of land reform projects and on land acquisition debates. Little research has been published foregrounding the voices of beneficiaries. By capturing their lived experiences after land transfer, this paper examines whether these beneficiaries have been "restituted." My study in the Macleantown and Salem restitution cases shows that access to land has restored the dignity of beneficiaries and produced nostalgia because of the return of ancestors' land, although the livelihoods of beneficiaries have not improved and these projects have failed to function. I argue that these land compensated beneficiaries have not been properly 'restituted,' because the programme has failed to improve their livelihoods or to produce modern solutions for the restitution programme. Land restitution in these areas has largely not led to land justice because beneficiaries are living in poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Matlala and Matom first began photographing their respective worlds in the 1980s, demand for political images of apartheid overshadowed quotidian concerns. Since then, a shift away from the political to the personal in South African photography has offered a space of reflection for the kinds of images that they sought to make. This paper focuses on the historical, social and political aspects of these two photographers' photo-archives. It attempts to place their work and photographic concerns within the broader archive of South African photography and to demonstrate continuities and ruptures between the past and the present.Photographs are first and foremost, records, and markers of time. Although photographs might be seen to be of their time, of everyday occurrences, they also transcend time. Thus, their relationship to time is necessarily complex, and requires interpretation and analysis within a disciplinary and discursive frame, which in this paper is work and the everyday. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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For many Black South African women, speaking about the gruesome and demeaning treatment they experienced during Apartheid is not easy. Silence became normalized due to the unspeakable nature of what many of the women went through. They struggled to find a way to express their traumas and many lived and continue to live with these hidden transcripts of their lives. For some, shame and lack of safe spaces or platforms to speak/express their traumas contributed to this silence. Indeed, many women continue to struggle to find the language to express their traumas. This paper engages how, through visual narratives such as embroidery, women become active actors in the telling of their lived realities. Drawing from a qualitative approach and using visual narratives in the form of embroideries, the paper offers insights on how unspeakable lived experiences of trauma can be expressed. The paper further highlights ways in which embroidery can be used to connect both the personal and collective stories of Black women in South Africa and to show how suffering is an interpersonal experience. Finally, the possibilities and potentials of visual artwork, as a canvas that offers space for expressing stories of trauma, survival, and healing, are addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many European societies, arts education and culture play a central role in their education systems. In England, the situation is very different. There, for the last two decades, the state has progressively marginalised the role of the arts in the public education system in the belief that the 'market' does not value the arts. However, England also has a strong relatively autonomous private education system financed directly by parental fees. This paper explores the extent to which the top private schools have diverged from this process of marginalisation. The findings suggest that these top private schools have invested more in the arts, which have subsequently come to play an increasingly important role in the education they provide. One consequence is that we have witnessed the emergence of two 'systems' of education in England, which pose a significant challenge for cultural policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South African commercial press marginalises alternative and counter-hegemonic voices partly due to its location in the capitalist power structures. Notwithstanding its transformation post-apartheid, the ethos of this media remains rooted in apartheid-like economic and ideological rationalities. This media still functions within Western news values and a neoliberal paradigm; hence, the reporting of ideological discourses delegitimises the concerns of the dispossessed. This paper uses the critical political economy of the media in conversation with decolonial theories to analyse the media's representation of the land debate by assessing economic and political interrelations that shape its structures and practice. Stories in the South African English-language print media in 2018 are analysed using thematic and framing approaches. It emerges that the land debate is framed negatively. The media employed a narrow neoliberal frame in the stories and thus failed to support a legitimate discourse. Instead, the media gave voice to individuals located in capitalist production structures who defended the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Documentary photography has undergone a process of devaluation in post-apartheid South Africa. In response, Patricia Hayes has introduced the term "empty photographs" into the scholarly conversation, using it to designate images that have been derided as "'bad,' 'boring,' or repetitious" in post-apartheid settings ("The Uneven Citizenry," 189). This article revisits a subset of such images to contest their seeming emptiness—pallbearers escorting dead activists to their graves during political funerals in late-apartheid South Africa. Focusing specifically on Afrapix photographer, Gille de Vlieg's images of Themba Dlamini's funeral in Driefontein in 1990, the paper restores their local history to view and unpacks the visual cultural and material cultural circuits of militant mourning in which they were embedded. It then uses various orders of metonymy in the visual field to comment on the "necropolitics" of the apartheid regime (Achille Mbembe, "Necropolitics"). The paper concludes with a reflection on Ariella Azoulay's notion of the "civil gaze" (Civil Imagination) and considers what unfolds when a reckoning with the differential distribution of death that characterizes necropower reorients this faculty away from the individual photograph towards series, genre or corpus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dispossession is characteristically associated with the period of colonialism and apartheid in South Africa. Consequently, not much consideration is given to how the previously marginalised continue to be dispossessed in their everyday lives by coal mining activities in the current political dispensation. This article reframes dispossession as a perpetual post-apartheid experience in African communities. In this paper, dispossession does not only encompass events of deprivation, and the loss of land and property, but also covers the loss of the incorporeal. The relocation of African ancestral graves in Tweefontein (Ogies) is discussed as an aspect of dispossession. The politics surrounding household relocations and grave exhumations illustrates how communities not only lose the material; land and tombs, but also lose their intangible possessions; ancestral connection, identity, heritage and belonging because of mining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the emergence of the Black Students' Movement (BSM), a black organization formed at Rhodes University in the 1980s. The BSM aligned its anti-apartheid politics with the United Democratic Front (UDF) and black consciousness philosophy. It emerged due to the conservative disposition of the Student Representative Council (SRC), and sought to address both the issues that black students faced on campus and to draw attention to the broader political context of the time. The central argument of the paper is that the BSM, as an anti-apartheid students' organization, used protest as a tool to represent the issues of black students at Rhodes. This paper demonstrates that the BSM's demands were largely recognised by the Rhodes senate, and its politics created small but significant changes in the university's policies. During the 2015 period, Rhodes University once again saw a formation of a new BSM, raising the issues of 'decolonization' and transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the recent oppressive histories of apartheid and colonialism, the legacies of slavery in South Africa are often overlooked in thinking about aspects of post-apartheid democracy's discursive formulation of race, nation, and reconciliation. This paper analyses how two examples in Cape Town – the permanent exhibition Representing Slavery at the Slave Lodge Museum and the Memorial to the Enslaved in Church Square – represent the historic event of slavery in South Africa. The paper argues that the museum exhibition and the memorial site are instances of memorialisation and simultaneously function as political processes that offer insight into discourses of race and reconciliation in South Africa during the early stages of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Africa the segregation laws of the apartheid years had an impact on contacts and interactions between cultural groups, which led to prejudice, intolerance and painful intercultural experiences. The influence of the past is still evident in present-day South African society, despite greater mobility between different cultural groups. This paper reports on four research studies that investigated how social work and the arts together can explore ways to facilitate contact between diverse groups that will lead to positive experiences. The aim of these studies was to create an opportunity to develop intercultural awareness through joint music-making in an attempt to address prejudice and intolerance. The paper will firstly discuss how a transdisciplinary approach can be utilised. Secondly, the paper posits that making music together is a way to assist diverse groups to explore their own cultural understandings, to 'hear the voices' of other cultures, and to move towards greater intercultural awareness that could enhance tolerance in a diverse society. Thirdly, the hermeneutical perspective will be presented as an aspect of the process to support the development of awareness between diverse groups. Concluding recommendations focus on how making music together can become a form of intercultural social work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Duncan Bell's heuristic of the mythscape as a means to conceptualize the nationalistic narrativization of the sporting past. Bell approaches the forging of national identity through evocations of the past as mythologized: that is, partial, contested, power-laden, and perpetually mutating. First, we introduce Bell's concept as a means to evaluate the selective, contested and shifting construction of the sporting past through the prism of nationalism. We first chart the narrativisation of the New Zealand – South African rugby rivalry within popular literature during the apartheid era (1948–1994). This was characterized by the production of 'governing' myths and oppositional narrations from the 1960s onward. We then evaluate subsequent post-apartheid narrativizations (1994 onwards) within popular rugby histories, focussing on the 1986 Cavaliers rugby tour to South Africa – the final event in apartheid-era rugby ties between the two nations. We explore how writers use particular narratives, and what they have chosen to exclude, and how it informs a national mythscape. We find the rehabilitation of governing myths that sanitize and redact connections between New Zealand rugby and apartheid. This is symptomatic of a selective construction that valorizes rugby as a idealized national institution. Finally, we offer comments on the utility of the mythscapes concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary diffusion of a 'spy culture' and other legitimated forms of citizen to citizen monitoring in society has arguably impacted on the area of romantic relationships. This may be particularly exacerbated in relationships that defy societal norms such as is the case with interracial romantic relationships. The surveillance of romantic choices by parents and friends has called on interracial couples to redouble efforts to safeguard their intimacy. Using the idea of 'Foucaultdian' surveillance as a conceptual starting point, this paper argues that interracial couples in post-apartheid South Africa face barriers to intimacy through the perceived and realized surveillance of their relational choices by friends and family. Findings from in-depth interviews suggest that the staying power of racial primacy in contemporary South Africa leads friends and families of interracial couples to assume the role of gatekeepers thereby instilling a strategically empowering form of self-watching in the couples as to when and how to disclose their relationship status. The study aids in the broader conceptual re-imagining of what it means to watch and be watched within the societal confines of racialized close social network dynamics. Limitations and implications for future research are also offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social Reproduction Theory (SRT) rejects the classical political economy distinction between productive and unproductive labor, the latter defined as all labor that does not produce surplus-value. Rather, much non-commodified labor, particularly that done in the domestic sphere, is not unproductive but necessary since it produces labor-power. Hence, SRT has proposed an alternative distinction: productive versus reproductive spheres of labor. This article argues that this opposition too is analytically and politically misleading. Capital is concerned with profit, not with the reproduction of the living labor within which labor-power is always embedded. It is the everyday struggles of living labor that determines its reproduction. These take place not just in the kin-based sphere of the family but in overlapping, shifting places and processes, including struggles for better wages and working conditions in capitalist firms. This paper uses two different contexts in southern Africa to make this argument: an influential debate over how to understand changes in apartheid in South Africa in the 1970s; and a sugar-cane plantation in Mozambique where interdependent contradictions of class, gender and race defined a social division of labor that systematically compromised the reproduction of living labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses apartheid political history and ‘coloured’ identity challenges in South African society. A textual analysis of Nadine Gordimer’s My Son’s Story (MSS, 1990) adheres to understanding ‘coloured’ identity struggle as an ‘Other’ and their racial marginality during apartheid. This research deeply studies race and identity theories with Frantz Fanon’s psychological notion of racism, decolonisation and the idea of cross-racial relations are important to analyse MSS. A textual study of MSS is significant for examining the impact of apartheid on ‘coloured’ characters. This research finds that ‘coloured’ community’s struggle and their racial consciousness of being other were political and psychological challenges during apartheid time. To put in a nutshell, apartheid stories are not individual representations but these are collectively representing the ‘coloured’ community's struggle in South Africa. Racial consciousness of being other was a form of racial exclusion so, a discussion on ‘coloured’ discourse becomes important to contextualise political history. The negligence of the ‘coloured’ issues during apartheid questioned the psychological development of ‘coloured’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by Karen Barad's agential realism and Donna Haraway's use of the Chthulucene, our paper profoundly troubles and unsettles the humanist subject that has been the cause of so much trouble. Re-turning to a government primary school in Cape Town as the "research site," we adopt temporal and spatial diffraction as a postqualitative research methodology. The colonial practices related to land ownership, are not in the past, but remain in its be(com)ing. Land "use" in South Africa during Apartheid, was, and still is, a form of violence. Thinking-with Neimanis and McLauchlan, we understand a school as not separate from the phenomenon of climate change, but as one of its sites and as a feminist project. A diffractive image articulates aesthetically and politically how the land as the more-than-human is a significant part of the phenomenon and queers school as a concept and "research site." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his writings, Bernard Magubane theorizes racial capitalism but without necessarily invoking the term. Instead, he frequently refers to "the political economy of race and class" in the South African society. First, Magubane traces the roots of capitalism and racism in South Africa back to European expansionism. Second, he grapples with dispossession during the colonial period and calls it "the fact of conquest". This period was a significant prelude to apartheid capitalism and racism. Third, having analyzed these forms of domination, he argues that black people in South Africa would be liberated through the insurrection of the working people. Magubane's main contribution is his use of historical analysis to understand the next move by imperialism and its impact on the interaction of race and class and the struggle for liberation. Magubane seeks to develop a clear theoretical framework to understand the nature of the South African society. In this paper, I will attempt to illustrate Magubane's contribution to Marxist thought based on his study of South Africa's racially hierarchical political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the extent to which globalisation has affected the post-apartheid state's ability to fulfil the right to adequate houses enshrined in the South African Constitution (Act 108 of 1996). Underpinned by the rights-based approach to development (RBAD) which provides a mechanism to promote, protect, and fulfil various rights, the study employed a quantitative methodology. A survey was the preferred data collection method and a questionnaire was used as the data collection instrument. The probability sampling technique of random cluster sample was used in the study and the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used to analyse questionnaires focusing primarily on descriptive statistics. The sample size consisted of 500 survey respondents selected from two towns in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province. We used an alpha level of.05 for all statistical tests. The study was premised on the following null hypothesis (H0): the right to housing is equally distributed among the population. The findings indicate that the right to houses is not equally distributed among the population, X2 (2, N = 500) = 56.37, p <.05. Therefore, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected. We can conclude, therefore, that there is a statistically significant difference amongst the groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses South Africa's Covid relief plan for its creative sector—the Presidential Employment Stimulus Plan (PESP)—as a locus for understanding the evolution of state arts sponsorship since the country's first free elections in 1994. It begins with an historical discussion outlining the evolution of various philosophies of national arts sector caretaking. Particular attention is drawn to the philosophical shift from democratic aspirations during the transition from apartheid in the early 1990s to the sector's steady integration into a broader neoliberal development strategy leading up to the present. National policy papers and development programs from the last two decades demonstrate the steady entrenchment of an economistic approach to the arts, decoupled from principles argued for during the transition to democracy such as education, national cohesion, or cultural representation. Structural dynamics governing the creative sector are crossed by the political prerogatives of artists who rely on state arts funding. To explain the tension between government care regimes for creative and cultural industries intersect with historically situated philosophies of how the arts intervene in communities facing crisis, we end our discussion through an analysis of a project funded by the PESP: i-Yeza, the Covid-19 Awareness Roadshow. Pivoting from macro-level discussion of arts policy to ethnographic analysis of this specific project's conception and reception demonstrates how community consciousness diverges from neoliberalism's instrumental logic. By linking the legacy of socially critical township theatre to Covid awareness and vaccination, i-Yeza performs a politics of care premised on a vision of national moral redemption despite state decay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What do cinema houses have to tell us about the experience of collective leisure in early twentieth-century South Africa? This article considers how the cinema house points to unprecedented social conditions that allowed the emergence of new publics. Drawing on scholarship on the development of cinema in South Africa, the article considers how the historical transformations through which the cinema has passed since the 1910s suggest attempts to domesticate the space of projection of the cinema as well as the formation of new cinema audiences. Diverging from readings of the cinema in South Africa that focus on film, the article considers how the cinema house is inscribed in this scholarship as an evocative cipher of incipient publics and as a metaphor for the containment of a new public sphere during the periods of segregation and Apartheid. While today the cinema house no longer occupies the place it once did, the paper concludes with a reflection on recent recreations of the space of the cinema in two South African art installations. The restaging of these cinemas offers a way into the making of a collective space and the kinds of distinct publics they forged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New African poet, playwright, and intellectual H.I.E. Dhlomo is often cited as one of twentieth-century South Africa's most important cultural figures. In contrast to his celebrated theoretical writings, however, Dhlomo's actual literary work tends to receive mixed reviews from scholars. This paper seeks to reassess Dhlomo's much-maligned use of Romantic and Gothic tropes by focusing on two of his lesser-known plays: Men and Women and The Expert. These plays, which date from towards the end of Dhlomo's playwriting career, have never been published, yet reveal a great deal about both the nature of his literary project and the conditions of Black cultural production in segregation-era South Africa. Indeed, I argue that these plays engage in some of the most radical social critiques found anywhere in pre-apartheid South African drama, and, furthermore that the melodramatic and incongruous elements of these works are essential to their intended impact. Having experienced segregation-era South African society as an unfolding nightmare, for H.I.E. Dhlomo laughter and horror were intimately related. Ultimately, I contend that Dhlomo's linkage of laughter to the supernatural and the Gothic marks an important moment in South African history, illustrating powerfully the dashed hopes and aspirations of the New African generation within the context of tightening white philanthropic control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender equity among South African principals remains a compelling issue for research. While post-apartheid governmental policies address gender equality, women continue to experience discrimination in the field. A theory of intersectionality was used to examine three Indian South African women's leadership experiences. The focus was to investigate how the women negotiated obstacles in their work. The project involved semi-structured interviews, and the results yielded a contribution to the small body of literature employing intersectionality theory as well as the research around female principals experiences in South Africa. The findings revealed the impact intersections of gender, class and race had on the women within environments of domination and discrimination among family and their colleagues at work. Themes of family values, class, and Indian culture illustrated how powerful cultural and societal practices continue to promote patriarchal perceptions. Women as leaders were questioned, as the women experienced discrimination, stereotyping, and emotional abuse within family and work environments. In their efforts to overcome barriers to the principalship, the women relied on their leadership styles to promote relational 'power with' models of leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy decision-making has stagnated. For more than a quarter century analysts have generally drawn on secondary material from other scholars, newspaper reporting, and the speeches of government officials to elucidate how South Africa crafts and carries out its foreign policy. The accessibility of previously classified archival documents and the availability of policy makers for research interviews holds the potential to advance scholarship on South African foreign policy along two fronts. First, these primary sources offer insight into foreign policy decision-making processes. And second, they encourage a critical re-evaluation of many of the traditional understandings and tropes that have dominated the study of South African foreign policy. This paper outlines the state of foreign policy studies in South Africa and then demonstrates the power of primary research to alter key ideas about the conduct and content of South African foreign policy through three case studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bantu Education system, which replaced missionary-run black schooling in the mid-1950s, expanded schooling to accommodate the basic economic needs of the South African economy but it was done as cheaply as possible. The state paid teachers' salaries and in return it expected obedience and conformity from its employees. It was a tight-fisted, authoritarian education system, which stifled aspiration and human creativity. Yet, I want to argue in this paper, it unintentionally opened spaces which could nurture human ambition. I am not talking here about ambition merely for upward social mobility but for an assertion of humanity in the midst of a dehumanising social order. Morris Isaacson High School in Soweto was one of those spaces. I will show that Morris Isaacson, from the 1960s to the early 1990s, was a place where young people from mostly very poor backgrounds could aspire to be something more than an economic unit, where they could become creative and rounded human beings. Although the academic ethos of the school should not be underestimated, a variety of cultural, intellectual, and sports activities, which had no direct economic utility, enriched the lives of students and expanded their horizons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-apartheid South Africa, one of the central analytical questions is to do with the continuity of protests, in particular student movement protests that are highly driven by social, economic and political conditions in the present. In a social and political context of student protests, student movement is considered a threat to the state and a target for state violence. In this paper, we assert that student movement in contemporary South Africa is a social and political space in which we can begin to engage with and understand issues of dispossession and repossession as re-emerging struggles in South Africa. We also assert that student protests should be understood as real or perceived emancipatory terrain of transformation within and beyond the university campus, but also as the engine that engages with the unfinished struggle for decolonisation and transformation in post-apartheid South Africa. We draw on and engage with decolonial thought as our analytical lens through which to unpack and understand student protests in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Respectability has been a significant feature of status in the Cape, shaped by racial dynamics that have their foundation in slavery and colonialism and later formalised in apartheid legislation. The issue of representation is central to the paper and draws on the work of Stuart Hall who suggests that the concept of representation plays a more active and creative role in how we think about the world and our place in it. Drawing on oral history and personal family photographs taken during apartheid, I postulate that, through acts of performance such as dressing up and sitting for photographs, people who were classified coloured, attempted to take control of the way they were represented. In so doing, they actively resisted their dehumanisation and racial subjugation. In this regard I argue that the photographs defy and resist the memories that we have of apartheid and testify to a will to freedom and humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cape Town (South Africa) provides a unique setting to critique the myriad forces producing the varied, contextual conditions of water security. In post-apartheid Cape Town, water is considered a constitutional right and all citizens are guaranteed free minimum access. Despite this progress, water security is often fragmented and personalized. This paper examines the perspectives and experiences of residents in Langa township following the 'Day Zero' event of 2018. Embedded in the optics of the crisis we found differentiated dimensions of security more reflective of the apartheid era. Our findings illustrate the need for adaptive water governance to promote water justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on the Soweto students' uprising of 16 June 1976 focuses on the political mobilisation of the march, the day of the march itself and memorialisation of the event. Many of these studies fail to portray the everyday lives of the students who protested against the Bantu Education system in South Africa, dwelling on the spectacular. This article primarily draws on oral history interviews with former student activists of the 1960s and 1970s to historicise their reading practices. It thus introduces a new layer to the story of the making of youth political consciousness in South African schools in the 1970s. The article shows how reading happened in the classroom, the playground and the home and how this reading led to the formation of multiple and contiguous subaltern counterpublic spheres that became the crucible of many of the student leaders of the march of 1976. It adds to the literature on the subversion of apartheid by exploring some contradictions in the system that were exploited by students and teachers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I examine the case study of a secret communication infrastructure developed as part of Operation Vula and operational from 1988 to 1991 during the final years of the South African liberation struggle. The purpose of Vula was to bring key leaders back from exile to steer from the ground the machinery of mass movement against the apartheid regime. To make Vula a reality in a highly militarised South Africa in the late 1980s a whole infrastructure of covered resistance (physical, technical, and people-based) was necessary. I propose the concept of fugitive infrastructure to understand this form of resistance. I suggest that the secret Vula mission and its communication system can be interpreted as a fugitive infrastructure whereby the system comprised not only an instrument for coordinating resistance to the apartheid regime but also a materialisation, at the level of infrastructure, of a potential alternative future for South Africans. Methodologically, this paper is based on mixed data collection methods including empirical and archival materials collected and analysed during my Ph.D. research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1899, the Australian colonies sent military contingents to South Africa to support the British in fighting the Boer enemy. While some questioned the justice of the conflict, the public reaction to the war was akin to a 'national insanity'. British victories in the first half of the war, particularly the relief of Mafeking in May 1900, saw noisy jingo crowds filling the streets of capital cities in celebration, resulting in public drunkenness and damage to property, behaviour typically deemed 'mad'. Colonial society, faced with increases in lunacy rates, was not only in the process of comprehending madness, but also ideas about Australian nationalism in the period approaching Federation of 1901. These factors, added to popular involvement in a British war in South Africa, shaped political, police and press responses to the new manifestation of jingoism. The press, a site of both the production and advancement of public conceptions of insanity, drew upon the social language of madness to communicate the acceptability or unacceptability of specific jingoistic behaviour. This paper examines the metaphorical use of mad vocabularies by the colonial press during this period to explore the 'arbitrary boundary' between madness and sanity in Federation era Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis explores the efforts of the Lyndon Johnson Administration, for both moral and pragmatic reasons, to distance itself from apartheid South Africa during the 1960s. By 1964, the bilateral relationship with Pretoria was becoming a diplomatic liability for the White House. The international community, especially newly independent Afro-Asian states, was increasingly vocal in condemning South Africa, and domestically, the United States was seeking to remove the legacy of racial discrimination from its own society. Washington's close economic and strategic ties to Pretoria, however, made taking a tough line with South Africa and broader disengagement from the apartheid state a difficult balancing act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Congress movement in South Africa was transformed in the early 1960s from a movement committed to the exclusive use of non-violent means in the struggle against apartheid to one focused on rural guerrilla warfare as a free-standing and sufficient first step towards 'all-out war' and the armed seizure of power. But few, if any, of the participants in the Congress movement's deliberations in 1960–61 on whether to 'turn to violence' had believed that this was the strategy that they were endorsing when they authorised the abandonment of exclusive reliance on non-violence. The choice facing the Congress movement after 1960 was not between mutually exclusive alternatives of 'non-violence' on the one hand and 'violence' or 'armed struggle' on the other. Rather, Congress leaders contemplated a range of different forms of violent action and considered their relationship to various forms of non-violent activity and to the kind of transition from apartheid that these actions could and should be intended to produce. This article analyses the range of strategic options that were canvassed within the Congress leadership in the early 1960s and the decision-making process by which those options were gradually narrowed. That process was shaped by ambiguity, unilateral action, unintended consequences and state repression, with the result that the Congress movement's 'turn to violence' ultimately took a form that few Congress leaders had initially desired or anticipated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]