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In Thinking Against Empire: Anticolonial Thought as Social Theory, Julian Go continues his vital work on rethinking and redirecting the discipline of sociology. Go's piece relates to his wider oeuvre of postcolonial sociology – found in works such as his Postcolonial Thought and Social Theory (2016) as well as multiple journal articles on epistemic exclusion (Go 2020), Southern theory (Go 2016), metrocentrism (Go 2014), and the history of sociology (Go 2009). In this response article, my aim is to think alongside some of the central themes outlined in Go's paper rather than offering a rebuttal of any sorts. In particular, I want to think through how the recent work on 'decoloniality' may play more of a central role in Go's vision of sociology and social theory than he acknowledges. In doing so, I hope to engage in Go's prodigious scholarship through centering discussions of the geopolitics of knowledge, double translation, and border thinking. Before proceeding to this discussion, I will offer a brief review of my reading of Go's paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Anthropocene has thrown at us a challenge of balancing urgency and justice. Urgency brought about by myriad environmental crises, most prominently being climate change, and justice that any adequate response to these crises needs to be rooted in. This is a dilemma because we need pathways for urgent action on climate mitigation and energy transitions while centring the slow and considered work that historical and contemporary justice questions demand. This is because while the Anthropocene calls humans to unite, its impacts have been, are, and will be, felt differently. The Anthropocene narrative's framing of a universal humanity connects to a long and dangerous history of what is human and what qualifies as humanity, a history of colonising, racializing, and dehumanising black, brown, and indigenous bodies around the world. We need narratives of the Anthropocene that confirm the importance of decolonising political, economic, and scientific institutions, not to deny urgency, but to foster a more political Anthropocene that creates space for new narratives of justice. The question then, that this paper initiates, is: How to progress anti–and de‐colonial thought for energy geographies within a somewhat colonising discourse of urgency in/of the Anthropocene? To think of energy geographies of/in the Anthropocene, one that explicitly embeds within itself justice, this paper outlines three areas of work. First, the paper proposes a need to engage with and learn from energy histories other than those from the Euro‐American contexts. Second, it urges more focus on the question of difference. Third, the paper proposes a deeper engagement with critical race theory and postcolonial/decolonial theories to investigate questions of justice. These proposals are provocations to open energy geographies to a wider range of questions, approaches, and concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the global connectivity of Indian cities to understand the varying pace of city growth in the context of Indian Urban Development. Using Globalisation and World City (GaWC) network's 2016 data, this paper examines each city's connectivity via their intra‐firm–office transactions. First, Mumbai, New Delhi and Bangalore were identified as the top‐most group strongly linked with the advanced economies in North America and Europe. Second, India's second category cities—Chennai, Calcutta, Hyderabad, Pune and Ahmedabad—had dominant connectedness with South Asian cities growing at a moderate pace. Third, the lowest‐tier cities—Allahabad, Nagpur and Nashik—were fast catching up with their global service activities, demonstrating India's emerging South–South multilateral cooperation. Confirming to the global urban literature, the above pattern reflects those greater intra‐firm linkages that contributed to higher connectivity between cities, being leveraged through the ICT infrastructure growing beyond the primary (X) citiesto engage smart (Y) cities. This finding provides evidence against postcolonial critiques that argued for place‐specific history of colonial cities explaining emerging geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges the Eurocentric entrepreneurship narrative from postcolonial and pan‐African feminist perspectives. Based on interview research conducted with 24 Zimbabwean women entrepreneurs, we narrate their microstorias in order to expose the legacy of entrepreneurial colonialism and patriarchy in Africa. The microstorias reveal the colonial past as well as the patriarchal norms that disenfranchise women entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe. Yet, they also reveal their struggle, resilience, resistance and their ongoing fight to construct their own identities as entrepreneurs. The paper contributes to enhance and advance further postcolonial, decolonial and critical voices in entrepreneurship and organization studies by challenging the prevailing western discourse of entrepreneurship from the introduction of necroentrepreneurism; giving support to intersectional postcolonial and Pan‐African feminist perspectives that voice global South women entrepreneurship and, by decolonizing and decentring the theoretical debates on entrepreneurship and organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I examine the spatial politics of the Bermudian Black Power movement and its connections to Black Power political formations in the wider Caribbean and North America. This spatial politics is examined in detail through an engagement with the First Regional International Black Power Conference (BPC) held in Bermuda on 10–13 July 1969 and the subsequent Black Power political activity on the island that the conference inspired. Through this engagement it is shown how the island of Bermuda and its black population were constitutive of transnational circulations of radical Black Power, and aligned thinkers and activists. This paper develops a reading of a politics of Black Power on the island as challenging hegemonic geographies and political spatialities of white supremacy through the envisioning of alternative, decolonial futures and a resultant pre‐figurative political praxis. Such a reading is built on the theory of West Indian scholars David Scott and Brian Meeks and the spatial ontology of Doreen Massey. D. Scott and Meeks have been key contributors to Caribbean critical thought for many decades, with D. Scott the long‐time editor of the Caribbean studies journal Small Axe, and both have been concerned with post and de‐colonial politics in the region and the role of temporality and historiography in conceptualisations of the Modern Caribbean and Jamaica in particular. This paper offers an exploration of a decolonial spatial politics and political praxis, through the theory of post‐colonial Caribbean intellectuals, that foregrounds the agentive and insurgent capacity of Black Power as a political movement in the imagining and pre‐figuration of emancipatory futures beyond hegemonic geographies of white supremacy, (neo)colonialism, and (neo)imperialism. This paper engages with the First Regional International Black Power Conference held in Bermuda in July 1969. Through examining the Conference and its afterlives, I foreground the decolonial spatial politics, praxis, and vision of Bermudian Black Power and its opposition to British imperialism, colonial rule, and transnational capitalist exploitation. I situate Bermuda within the broader context of the West Indian Black Power movement that I suggest represented a divergent decolonial trajectory to that of mainstream post‐colonial nationalisms in the region and the continued influence of (neo)colonial powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of smart infrastructures is a political act that intersects, in powerful ways, with ongoing decolonial struggles across the uneven landscapes of the postcolonial world. This paper develops a grounded, relational approach to the critical geographies of smart development that starts from place‐based relations of power to investigate how specific postcolonial dynamics inflect the global articulation of smart development. Drawing on the work of Gillian Hart, our approach situates the development of smart infrastructures within longer, contested histories of geopolitical intervention and capitalist transformation and foregrounds ongoing land, labour and livelihood struggles that transect the urban–rural divide. Using critical ethnography and relational comparison in South East Asia and the Middle East, we show how Myanmar's smart farms and Jordan's smart grid were built and selectively adapted or refused in ways that furthered existing inequalities and ontologies of disconnection, while providing material conduits for the enhancement of ethno‐nationalist projects to define the postcolonial state. This approach reframes the stakes of smart development, providing pathways for generative comparison that centres ongoing equity struggles and historically situated constellations of power to understand how smart development materialises in the postcolonial world. The development of smart infrastructures is a political act that intersects, in powerful ways, with ongoing decolonial struggles across the uneven landscapes of the postcolonial world. This paper develops a grounded, relational approach to the critical geographies of smart development that draws on the work of Gillian Hart to situate the development of smart infrastructures within longer, contested histories and foreground ongoing land, labor, and livelihood struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explore how the historical roots of Black and other liberation theologies are undermined through the usurping of the vocabulary of decolonial language. Through a critical discourse analysis of a selected publication, we demonstrate how the foregrounding of perspectives, the trivializing of positionality and power, and the privileges accrued by proximity result in the plunder and proprietorship of decolonial archives and Black theological history. This, we argue, is a form of epistemic violence, a supreme irony when laying claim to a decolonial framing within scholarship. Adapting the method of "epistemic violence tracking," as theorized by philosopher Kristie Dotson, we track the ways in which epistemic violence occurs through various discourses even within scholarship claiming to be decolonial. By bringing the discursive constructs of perspective, positionality, and proximity to bear on the research that is passed off as decolonial, we demonstrate how Black and other liberation theologies are not only fetishized but plundered and possessed through unjust means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent surge in textbooks studies has revealed a closer link with neoliberalism and the way they construct neoliberal subjects. This paper uses Foucauldian governmentality as the conceptual lens to analyze the neoliberal discourses in EFL textbooks used in English Access Microscholarship (EAM)—one of the US‐aided global ELT programs in Pakistan. English language learners' views on course outcomes and textbooks were also examined. The study shows that among others, English as a neoliberal life skill, celebrity culture, consumerism, entrepreneurship, and individual and corporate social responsibility dominate textbooks. It is thus found that textbooks play an important role in neoliberalizing learners. Moreover, English language learners perceive English as a key to economic success. They also value consumerism, branding, and personal responsibility. In light of the study findings, we suggest a decolonial option, reflective activism, and post‐method pedagogy as possible alternatives at the micro‐, meso‐, and macro‐levels to resist the discourses of neoliberalism and colonial power patterns entrenched in a postcolonial society like Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper responds to Julian Go's Lecture "Thinking against Empire. Anti‐colonial Thought and Social Theory." It proceeds in two parts: I first follow Go's invitation to read and reread Mabel Dove Danquah and Frantz Fanon and explore what their work contributes to our understanding of state‐forms. I then examine the terms of Go's invitation more closely. I contrast Go's juxtaposition of imperial sociology on the one hand and anti‐colonial sociology on the other hand, with the broader range of theoretical traditions and methods, which a practice‐oriented sociology of sociology and an international history of sociology would highlight. I raise the question what "standpoint" adds to the authors Go discusses and the broader range of scholars who have engaged with post‐colonial contexts in their research at this point in time. Calling for consideration of the anti‐colonial standpoint is a particular choice, which has a distinctive heritage in Hegelian‐Marxian projections of the social whole and is in tension with either deep exploration of particular thinkers or the middle‐range theorizing that Go also seems to endorse. Defined at a level of abstraction that is "above" (or underneath) actual conversations in a range of fields and subfields, it can appear as a "test" for scholars who have long engaged with post‐colonial contexts, which can have unintended consequences when coupled with the institutional power and asymmetric insularity of Anglo‐American academia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young caste‐class privileged gender justice workers in Delhi navigate several relations of power—with Euro‐American feminisms, and with less privileged feminisms and recipients of development work within India. Their experiences reveal that decolonial politics in India cannot be conceptualised without consideration of other axes of inequality including caste and religion. There is thus a need to broaden decolonial and intersectional analyses to include multiple spatial scales, from the transnational to the most granular interpretations of the local. By bringing intersectional analyses into greater dialogue with postcolonial feminist theory, this paper demonstrates that patterns of "outsourcing patriarchy" are observable at many scales, and that these patterns at different scales are co‐produced, each in turn shaping the other. Such a framework also explains how young caste‐class privileged gender justice workers outsource patriarchy and reproduce "mainstream" feminisms even as they seek to avoid doing so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues existing scholarship on Asian American communities is limited by an assumption that incorporation into the US can productively address racial and economic precarity. As an alternative, we offer "Extinguishing Asian (American) Insurgency", a theoretical framework that incorporates histories of colonialism, imperialism, and postcolonial politics of incorporation into contemporary sociological analyses of Asian subject formation. Applying Du Boisian sociology alongside Frantz Fanon and Joy James, the framework adopts a global, relational analysis of Asian Americans and the US state. We demonstrate the framework's utility through two case studies: anti‐colonial Sikh diasporic politics through the Gadar Party and US state efforts to tie diasporic South Vietnamese identity to an anti‐communist politic. As such, we encourage the study of alternative possibilities of Asian subject formation that are extinguished by state incorporation, particularly through imperialism and military serivce. Specifically, we address sociologists who extinguish the insurgent Asian American subject in their scholarship by assuming incorporation and pro‐state politics as a natural end goal of migration, or those who simply do not name the US as the institutional force extinguishing possibilities of Asian Americans' insurgency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs the postcolonial concepts of mimicry and hybridity to interpret Wolfhart Pannenberg's understanding of the violence done to Jesus on the cross and the subversive reconciliatory love that it engenders. According to Pannenberg, although the man Jesus was crucified as blasphemer of the Jewish law, the resurrection vindicated Jesus so that the ones accusing Jesus were retroactively deemed to be the actual blasphemers. As a result, Jesus ended up dying not for his own alleged breaking of the law, but as an inclusive substitute for all blasphemers of God (through amour propre) deserving death. Thus, the resurrection confirmed Jesus' divine identity and his earthly teaching that love supersedes and transforms the law. Applying the concept of mimicry to Pannenberg, on the cross the symbolic and semiotic are held together in tension for in mimicry the "not‐quite sameness" menaces the colonizer. The cross, ostensibly a symbolic sign of abjection, is mimicked by the suffering of Jesus and subverted through a practice of inclusive semiotic love which recapitulates sinful human life toward a life of transformed autonomy. Pannenberg displays a pseudo postcolonial understanding of subverting oppressive law into love. However, on account of his futurist ontology, the eschatological totality is underscored relative to formative experiences, leaving him vulnerable to postcolonial critiques of essentialism, which can reinscribe colonialism. I contend that Pannenberg employs a strategy of "strategic particularism" in which concepts such as mimicry and hybridity are helpful as hermeneutical tools but ultimately provisional and temporary relative to the whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to debates about the globalisation of higher education by providing a pioneering geographical exploration of Chinese–foreign cooperation in running transnational higher education, or TNHE, programs. Departing from widespread neoliberal and postcolonial critiques of TNHE, which tend to emphasise liberal market forces and Anglo‐American hegemony in the circulation of academic knowledge, our study examines how the Chinese state's developmental targets, strategic policies, and political–ideological considerations have shaped the evolutionary trajectory, geographical distribution, and cross‐border connections of China's TNHE programs. We demonstrate that the place‐based development of TNHE is mediated by governments' interventionist policies and embedded in existing higher education regimes, especially in the context of East Asian developmental states. By maintaining a higher education system dominated by public universities and by being the ultimate examination and approval authority, the Chinese government both determines the status of TNHE in the national higher education system, constrains the typologies and sources of knowledge flows, and shapes the national landscape of TNHE development. The territorial geographies of TNHE thus reflect complicated interactions between the state and the market, the global and the local, and economic and political/cultural forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the Internationalization of the Curriculum (IoC) model, this study analyses postgraduate educational programmes that contribute to internationalization in higher education at British and Sino‐British transnational universities. The purpose is to explore postcolonial curricular design influences and opportunities. The study identified patterns based on content analysis of twelve programmes' goals, approaches, and course listings. The findings reflected noteworthy similarities with limited emphasis on the emerging paradigmatic shift of IoC. The study invited one programme director from each type of university to speak about the design intentions from an insider's perspective. The discovery was that both types of universities were driven, in part, by a response to global market trends rather than an ideological postcolonial design imperative. Semi‐structured interviews of postgraduate Chinese students in the Sino‐British university's programme were conducted to understand students' perceptions of learning and former pedagogical experiences. Students appreciated opportunities to explore indigenous knowledge and experiences to make the curriculum relevant and meaningful. They expressed a clear need to conduct independent discoveries without necessarily following the patterns established by Western scholars. The paper offers suggestions for constructing postcolonial learning environments. Implications for educational practices are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban displacement is receiving growing visibility within urban studies. However, most literature centres on the logic of late capitalism and tends to neglect colonial history and local resistance to displacement. This paper takes an alternative path: it relates (a) the history of colonialism and ethnic cleansing of the city of Jaffa with (b) the present‐day gentrification and displacement caused by neoliberal urbanism. To unpack this entanglement, the article focuses on political city walking tours led by Internally Displaced Palestinians in Jaffa, alongside a broader repertoire of urban subaltern tactics to reclaim it—ranging from community meetings to more overtly politicised acts of protest and initiatives to disrupt gentrification. The article therefore advances debates on urban displacement and urban citizenship mobilisation through the lens of post‐colonial theories, and by adopting a participatory interdisciplinary approach—from a novel perspective that centres local knowledge, lived experiences, and grassroots activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the professionalization of literary studies in Australian universities. It traces ways in which its interdisciplinary formations have been shaped not only by the cultural contexts of colonialism and postcolonialism, but also by institutional factors and budgetary pressures. Nevertheless, it argues this framework has also created intellectual opportunities for positively reshaping the subject so as to bring it into discursive conversation with cognate fields. It suggests that the repositioning of Australian literature and literary studies in relation to World Literature may offer the prospect of opening up the field for the benefit of scholars the world over. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In terms of spatial imaginaries and as physical infrastructure, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) spurs new geographies of comparative urban study. Irrespective of whether it is the primary driver for developments carried out in its name, 'the BRI' is a label that serves to bring previously unassociated project sites and non‐place‐based infrastructural developments into comparative relation. This paper considers some of the possibilities presented by the BRI for comparative urban studies in – and from – Asia. Building upon insights from postcolonial urban studies, planetary urbanisation and inter‐Asia cultural studies, I sketch two key possibilities of the BRI as (comparative urban) method. The first concerns the BRI as a series of openings to much (spatially) wider and historically deeper forms of comparison. Second, I argue that BRI as method impels forms of urban comparison beyond conventionally territorialised units of analysis at a variety of scales, including both the city and the (area studies) region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigate the professional experiences of female employees. Furthering ourselves from the textual film analysis prevalent in the Baltic film studies, we turn toward experiences of female film workers by using intermethodological approach, combining feminist film studies and psychology. We are focusing on the 30‐year period of the existence of independent Lithuania, which we understand as a post‐Soviet period, a time after the collapse of the Soviet Union, a postcolonial condition in which the values of the old system meet the new ones influenced by the processes of globalization. Using the method of thematic analysis, we analyze the interviews of 22 women of various age groups working in various positions in the film industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the last vestiges of the remarkable, Indigenous‐controlled, Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme were removed, Australia entered a post‐CDEP era in 2013. In its place, in remote areas only, the rigid and externally imposed Community Development Programme (CDP) has been installed. The CDEP scheme had been a successful work‐creation strategy that produced positive social, economic, and political outcomes for First Nations citizens across Australia. In contrast, the CDP has operated like Work‐for‐the‐Dole on steroids and its introduction has seen high numbers of unemployed Indigenous participants exit the welfare system altogether. In this article, I look at how we got here. Guided by postcolonial theory and implementing the toolkit provided by Carol Bacchi's "What's the Problem Represented to be?" approach, I pay close attention to the way in which Indigenous policy has been represented over the past 25 years. In particular, I examine the construction of the problem of "Aboriginal welfare dependency" by the Liberal/National Coalition Government led by Prime Minister John Howard between 1996 and 2007. This interconnected problem representation, I argue, has been instrumental in changing the way Indigenous affairs is thought about, with concrete implications for policy today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the theories of "Womanism" and "African feminism," this paper explores the concept of embodiment within an African context. More specifically, we focus on exploring the lived experiences of Nigerian women in male‐dominated organizations (sector) to provide an in‐depth understanding of the dynamics of how the Nigerian society marginalizes qualities and aspects of embodiment and disembodiment of women. Based on 39 interviews, our findings reveal that cultural and social practices significantly influence the concept of gendered embodiment in the Nigerian context. We further highlight the spatialized dynamic of the religious, ethical, and classed identity formations, and the multiplicities of violence experienced on African women's bodies every day. Using a feminist standpoint as a lens, we highlight the practice and relevance of social constructivism in understanding the concept of spatialized embodiment in a Nigerian context. We emphasize the complexity and diversity in African feminisms as we highlight the multiplicities of difference in understanding African experiences. Additionally, we emphasize that men are part of the social construct, and hence cannot be left out of the story, given that their influence and perceptions provide further insight into the concept of gendered embodiment and existing marginalization of and discrimination against women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical perspectives on embodiment in organizations acknowledges that the body is a site, object and subject of the labor force, crossing and spanning the material, social, cultural, and natural world (Dale, 2005; Monaghan, 2002; Williams & Bendelow, 1998). As a result, surfacing the empirical realities and subsequent theorizing from embodied lives offers gender, work and organization scholars incredible opportunities to interrogate and challenge how we understand and theorize diversity at the workplace level. Gender, Work and Organization, 18 (2), 158 - 181. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0432.2009.00485.x 12 Georgiadou, A., & Antonacopoulou, E. (2021). As well with gender, gender divisions, and social constructions and meaning of gender vary radically from context to context (Georgiadou & Syed, 2021). [Extracted from the article]

India‐based anthropologists must contend with the legacies of colonial epistemologies and postcolonial imperatives in an increasingly neoliberal academy and Hindu‐supremacist nation‐state. For these scholars, anthropology's values of critical humanism are more vital than ever. The challenge is to uphold them in ways that both include and reach beyond the academy. Over the decades, Indian anthropologists' position has shifted with regard to their discipline, to academic institutions, the nation, and the wider world since Independence. Today, they face challenges to the vision of democratizing anthropology in terms of institutional autonomy and public accountability. The Indian experience may provide insights to colleagues in the North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental justice principles are widespread at national and global levels of transition discourse, but this is sometimes irrelevant to marginalized communities. To address this issue, we apply environmental justice theory to a participatory postcolonial urban case study where poverty, unemployment and inequality continue to incentivize unregulated exploitation of vulnerable environments and people. It is unclear how national legislation can provide for indiscriminate access to environments that promote wellbeing in complex postcolonial communities, where xenophobic and economic discrimination reproduces colonial‐style inequalities. To resist this injustice, the combination of academic and ordinary expressions of critique that confront regressive praxis and orthodoxies becomes a valuable and constructive political innovation for transitions. Empirical results suggest that enfranchising the most vulnerable proponents of transformation could advance their political capital to advocate for themselves, formulate and enculturate decolonized visions of urban sustainability, demand governmental and commercial accountability and foster urban reform that is relevant to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Julian Go's 'Thinking Against Empire' identifies the corpus of 'anticolonial thought' as being instructive for a wider rethinking of how sociology might rally its key conceptualisations of social relations. He insightfully identifies the marginalisation of such thinking from Sociology as an institutionalised discipline. In our response we take up some of the warnings Go provides in the closing sections of his essay—which concern the expanse of intellectual engagement being currently bracketed under or connected to the 'anti‐colonial', not least vis‐à‐vis the 'decolonising/decolonial' turn—to further unpack how the 'anti‐colonial' might be adapted for thinking through contemporary socio‐political dynamics. Offering, first, a precis of some particularities of British Sociology vis‐a‐vis the contributions of anticolonial social theory, this article then expands upon the dilemmas arising when anticolonial theory contemporaneous to the pre‐decolonisation era is transposed to contingencies of the present 21st century. Namely, whilst the anticolonial archive has proved invaluable to upending the omissions but also complicities of European social theory canons, allowing for a much more expansive sense of how the modern world and its violences were conjured and how we might accordingly escape its miseries, it is also clear that much of the postcolonial world has undergone sufficient shifts to warrant an adapted sense of how we consider the anti‐colonial for our current politics. We suggest that the important deviations which anti‐colonial theorisations might heed include the dangers of conflating the anticolonial with an affirmation of Global South, non‐white nativist identity; the need to recognise some key conjunctural premises by which the anticolonial is no longer geographically indexed to a straightforward Global North‐Global South distinction; and the need to acknowledge that, at its most radical, anticolonial thought is itself still invested in traversing both the dreams but also corruptions of those dreams as intrinsic to modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christianity has played an integral part of Sudanese life through colonialism, postcolonialism, civil wars, and secession. Through it all, writers from a variety of disciplinary and denominational backgrounds have recorded the diverse experiences of Christian individuals and organizations. This essay maps past and present work on Sudanese Christianity, offers assessments of the field, and offers conjecture on the directions that future scholarship on the subject may trek. Given religion's central role in Sudan's recent past, such a task is necessary to understand its possible futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to debates about the persistence of colonial hierarchies in global finance by examining the reproduction of key features of colonial monetary and financial systems through the end of formal colonialism in West Africa, with a focus on Ghana. The article draws together engagements with Marxian theories of money and of the colonial state, and an examination of a key period which has often not received sufficient direct attention in debates about colonialism and financial subordination: the breakdown and end of formal colonial rule, roughly between 1930 and 1960. The central puzzle addressed in this article is how, despite the explicit desire on the part of nationalist political leaders to overturn colonial financial systems, these wound up being reproduced through the negotiation of political independence. The article shows how the entanglements of colonial monetary and financial systems with processes of state formation posed severe limits on efforts to articulate a 'developmental' colonialism after World War II. Efforts to work around these limits ultimately reinforced the reliance of the colonial and postcolonial state on extractive and hierarchical structures of global finance. In short, the article shows how the contradictory position of the state in colonial capitalism is vital to understanding the persistence of colonial monetary and financial structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The colonial administration in Africa aimed to institutionalise racial peripheries in the continent in an effort to perpetuate separation. This meant eternising racial boundaries in African societies to underpin segregation. In the pre‐colonial times, African kingdoms were enshrined in equality, peace and unity, which the advent of colonialists moulded. The colonial assignment of division demonised African natives and still does in the post‐colonial age. Despite the colonial monarch being defenestrated by African movements of independence, its brainchild, racial discrimination continues to wreak havoc in the post‐colonial period. Therefore, this qualitative article sought to explore the height of racial tension in African societies from a literary perspective. It employs post‐colonial theory to underpin the exploration of Doris Lessing's No Witchcraft for Sale. Lessing's post‐colonial narration reflects on the painful experiences engendered by the deteriorating racial division in the post‐colonial African societies. It points out the impacts of racial spells upon the social development of the continent. For instance, the story does not only unearth hatred amongst diversified races in African societies but also the stereotypes against Afrocentric identities and talents. Thus, the researcher has sampled the above narration as a neat fit for the post‐colonial reflection of racial disparities in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops a timely new model for EU foreign policy by advancing the call for a 'decentring agenda', focused on the challenge of inclusive 'reconstruction'. It does so by first staking out an ontological space at the intersection of empirical multiplexity and normative pluriversality. Within this space, it proposes an ethically informed methodological tool: the contrapuntal negotiation of dissonant perspectives on common governance challenges. It then suggests ways to reconstruct analytical and policy‐making processes and outcomes on the basis of mutuality and local empowerment. Using three scales of 'contrapuntality' (micro, meso and macro) to read key empirical sites at the intersection of the EU's internal and external policies (migration, religious and neighbourhood governance), it argues that by decentring in these and further arenas, the EU can seek to become a more reflexive global actor in sync with the ethical and practical demands of our multiplex world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of decoloniality has become so popular that one might be forgiven for thinking it is an innovation of the 1990s or 2000s. In fact, decolonial thinking was practised by many academic disciplines even before Anibal Quijano developed the concept of decoloniality. An exploration of Black theology, especially focusing on the writings of James Cone, shows that qualities characteristic of decolonial thinking have been present within Black theology since the 1970s. This article identifies these characteristics within the decolonial wound as a point of origin for Black theology, the unmasking of epistemic silences, the distortions and denials of white theology, and the practices of epistemic disobedience. It concludes by contending that Black theology is a project in continuous evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between infrastructure, uneven development, and displacement in Pakistan's "Southern Punjab". It focuses on three historical episodes spanning the colonial era to the present: (1) agricultural colonisation during the colonial/early post‐colonial period; (2) the Great Indus Flood of 2010; and (3) contemporary initiatives to develop energy infrastructure in Southern Punjab within the framework of CPEC, the China‐Pakistan Economic Corridor. These three episodes correspond with colonial, post‐colonial, and contemporary phases of infrastructure‐led development respectively in a history of dispossession and displacement that problematises common sense understandings of infrastructure as enabling and connective. Popular mobilisation and resistance are examined through the phenomenon of Siraiki ethno‐nationalism, which infuses struggles for environmental justice in Southern Punjab. The article also considers the parallel and entwined role of state‐sponsored infrastructures of Islamist militancy in creating an increasingly hostile environment for Siraiki nationalists and other progressive social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A reckoning with the question of Dalit religion is overdue. The religious worlds of that swath of the population of South Asia subject to the structural violence of "untouchability" have long been misapprehended—a consequence, in large part, of classificatory practices of the colonial and postcolonial state—as a kind of unlettered adjunct to Hinduism. This article assembles scholarly findings of recent years to foreground how Dalits themselves have constructed religious community across time and space. Dalit religion, we argue, is better understood not as a variant of Hinduism but as a critical provocation to all religion in South Asia, as well as a congeries of autonomous regional traditions that, too long obfuscated under colonial and brahminical taxonomies of religion, call out for study on their own terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confrontations between the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) government and civil society regarding the demolition of historical sites across the city have been occurring since the mid‐2000s. These clashes have been interpreted as the consequence of exclusionary heritage governance practices; postcolonial identity anxieties; and popular dissatisfaction toward economic injustices in the city. This essay argues that heritage mobilizations also arise from the competing meanings and expectations the SAR government and civil society have attached to notions of "urban heritage," especially in relation to urban liveability discourses. Using documentary and ethnographic data, this essay provides an overview of Hong Kong's heritage landscape before examining approaches by both government and civil society toward heritage conservation—reflecting their respective understandings as to what urban heritage entails for urban life. This essay finds the SAR government position heritage as being secondary to urban redevelopment, a means of establishing urban liveability in economic terms. In contrast, civil society actors frame heritage as integral to redevelopment, producing a liveable city through enriching social conviviality. By delineating the disparate ways urban heritage is valued in Hong Kong, this essay offers broader insights on the conflict regarding how present and future urban life is envisioned in Asian cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, men and masculinities in Southeast Asia has begun to receive more attention from scholars as the result of increasing attention to intersections of race, gender space, colonialism, and place in countries such as Vietnam. This article provides an overview of current research on men and masculinities in Vietnam. It finds research on Vietnamese masculinities is predominantly understood through (i) concepts of Confucianism, with a particular focus on traditional ideas about gender and gender relations in kinship structures; (ii) considerations of Vietnamese masculinities post Đổi Mới (Renovation) and the impact of women's engagement in the labor market; and (iii) a focus on men as "at risk" or vulnerable, including a focus on alcohol consumption and engagement in domestic violence. We highlight limited focus in areas of sexuality and sexual practices, reflexive engagements with concepts of masculinity, focus on men residing in urban centres, considerations of bodywork and body project practices, and an overall Western approach to the study of masculinity in Vietnam. We conclude with a call for further research on men and masculinities in Vietnam framed through postcolonial epistemologies and research methodologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the development of Singapore's Gardens by the Bay, a parkland and botanical gardens complex on a reclaimed land platform which opened in 2012. It provides three readings of the development based on different types of technopolitical governance. First, it discusses the significance of the location of the Gardens on one of Singapore's reclaimed land platforms, part of the 'terraforming' strategies of the government's land development process. Second, it situates the project within the state's complex botanical relationship with colonial and postcolonial knowledge circuits, and suggests that this is part of the governance challenge of 'acclimatizing' to the tropical climate. Third, it suggests that the Gardens are part of an 'exhibitionary complex' based on engaging publics with the state's ability to harness science to provide a controlled, ordered polity. To illustrate this, the article brings together the political discourse of two Singaporean prime ministers with a discussion of the architectural design and environmental engineering of the project, and the curatorial practices of the state's National Parks Board. The article demonstrates the complex interplay of environmental, architectural and botanical engineering with state strategies of both citizen engagement and tourist attraction, and the importance of the practice of exhibition within urban megaprojects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the government of Kenya has implemented programs with the hope of moving the country to middle‐income status. The government has implemented the Digital Literacy Programme, distributing tablets to schools across the country, and also a new curriculum, promoting innovative teaching that includes digital literacy, learner‐centered teaching, and relevance to students' lives. Our purpose in this research was to explore culturally sustaining teaching methods in line with the Kenyan government's push for innovative teaching and digital literacy attainment for all students. We used case study methods to describe Kenyan teachers' perceptions of innovative teaching and digital literacy while participating in the Inquiry Initiative, a three‐day professional development series. Participants included preschool, primary, and secondary teachers from Trans Nzoia County. Data sources were pre‐ and post‐surveys, participant‐generated artifacts, and interviews. Our participants perceived the following needs: new literacies for learners, creativity for learners, collaboration and group work, and creativity to overcome technological challenges. Overall, participants embraced learner‐centered teaching theoretically but found that the lack of technological resources created barriers to teaching digital literacy in a learner‐centered fashion. We found that teachers reported mostly using technology for teaching preparation and record keeping rather than engaging students in digital literacy practices. To solve technological challenges, teachers described having students work in groups and using smartphones. Future research could share more creative solutions to technical challenges in low‐income countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonial theories announce an "exit": the departure from the West as the world's centre of gravity and from Eurocentric hegemonic claims of superiority, turning away from the universal, and placing unheard voices at the centre – those who are excluded from academic, public, and political discourse. Such stories and histories of the margins do not simply represent "other" stories from the "periphery." Rather, the stories of the margins are constitutive for the history of Europe and the invention of European modernity. Today's manifestations of global Christianity are no exception to these dynamics. There are various models of alternative universalisms and conceptions of unity, where the crucial questions are: who defines the unity of the churches and has the monopoly over interpretation and – related to this, but a little more radically – whether such a formulation of unity must necessarily repeat Western grammar or whether there are not entirely other grammars and epistemologies of unity. Postcolonial theories and postcolonial practices in particular offer promising perspectives in dealing with these questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that if the African church is to make a meaningful contribution to human survival, livelihood, and dignity in post‐Covid‐19, it must reclaim and reconstitute the Christ of the marginalized and excluded who joins them in their suffering, struggles, and hopes for a liberated and emancipated post‐Covid‐19 Africa. This requires a passionate commitment to rethinking the idea of Christ as a critical resource to mobilize the masses for transformation and bettering their social contexts. The article concludes that the apparent contradiction between Christocapitalist Christian faith and the historical struggles of the masses reveals the underlying contradiction within most churches' conceptions of Christ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The marginalisation of people from natural areas has dominated conservation approaches in post‐colonial societies such as Australia. Yet the approach is limited, in part because people are also excluded from co‐managing their local environments, an effect that raises important questions about the future of conservation in a reflexive era where account must also be taken of how to manage risks such as bushfires. To address the complexity of social processes that influence conservation, new forms of co‐management between governments and community stakeholders are evolving but do not always achieve their participatory aims. In this article, discrepancies between perceptions of conservation governance and the responsibilities and activities of the South Australian Government are examined by reference to original research involving a residential survey and a follow‐up focus group discussion with local community and non‐profit environmental organisations. Findings suggest that local environmental groups are knowledge‐rich and strong relationships exist between local conservation actors and government officers, but those partnerships receive only limited support. In addition, opportunities for co‐management between government and non‐governmental environmental organisations are hindered by insufficient acknowledgement within government of the importance of unique, actionable local knowledge; an inability to effectively coordinate activities across and between government and non‐government actors; and an unwillingness to engage with stakeholders in a manner that develops and maintains trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]