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Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brocar: Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica is the property of Universidad de la Rioja, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Secularism—i.e., the separation between the state and religious institutions—is a fundamental characteristic of liberal democracies, yet support for secular arrangements varies significantly across Western countries. In Canada, such attitudinal divergences are observable at the regional level, with citizens from Quebec displaying higher levels of support for secularism than other Canadians. In this paper, we test three hypotheses to account for this regional discrepancy: religiosity, liberal values, and out-group prejudice. Using data from an online panel survey (n = 2,000), our findings suggest that support for secularism in Quebec is mostly explained by the province's lower baseline levels of religiosity, anticlerical feelings, and by its distinctive understanding of liberalism. These factors are likely to result from Quebec's unique religious and sociohistorical history. Results also suggest that while negative feelings toward religious minorities are positively correlated with support for secularism across the entire country, negative feelings toward ethnic minorities are associated with lower support for secularism in Quebec. These findings disprove the commonly held assumption according to which support for secularism is driven by ethnic prejudice in Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extension of the Religious Conflict to the north of Mexico had different times and ways compared to the center-west of the country. The northern region has generally been considered not very Catholic, due to Protestant influence and liberal political tradition, which is why it has been taken for granted that the north did not participate in the Catholic mobilization in response to the anticlerical policies of postrevolutionary governments. This vision began to change since Jean Meyer, in the 1990s, pointed out that in Chihuahua, during the Religious Conflict, took place a notable Catholic social and political activity. Although an armed conflict did not break out in 1927, a vigorous social Catholicism had taken root in Chihuahua and all the major Catholic organizations of the time were present and active. New research confirms that, at least Chihuahua was the scene of intense Catholic activity in the 1920s and 1930s that managed to attenuate and delay the onslaught of official anticlericalism. This paper will address in particular the recovery of regional Catholicism after the armed conflict, evidencing the notable impulse and presence of Catholic social and political organizations in the regional scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study how the armed movement known as the Cristiada (1926-1929), that opposed the State with the Catholic Church in Mexico, was a symbolic event for the development and transmission of anticlerical thought through Latin America. From discourses circulated at journals such as Amauta (Peru), Claridad (in Argentina and Chile), and Repertorio Americano (Costa Rica) we will study reasons, circumstances and ideologies that took the Mexican case as an intellectual guide for Latin American modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the phenomenon of anticlericalism in contemporary Lithuania, applying a sociohistorical approach. It starts with a discussion on the problem of criticism of religion and anticlericalism in contemporary societies, and particularly Lithuania. The empirical part of the paper provides a statistical data analysis of two surveys, conducted in 2012 and 2018. The secondary data analysis showed that age and place of residence of Roman Catholics in Lithuania were statistically meaningful factors for the formation of anticlerical stances. Younger respondents expressed more critical stances towards the clergy, while respondents living in large cities of the country had more relaxed stances towards clergy than those living in small towns and rural areas. Living in a proximity to a Roman Catholic church in rural areas determined the prevalent anticlerical attitudes among the Lithuanian population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Church historians have already studied the Protestant Reformation from many different perspectives considering both the years leading up to the publication of Luther's ninety-five theses and following. Although many different textual genres have been scoured for relevant information, literary and didactic narratives have attracted rather little attention. Studying Johannes Pauli's Schimpf und Ernst (1522), which was an enormous bestseller for the next centuries, in light of Reformation history, his moralizing and entertaining exempla reflect the contemporary discourse also on the status of the Church and especially the clergy, seen through the lens of a Franciscan preacher, addressing thereby primarily his clerical colleagues high and low in the religious hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contends that the violent anticlericalism of Galdós's Electra (1901) stems from the Church's usurpation of the title character's labor in the home. Electra's domestic duties enable the hero, an electrical scientist, to perform his work – that is, until a priest coerces her into joining a convent. In this conflict, the authority priests and husbands share over women crumbles. Refracted in this story is the real-life polemic surrounding Adelaida Ubao, a woman whom the courts removed from a convent against her will, setting a legal precedent for the exception to familial authority as only available to husbands rather than the Church. My reading of Electra reveals that at stake in the debate over who has authority over women is the capture of their energies for the purposes of producing labor itself. The play stages this process through the lovers' experiment with electrical conductivity and in the priest's violent interruption of the electrical circuit they develop. His attempt to prevent their marriage effectively disrupts the circuit of labor production made possible by life-making work. This reading challenges analyses of anticlerical misogyny as unrelated to political economy and instead proposes an understanding of it as a struggle over social reproduction labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of the Dreyfus Affair have long argued over the response of French Jews to the wrongful arrest of their coreligionist, French army captain Alfred Dreyfus, on charges of treason in 1894. While early historiographies focused on Jewish silence and passivity, more recent works have claimed to reveal a Jewish outspokenness. This article attempts to resolve this dissonance by showing that the Jewish response to the Dreyfus Affair is best understood in two phases: an early phase from 1894–1897 and a late phase from 1898–1906. During the early phase, silence prevailed among French Jews who feared confronting a powerful antisemitism driven largely by the Catholic Church. Bernard Lazare, one of the only French Jewish intellectuals to rise in Dreyfus's defense, revealed the role of antisemitism in the Affair during this period by pointing to its religious underpinnings. During the late phase of the Affair beginning in 1898, as more Frenchmen joined the Dreyfusard cause, French Jews were more comfortable being outspoken in defense of Dreyfus and in opposition to antisemitism. This is clearly documented in articles published in the two largest Jewish periodicals in France, the religiously liberal Les Archives israélites de France and the religiously conservative L'Univers israélite. Even though anti-clericalism was not the fundamental rationale for Jewish support for Dreyfus, Jews engaged with the clerical/anti-clerical debate at this time, pushing the community in a more anti-clerical direction and strengthening its faith in republican ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]