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Having the South American Amazon as our spatial cut, this paper aims to discuss it as a space of physical, environmental and socioeconomic relevance to regional rearticulation, highlighting the issue of transport infrastructure and the importance of Brazil to boost this process in contemporary times. With the end of the Union of South American Nations (Unasur) in 2019, several of its councils were paralyzed and discontinued, such as the Infrastructure and Planning Council (Cosiplan), reflecting the abandonment of efforts built since the beginning of the 21st century. In addition, relations between national preferences and the indispensable search for development, and mechanisms of cooperation and regional integration, which are fundamental instruments to meet such demands, were stressed. In turn, a scenario of discredited institutions made room for greater action by multiple public and private, internal and increasingly international and multinational actors who, in a way disconnected from regional arrangements, directed infrastructure investments focusing on their own interests, resulting in expiation of the the socio-environmental vulnerability in the Amazonian territories. We argue that it is necessary to integrate to preserve and develop. Regional governance and institutionality are central pillars for the resumption of a more resilient South American integration process, aimed at protecting and developing the Amazon, in which Brazil has an important driving role to be exercised and a directive leadership to retrieve.

There have been new facets of multilateralism, which have motivated the realignment of traditional power relations established globally, especially regarding the United States and China. This new strategic environment can be observed in changes made to the Brazilian National Defense White Paper (LBDN) of 2020, as well as in the dialectic between white papers of the United States (2017), and China (2019). To investigate these realignments and their possible impacts on the Brazilian defense sector, the analysis was carried out in two phases: (1) analysis of the general characteristics of the Defense White Papers by the USA and China; and (2) comparison of discourses conveyed in chapters on international cooperation in each Defense White Paper. Speech patterns were analyzed according to rationales of Lexical Semantics and Critical Discourse Analysis. As a result, elements of semantic fields, intertextuality and modality in discourse were pointed out as parameters that could contribute to the evaluation of cooperation and deterrence/dissuasion actions to be adopted by the USA and China in the 21st century.

Engineers make things, make things work, and make things work better and easier. This kind of knowledge is crucial for innovation, and much of the explicit knowledge developed by engineers is embodied in scientific publications. In this paper, we analyze the evolution of publications and citations in engineering in a middle-income country such as Mexico. Using a database of all Mexican publications in Web of Science from 2004 to 2017, we explore the characteristics of publications that tend to have the greatest impact; this is the highest number of citations. Among the variables studied are the type of collaboration (no collaboration, domestic, bilateral, or multilateral), the number of coauthors and countries, controlling for a coauthor from the USA, and the affiliation institution of the Mexican author(s). Our results emphasize the overall importance of joint international efforts and suggest that publications with the highest number of citations are those with multinational collaboration (coauthors from three or more countries) and when one of the coauthors is from the USA. Another interesting result is that single-authored papers have had a higher impact than those written through domestic collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Model United Nations (MUN) has seen dramatic growth in Morocco, both at the university and high school levels. It is a popular and effective teaching tool. This paper aims to test its utility using various methodologies. It shares the results of surveys, both historic and current, conducted at Al Akhawayn University evaluating the activity among students. It also includes interviews with MUN participants, both coaches and students, at Al Akhawayn University and elsewhere. Finally, the paper evaluates whether the tool is trans-cultural or whether it is an expansion of White space.

This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

This paper discussed the relationship between language, ecology, and culture, and claimed that the study of linguistic communication as pragmatics should not be confined to the traditional context, but should focus on a broader ecological environment. It analyzed the context of practical communication from the perspective of language ecology beginning with the discussion of the ecological crisis in communication and found that language, like plants and animals in nature, needed the support of the external environment with certain "soil fertility". This paper classified ecological context into two types: internal ecological context (psychological-cognitive context) and external ecological context (natural environment and social environment). Based on this classification, the ecological context of pragmatics was further divided into environment-friendly context, addressee-friendly context, and speaker-friendly ecological context. This paper was an exploratory analysis of language ecology in pragmatics, aiming at helping communicative participants find their ecological niche and adopt appropriate strategies to maintain the ecological balance in pragmatic communication.

In recent years the lawfulness of certain types of sanctions and the question about the usefulness of sanctions in general have become topical and widely discussed issues. Of special significance is the expanding use by powerful states of unilateral coercive measures without Security Council authorisation, or beyond Security Council authorisation, to illustrate their displeasure with the domestic or foreign policies of certain members of the international community. Over time the nature of these measures has taken on diverse forms and their encroachment on human rights and freedoms has become a matter of international concern. This contribution examines the developments that have taken place in this context since the 2000 report of the Working Group on the negative impact of sanctions by focussing on the interventions by key United Nations bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Seqüência is the property of Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Programa de Pos-Graduacao Stricto Sensu em Direito and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to explore the aspects related to education and aspiration through the on-going experiences of Female Malay Muslim students in UK higher institutions. Building on an ethnographic approach, an in-depth interview with 30 female Malay students, I focus on the various aspects of the students' lives as scholarship holders, addressing in particular how they handle diplomatic practices in their everyday lives as Malaysian mini ambassadors overseas. The notions of aspiration, well-balanced citizenship and 'everyday diplomacy' are deployed in this research to understand the everyday experiences of these students. Hence, it is argued that the privileges in education policy for Bumiputera Malays have shaped the notion of achievement they hold and their attitude towards overseas education as well as their experiences abroad. My research suggests that being a mini diplomat means not only promoting the relationship between different cultures but also contributing to nations abroad through their volunteering work.

Background: Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has had a significant impact on dermatology, but to date no bibliometric analysis of this field has been identified. Therefore, the aim of this study was to perform a bibliometric indicator analysis of the worldwide scientific production of COVID-19 in dermatology. Materials and Methods: An advanced bibliographic search was performed in the Scopus database to identify articles on COVID-19 and dermatology from 2020 to 2021. The collected information was analysed with SciVal software. Bibliometric data were described through figures and summary tables. Results: A total of 1448 documents were collected and analysed. Torello Lotti was the author with the greatest scientific production; however, Esther Freeman had the greatest impact. Harvard University was the institution with the highest number of published articles. Most papers were published in the first quartiles. The United States and Italy were the leading countries in terms of production. Articles with international collaboration had the highest impact. Conclusion: Articles related to dermatology and COVID-19 are mostly published with American and Italian affiliations. In addition, there has been an increase in the distribution of articles published in the first quartile, which would reflect a growing interest in the community. Publications with international collaboration reported the highest impact, so future authors should take this into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of whether economic globalization promotes or depresses governments' education spending has attracted social scientists' attention for decades. Existing literature presents an interesting contrast between two theoretical scenarios, namely race to the top and race to the bottom. This paper attempts to adapt the debate to the subnational context of China and argues that, under this decentralized authoritarian setting, economic globalization could boost the absolute levels of education funding by incentivizing human capital formation and by contributing to local government coffers but shrink its relative share in overall spending by shifting government priorities away from education to other budget items such as infrastructure that relate more closely to foreign investment. A dynamic panel data analysis of provincial-level statistics from China over an 11-year period confirms that inflow of foreign direct investment increases the absolute level but decreases the relative weight of education spending in the overall provincial budget, essentially a race to the top and to the bottom at the same time.

Economic policy uncertainty has had an important impact on trade and sustainable economic development. Especially in some specific industries, uncertainty has increased dramatically. The extant related literature mainly analyzes the nexus between uncertainty and trade across different industries and focuses less on a specific industry. Using Chinese customs data on HS 8-digit products over the period of 2000–2013, this paper first investigates the impact of both foreign economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and domestic intra-industry trade on China's mechanical and electrical product exports to 23 trading partners and applies pooled OLS regressions to conduct an empirical study. This paper finds that EPU has a significant inhibition effect on mechanical and electrical product exports; conversely, intra-industry trade can both significantly promote exports and alleviate the inhibition effect of EPU. In addition, the export impact of EPU varied with different trade patterns. It can significantly inhibit processing exports, while it has no effect on ordinary exports. The results of this paper indicate that in the context of increasing uncertainty, our findings could have far-reaching policy implications for China to build a new development pattern of domestic and international dual circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As global value chain (GVC) participation and knowledge spillovers have arguably become more crucial for countries, it is still challenging to measure their real value for countries. The complexity comes from the trade in intermediate goods as part of GVCs and the inability to track their coupling with additional components and services. The result is double counting and lack of clarity about the real value of GVCs for countries. This paper assesses how GVC participation and knowledge spillovers influence double counting and transitively the innovation and value added growth in GVCs for the case of Japan. The empirical evidence suggests that expanding production fragmentation within GVCs and diversifying foreign suppliers in production stages foster innovation and maximize knowledge diffusion, leading to enhanced value added output. Thus, knowledge spillovers and feedback effects within and between countries at bilateral and multilateral integration levels affect the GVCs. The paper sheds light on the intricate nature of intermediate goods flows in GVCs and the link between double counting and knowledge spillovers in GVCs. Keywords: double counting, global value chains, knowledge spillover, value added JEL classification codes: E01, E16, F14, L14, 1. Introduction As multinational companies expand globally, global value chain (GVC) participation becomes more crucial but challenging to measure. The complex nature of trade in intermediate goods and the inability [...]

Concept of Mission Command is not new, however, dynamics of present and requirements of future battle fields have further enhanced the relevance and importance of its right adaptation and execution. With mixed results of low intensity battles and stabilizing operations as a result of Armed conflicts during last two decades or so, this paper explores aspects in addition to the debate of mere centralized and decentralized control normally linked with Mission Command concept. Previous researches have correctly identified training aspects required in a Military set up during peace time to bleed less during operations under Mission Command environment. This paper inquires whether we are ready to accept our vulnerabilities and preparing towards a directional training while keeping in view various myths as a case in point. Through results of recent conflicts and experience of officers involved in such operations, this paper identifies a gap in previous researches pertaining to importance of International Relations knowledge and aspects of Psychological domain for officers, especially during low intensity battles and stabilizing operations in the twenty first century Battlefield environment. This paper concludes by identifying that transformation of Commanders at Strategic, Operational and Tactical level coupled with threat spectrum at Strategic/Operational level if identified correctly will have a trickle down effect for Tactical level commanders being good students of International Relations. This will increase the Morale and Motivation level of subordinates enabling them to assess Political sensitivities, understand and address the complexities involved in low intensity and stabilizing operations and value the conflict in today's environment of continous chaos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delves into an assessment of the impact of Turkey's quest for status since the 2000s on changes in its foreign policy. In other words, how has Turkey's search for status influenced its foreign policy stances since the 2000s? And can we consider the changes in Turkey's foreign policy change transformational or transactional in essence? In this vein, this paper will make essential contributions to the existing literature on Turkey's status-seeking strategies by using specific cases to link them to changes in Turkey's foreign policy and assessing the extent to which they are transactional or transformational. The examination of this topic is all the more important in light of internal developments in Turkey, such as democratic backsliding and economic crisis, as well external factors such as its tense relationships with the EU, its rapprochement with Russia and China, and its increasingly proactive profile in regional crises. This paper critically assesses the pattern of Turkey's foreign policy change from transformational and transactional perspectives. Keywords: Turkish Foreign Policy, Status Politcs, Internatonal politcs, Foreign policy change, Introduction The first decade following the arrival in power of the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) witnessed Turkey's continuous status-seeking efforts in foreign policy. As a [...]

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations & International Law Journal / Seriâ Meždunarodnye Otnošeniâ & Meždunarodnoe Pravo is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction UNCTAD's eighth World Investment Forum 2023 (WIF23) provided the opportunity to tap into the latest research and academic thinking to strengthen the support and advice to Member States. The [...]

For the discipline of International Relations (IR), the study of International Peace Settlements (IPS) for the organization of postwar international orders has thus far primarily been the purview of realist, liberal, and constructivist approaches. To date, Marxist approaches have tended to either ignore the significance of IPS in the formation of new global orders or have been inscribed into longer-term overarching processes--namely, the reified consequences of the development of capitalism. These proclivities have had the unwelcome effect of subsuming the role historical agents have played in the devising of international ordering strategies under preordained universal 'laws of motion' and downplaying the broader efficacy of foreign policymaking in the building of world order. This paper proposes to rectify this Marxist lacuna by highlighting how adopting an approach that elaborates on the principles of Geopolitical Marxism (GPM) in IR can overcome these shortcomings. The paper argues that a radical historicist methodology for analysing these important world- historical junctures retrieves the significance of contextualized agency within the historical materialist tradition and overcomes the issues beholden to structuralist Marxist approaches. Keywords: Peace Conferences, World Order, Foreign Policy, Geopolitical Marxism, The Congress of Vienna, Introduction The perception that Marxism was unable to provide a theoretical account of the emergence of the modern state-system stems from Marx and Engels' own lack of engagement with the [...]

During the last two decades, Turkish-Israeli relations were downgraded from a strategic importance status to an almost hostile one. At the same time, the trade between these two countries has not been affected at all by this negative development. Even though this paradox has already been noticed in the relevant literature, scholarly works have not yet focused on the study of the strategic trade between these two countries in order to examine deeper this contradictory trade-foreign relations interaction. Taking into account that the bilateral relations reached a bottom level only after a political change in Turkey in 2002, the present paper focuses on the strategic products that Turkey imported from Israel. Therefore, the paper addresses the question whether the latter turbulent Turkish-Israeli relations have affected the Turkish imports of strategic products from Israel. To this research question, the paper hypothesizes that the unfavorable climate of the bilateral relations had a quite negative impact on the imports of such products from Israel. Thus, the aim of the paper is to study these imports of strategic products in terms of size and magnitude in order to explore their role in the overall imports of Turkey from Israel and the bilateral relations of these two countries, as well. To achieve this aim, the paper analyzes the quantitative data of Turkish imports from Israel concerning a number of strategic products, from 1995 to 2019, employing descriptive and correlation statistics. The research results reveal that strategic products constitute the main content of the imports of Turkey from Israel, while their trading took place mainly during the years when the bilateral relations had been severely deteriorated. Therefore, the role of strategic products is proved fundamental for the trade and foreign relations between Turkey and Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Coupled Model Intercomparison Project (CMIP) is one of the biggest international efforts aimed at better understanding the past, present, and future of climate changes in a multi-model context. A total of 21 model intercomparison projects (MIPs) were endorsed in its sixth phase (CMIP6), which included 190 different experiments that were used to simulate 40 000 years and produced around 40 PB of data in total. This paper presents the main findings obtained from the CPMIP (the Computational Performance Model Intercomparison Project), a collection of a common set of metrics, specifically designed for assessing climate model performance. These metrics were exclusively collected from the production runs of experiments used in CMIP6 and primarily from institutions within the IS-ENES3 consortium. The document presents the full set of CPMIP metrics per institution and experiment, including a detailed analysis and discussion of each of the measurements. During the analysis, we found a positive correlation between the core hours needed, the complexity of the models, and the resolution used. Likewise, we show that between 5 %–15 % of the execution cost is spent in the coupling between independent components, and it only gets worse by increasing the number of resources. From the data, it is clear that queue times have a great impact on the actual speed achieved and have a huge variability across different institutions, ranging from none to up to 78 % execution overhead. Furthermore, our evaluation shows that the estimated carbon footprint of running such big simulations within the IS-ENES3 consortium is 1692 t of CO 2 equivalent. As a result of the collection, we contribute to the creation of a comprehensive database for future community reference, establishing a benchmark for evaluation and facilitating the multi-model, multi-platform comparisons crucial for understanding climate modelling performance. Given the diverse range of applications, configurations, and hardware utilised, further work is required for the standardisation and formulation of general rules. The paper concludes with recommendations for future exercises aimed at addressing the encountered challenges which will facilitate more collections of a similar nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to analytically present existing data and information regarding notable aspects of the ongoing war in Ukraine, notably through lessons identified in the political-military field, both conventional and hybrid. The hypothesis for the article starts from the consideration that even though the war is not over, there are some lessons that can be identified that should be considered for the future security of Europe and the international environment. The author uses the analytical method of research to explain the cause-effect relationship between the war itself and its future influence on European security and world order, and the European nations living at the edge of the conflict. It will also theoretically test those implications to determine whether they fit the specified hypothesis. The conflict itself has added to the international consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. It has magnified the disastrous security situation not only in Europe, but all around the world, by creating additional energy (gas) and food (cereal) crises. It has also significantly modified the regional and international security environment and there is a threat that the current World order will be challenged. What happened in Ukraine in the past year has and will continue to have direct implications for European and Euro- Atlantic security, and for European nations living at the edge of the conflict. Therefore, this paper is significant for advising politicalmilitary decision-makers how to better understand the modern operational environment and to adapt future defence capabilities in the face of 21st century warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's attack on Ukraine is a watershed moment that forced the EU to confront its weaknesses and reshuffle its priorities. In this context, the war brought back at the top of the EU's agenda the enlargement process. In light of these developments, the aim of this paper is to evaluate the impact of the war on the EU's enlargement process and to demonstrate that enlargement policy has acquired a greater geopolitical value than ever before. The paper begins with a historical overview of the challenges that have defined the enlargement process and have led to a deadlock, demonstrating that the war can provide impetus for the revival of the stagnant enlargement process. The discussion proceeds, in turn, to the pros and cons of further expansion of the EU. A pro-enlargement position is adopted, arguing that enlargement is a valuable tool for the transformation of the Union into a real geopolitical actor. Finally, the paper builds upon the previous analysis and proposes ways of adjusting the enlargement process to the new challenges created by the war. To conclude, the paper argues that Russia's aggression can reinvigorate the enlargement process, which in turn can strengthen the EU's role on the geopolitical chessboard. The stakes are too high and the EU cannot afford to lose the momentum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to advance research on transnational corporations (TNCs) and international business policy by identifying the role and influence of foreign-owned TNCs in global value chains (GVCs) compared with those of domestically owned Arms. We do this by dividing the topology of trade in value added (TiVA) into three networks composed, respectively, of traditional trade, simple GVC trade and complex GVC trade, based on the OECD intercountry input-output data for 2005-2016. Our empirical results show that China's domestically owned Arms have not only been supply centres of manufacturing value added, but have also risen as new regional centres of both supply and demand for services through simple GVC networks. Domestically owned firms of the United States dominate GVCs in services as a global center for both demand and supply, especially in complex GVC networks. TNCs located in Germany and the United Kingdom have a dominant presence in providing value added in manufacturing and services, respectively, through complex GVC networks. By making GVCs visible through TiVA-based network analyses, this paper significantly extends the understanding of whodominates what types of GVC. This will help policymakers better monitor and enhance their GVC governance and competitiveness strategies in more flexible and diversified ways. Keywords: global value chain, input-output analysis, Arm ownership, international business, trade in value added, transnational corporations JEL classification codes: D57, F6, F13, F15, 1. Introduction The rise and spread of global value chains (GVCs), mainly organized by transnational corporations (TNCs), are considered among the most important features of economic globalization in the 21st [...]

On June 25th, 2021, the State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of China issued a white paper entitled "China's New Political Party System." This document argues that the political systems of Western nations are "outdated" and emphasizes the superiority of the political system of "Chinese democracy," as promoted by Xi Jinping. However, the Chinese government's official English translation leaves out the context of "newness" and does not emphasize the harmfulness of the West's "outdated" system. Why was the English version rewritten with little nuance? This could be because of a desire to avoid drawing international criticism for its plan to boost China's "international discourse power" (国际话语权 in Chinese), which President Xi Jinping has sought to shore up. This paper argues that China's "new political party system" was implemented as a political tool to formulate Xi Jinping's new social science theory. Thus, it did not bring about any major changes to China's political consultation system, in which "democratic parties" can consult with the Communist Party but basically cannot oppose or disagree. Additionally, the phrase "new political party system" was created amidst conflict around discourse power with the West and was an argument with strategic significance in its connection to foreign policy. Discussion of China's political system is likely to become all the more important amidst the current structural conflict between the US and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]