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For many decades, we are witnessing the economic rise of China and the increasing integration of China into existing international economic institutions. However, this paper argues that prevalent international relations theories are insufficient to explain this conjuncture of international political economy. Instead, this paper proposes the theory of uneven and combined development (UCD) to further integrate the international dimension of historical unevenness that is resulting from the historical conditions of global capitalism. The argument of this paper proceeds in two steps: First, the liberal, realist and orthodox Marxist theories’ analytical assumptions are discussed to understand the rise of China and its integration into international economic institutions, mainly the World Trade Organization. Second, the UCD theory is applied to reveal historical unevenness and intersocietal interactions through global capitalism. It is argued that the historical unevenness both determined the integration of China into international economic institutions and has caused instability within global capitalism through the trade war between US and China.

This paper explores the promises and pitfalls of using ethnographic methods to analyze global politics in turbulent times. Ethnography has not gone unnoticed by international relations (IR) scholars, but the method remains at the fringes of the discipline. While acknowledging more recent feminist and practice theorist contributions to ethnographic research in IR, this paper brings together contemporary research across diverse issue areas, ranging from humanitarian intervention to transnational migration, to ask about ethnography's larger contribution to understanding global politics: What kinds of knowledge does ethnography produce about IR? In what ways might ethnography, informed by local perspectives, challenge top-down approaches to the study of IR? We identify three primary justifications for ethnographic methods based on different, though overlapping, forms of knowledge that they can uncover: tacit knowledge, marginalized knowledge, and subversive knowledge. We acknowledge issues that complicate access, and we warn that ethnographers are far from immune to the imperialist arrogance of mainstream methodologies. Ultimately, we call for reflexive scholarship to navigate the international politics of a “post-truth” and post-Covid world.

By putting scale and (re)scaling at the center of its analysis, this paper aims to grasp the scalar process of EU-Turkey relations from historical, political and social perspectives. In doing so, this paper will first overview the existing theories on scale and re-scaling concerning their use in political geography and IR. The second task of this paper will be to examine the relevance of scale in EU relations from historical, political, and social perspectives. In the third part, as a first step, this paper investigates whether the EU and Turkey can redefine and reconstruct a new EU-Turkey space. As a second step, it assesses whether globalizing EU-Turkey relations is possible in new global policy areas such as climate change, sustainable development, and trade & economics.

This paper argues that Constructivism as the approach in International Relations are still debated. The debate is on Conventional (modern) and Critical (post-modern) constructivsm. Although both are claimed as critical approach (similar in their epistemological aspect) and emerged in the same context and same culture of school in IR, they are different in adopting the methodological aspect. It may caused by the constructivist itself grow along the growing of critical studies and the legacy of IR’s behavoralism which still remains dominantly. Thus, it makes one constructivist hold on to reflectivism too much and another constructivist engaged to positivism in order to prove that constructivism is scientific enough theoretically. Outlining the historical background both context and academic text, this paper analyze this issue in a path.

© 2023, All Azimuth.All Rights Reserved.This article aims at evaluating three International Relations (IR) journals in Turkey, namely, All Azimuth, Insight Turkey, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi. The scholarly contributions of these three journals to Turkish IR is worthy of exploration since together they constitute ‘the mainstream’ of Turkish IR journals. To this end, this article applies a bibliometric analysis in surveying all three journals\" publication records in order to provide a general picture of the field in the last decade. When we consider an evaluation of the Turkish IR community, these three journals are also important and represent different sub-groups and interests among Turkish IR scholars. The field orientations and organization of the IR discipline in a given country may be understood by studying the leading journals of the field in that country. With this assumption in mind, this paper attempts to distinguish certain characteristic differences and similarities among these three journals by surveying their materials and authorships using comparative bibliometric analysis. While there are several articles in the literature that discuss the contents of these publications, no comparative bibliometric analysis has ever been conducted on them

This paper aims to analyze how is approached the question of moral on international politics. We search within political philosophy a debate which could be absorbed on International Relations, taking Kant and Nietzsche as the main thinkers in what means normativity possibilities based upon moral principles. The antagonism among Kant and Nietzsche shows the dilemmas that moral subjects brings to international theorization. This is a phenomenon seen since the first debate within International Relations Theory, and until today promote discussions about how moral questions can be taken into international politics. Throughout, we assume a position that, based on Critical Theory, considers a normative necessity to work with an immanent critic of moral within International Relations.

The paper highlights the peculiarities of teaching the students of the specialty International Relations, Law and History professionally oriented disciplines when the attention is paid to the study of professional disciplines. After mastering the core materials of the discipline, the students should know all the components of these disciplines and be able to apply their knowledge in practice. We have confirmed by our research that for the modern student to be able to master all knowledge and skills, modern lecturers at their lectures and seminars should change the teaching methods, tending more to the use of interactive methods, which, compared to the traditional ones, are much more efficient for providing the educational process. Among the modern interactive teaching methods, such methods as Circle of Ideas, Aquarium, Microphone, and Role Play, Imitation deserve special attention, and their use promotes students' cognitive abilities, creative thinking, quick decision making, work in groups, thus stimulating the development of communication skills, and mainly the interest of the student in learning. In the conditions of a pandemic (2020-2021), as the experiment showed, it is also possible for teachers to use interactive methods in teaching professional disciplines for students of the above specialties.

The objective of this paper is to present a basic proposal for a research agenda with a view to a theoretical construction that contributes to a popular and decolonizing perspective in the field of what is usually called Theories of International Relations. Projecting the cosmovisional and constitutional principle of Plurinationality towards this area, a questioning of a series of elements of the predominant theories is presented. Moreover, it seeks to begin to lay the foundations to pursue a process of research and analysis towards an alternative theoretical construction that, provisionally, is called Theory of Trans-State Relations. The epistemic-political basis of it is the reflection on the praxis of popular struggle and its potential to become an analytical perspective for trans-state relations. Methodologically, it is an interdisciplinary work that works on the articulation of concepts on the way to a theory, as proposed by Amado Cervo, where it works based on proposals arising from three sources: from the reflection of the popular struggles of the region, mainly from those coming from indigenous movements; from concepts and convictions arising from regional history and its reflection; and, from the base, mainly, of Latin American authors who have developed the same popular and decolonizing perspective that the article claims to have. From there, ten theses are prepared with the intention that they serve as the basis for a theoretical articulation. The structuring of the work is done in relation to the formulation and explanation of these ten theses. This explanation is not exhaustive due to the limited extension that an article of these characteristics must have. However, also, at least in some cases, because it is a process still under construction and that needs to be developed further. In any case, it is hoped that the joint presentation of these theses provides a panoramic vision that makes it possible to visualize the fundamental contents of the theoretical project. There are also a series of topics whose treatment could complement and enrich the proposal, and which are not treated in the article due to the limits set forth above. In the introduction, a brief presentation is made of the historical and current problems of academic production on the so-called Theories of International Relations, noting that it predominantly contains a character strongly linked to the interests and perspectives of the main sectors of power worldwide. Their colonized reproduction in our region causes a predominant environment which engenders a lack of creativity and, above all, lack of reference to the realities of our peoples and their struggles. Although there are invaluable efforts to build alternatives closer to our realities, they are still limited in number and, many times, politically and epistemically limited. The ten proposed theses are the following: The Latin American and Caribbean States are Plurinational - even though only two have constitutionally recognized it - therefore the relations that transcend the States are not international relations but trans-state relations The colonized character of the Theory of International Relations makes it fundamentally useless and harmful for an analysis of the relations that transcend the State from a Latin American popular perspective, therefore new paradigms must be created for its reading: the Theory of Trans-State Relations aspires to be one of them The Theory of Trans-State Relations provides elements to overcome the state-centricity that marked the evolution of the study of so-called "international relations", focusing on the issue of integration from the peoples of the region. The Theory of Trans-State Relations intends to make an epistemic contribution to the study of relations that transcend the States in Latin America and the Caribbean based on the production of knowledge from popular, mainly indigenous, wisdom in the fight against colonial-capitalist imposition The Theory of Trans-State Relations maintains that Popular Sovereignty must be distinguished and repositioned above State Sovereignty. Therefore, it must also be its guide and reference, and in order to strengthen both dimensions of Sovereignty in Latin America and the Caribbean, they have to find ways to exercise Shared Sovereignty among the peoples and states of the region. The Theory of Trans-State Relations argues that it is necessary through construction of knowledge to provide an analysis of Class Racism that goes through the so-called "international relations" The Theory of Trans-State Relations intends to provide knowledge that gives consistency and validity to the counter-hegemonic integration process of the Latin American and Caribbean region. The Theory of Trans-State Relations, thought from Latin America, can be a contribution to the South-South dialogue since its decolonizing approach in the epistemic and the political points to a common reality of the Political South The Theory of Trans-State Relations starts from a commitment to a search for paths of justice and alternative paths to overcome capitalism that, based on the praxis and reflection of the Indigenous Movement, recovers in a fruitful Dialogue of Knowledge the great Latin American contributions in this sense (Theory of Dependency, Liberation Christianity, Indo-American Socialism, and all the reflection and the original revolutionary praxis very rich in Latin America). Thus, it aspires to serve as a joint contribution, mainly with the other regions affected by the Coloniality of Power (or of the Political South) so that this search can be global The Theory of Trans-State Relations works from a biocentric paradigm, based on the worldviews and praxis of indigenous peoples and nations, which must be fundamental elements for the articulation of relations between peoples and between States. Each of these theses is accompanied by an explanatory analysis where some of the bases of its support are proposed. As already stated, the analysis in this article is not exhaustive, and aims to provide elements to constitute a panoramic vision that allows the basic understanding of the meaning of the theoretical proposal that is being built. In the final considerations, together with the review of the central issues, the intention is expressed to broaden the agenda of the so-called "international relations", but also to generate debate on the issues that habitually and currently occupy it from a popular and decolonizing Latin American-Caribbean perspective. The conviction is also expressed that this proposal can be projected towards dialogue with other projects of the Political South. Finally, the need to link the popular struggles of the region with the task of producing academic knowledge is affirmed.

The purpose of this paper is to show evidence of the undetermined expansion of Polanyi’s fictitious commodities within the Brazilian nuclear context. The issue of the marketification of social agendas has drawn a lot of attention to the data, collected through in-depth interviews. The analytical process was guided by the decolonial theory approach and by critical discourse analysis. Among the analysis’ main findings, it is possible to point out the elaboration of a framework which reveals the mechanisms employed by the Brazilian nuclear segment as a way of exercising parallel power and silencing social agendas. The main contributions are the temporal and geopolitical updating of Polanyi’s thesis; and the definition of the mechanisms used by the company Eletronuclear and by institutions as a way of co-optation, naturalisation and marketification of social and political agendas. Resumo O objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar evidências da expansão indeterminada das mercadorias fictícias de Polanyi dentro do contexto nuclear brasileiro. É dada muita atenção à questão da mercantilização das agendas sociais. Os dados foram coletados através de entrevistas aprofundadas e o processo analítico foi orientado pela opção decolonial e pela análise crítica do discurso. Entre as conclusões, pode-se apontar a elaboração de uma estrutura que revela os mecanismos empregados pelo segmento nuclear brasileiro como forma de exercer o poder paralelo e silenciar as agendas sociais. As principais contribuições deste trabalho são a atualização temporal e geopolítica da tese de Polanyi e a definição dos mecanismos utilizados pela Eletronuclear e pelas instituições como forma de cooptação, naturalização e mercantilização das agendas sociais e políticas.

This paper examines the conditions under which informal groupings such as BRICS and MIKTA create and sustain networks that are able to effectively influence global governance architecture, and compares the level of that network power from a state-centric perspective and covering the period until February 2022. In doing so, it uses a network power capacity (hereafter NPC) framework derived from Hafner-Burton et al. (Int Organ 63(3):559-592, 2009) work on Networks Analysis in International Relations, which is based on five main variables: (1) the existence of strong states within informal groupings, (2) the existence of strong intra-economic and institutional ties, (3) common norms, values, and culture among members of IIGOs, (4) the level of power symmetry among the members of the informal grouping and (5) the engagement of IIGO members in the networks of existing, established powers through the signature of agreements. In the final analysis, it concludes that BRICS has a stronger NPC than MIKTA, since it has (1) a higher number of powerful members, (2) stronger intra-institutional and economic ties, (3) greater congruence of shared norms and values by its members and (4) more members engaged with the existing established powers (namely the USA and the EU) through the signing of bilateral and multilateral agreements.

Global International Relations (IR) research promotes more spaces for a broader spectrum of histories, insights, and theoretical perspectives beyond the conventional dominant Western ones in the IR discipline. The primary goal of this paper is to highlight that the study of Regionalism has a significant role in supporting the initiative of ‘globalizing IR’ by representing a sub-discipline that is open to new ideas, theories and methods, especially those emanating from non-Western contexts. As such, Regionalism is one of the sub-disciplines of IR and International Political Economy (IPE) with a tremendous potential to showcase global-IR trends. This article utilizes a bibliometric analysis as a proxy for mapping out the diverse and complex intellectual structure of Regionalism as a sub-discipline of IR. Our findings indicate that the remarkable rise in the total number of contributions from non-Western scholars to the Regionalism literature in the last decade suggests that unlike the theory generating mainstream studies Regionalism studies have become dominated by non-European/non-Western contexts.

The huge amount of data made available by the massive usage of social media has opened up the unprecedented possibility to carry out a data-driven study of political processes. While particular attention has been paid to phenomena like elite and mass polarization during online debates and echo-chambers formation, the interplay between online partisanship and framing practices, jointly sustaining adversarial dynamics, still remains overlooked. With the present paper, we carry out a socio-semantic analysis of the debate about migration policies observed on the Italian Twittersphere, across the period May-November 2019. As regards the social analysis, our methodology allows us to extract relevant information about the political orientation of the communities of users—hereby calledpartisan communities—without resorting upon any external information. Remarkably, our community detection technique is sensitive enough to clearly highlight the dynamics characterizing the relationship among different political forces. As regards the semantic analysis, our networks of hashtags display a mesoscale structure organized in a core-periphery fashion, across the entire observation period. Taken altogether, our results point at different, yet overlapping, trajectories of conflict played out using migration issues as a backdrop. A first line opposes communities discussing substantively of migration to communities approaching this issue just to fuel hostility against political opponents; within the second line, a mechanism of distancing between partisan communities reflects shifting political alliances within the governmental coalition. Ultimately, our results contribute to shed light on the complexity of the Italian political context characterized by multiple poles of partisan alignment.