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This article examines how Zanzibar’s current race and identity politics dynamics obligate the nation to continue with the power-sharing governance system. Zanzibar, a semi-autonomous nation in Tanzania, is well known for its historical attractions to traders from diverse ethnic backgrounds. Numerous race groups, including Arabs, Indians, Europeans and Persians, have settled in the area, resulting in a diverse population and the emergence of racially-inspired political parties. The racially-based politics and divisions resulted into political instability, which led to the adoption of a power-sharing system in 2010. Over a decade later and different socio-political changes, scholars and political practitioners are debating whether the current race and identity situation necessitate the power sharing governance in Zanzibar. The article involves a qualitative study in which in-depth interviews of twenty-eight respondents was undertaken, including government leaders and officials, politicians and citizens. It finds significant changes in Zanzibar’s race and identity politics, whereby a mixed-race society and non-identity politics are gradually increasing. Despite such changes, the Pemba Island opposition and Unguja Island ruling party are continuing, emphasising the need for the continuation of the power sharing arrangement because neutralisation of identity politics in Zanzibar will require more time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Events of 2020 further illuminated policing's history of oppression, white supremacy, ableism, sanism, and misogyny (Mohapatra et al., 2020). In response, calls to defund the police and abolish the carceral system that enables state-sanctioned violence became louder, and social workers were elevated as the noble alternative to police (Wilson & Wilson, 2020). This paper examines the positioning of social work as innocent of the surveillance, scrutiny, and criminalization of racialized populations associated with policing. Critically reviewing social work's history with relevant vignettes from the classroom, research, as well as practicum and community settings, we lay bare the profession's checkered history of complicity with racial subjugation. We deconstruct claims of benevolence, good intentions, and ignorance usually held up in defense of ills perpetrated by social workers and conclude that the collective amnesia created by whitewashing social work's history forestalls accountability and transformative practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Potestas: Estudios del Mundo Clásico e Historia del Arte is the property of Potestas Estudios del Mundo Clasico e Historia del Arte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following Brazil's "great migration" period (1880–1930) came Getúlio Vargas's rise to power, marking a radical historical rupture. From 1930 onwards, we observed the construction of a framework of restrictive rules aimed at controlling the entry and stay of foreigners in the country, including an ethnically differentiated management of flows. This article sought to cross-reference the new migratory policy, aimed at both new entries and immigrants already present in the territory, with the issue of race. To this end, it dealt with two groups of immigrants whose flows were directly impacted by the new policies (and by racism), but not in the same way: Japanese and Jews. The reflection also turned to the different experiences in each of the two groups between the candidates for immigration—in the face of the new barriers imposed on entry and those already living in Brazil in the face of the assimilationist measures adopted. Brazilian migration policies and state actions have been studied more often than the agency of immigrants. In this sense, the existing studies have focused more on the management of new flows than on the experience of immigrants already settled in the territory. The text, therefore, assumed a change of perspective, opting for a look "from below" in order to focus on both sides of the scales and the border. Finally, it examined the historiography that dealt with migration policy during the Vargas era and, more specifically, that which focused on Jewish and Japanese immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Arts & Social Sciences (JASS) is the property of Sultan Qaboos University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the nineteenth century, the history of colonial Brazilian art has highlighted the work of Afro-Brazilian men, specifically those with a white father and Black or parda mother. Antonio Francisco Lisboa, known as Aleijadinho, is the subject of countless books, exhibitions, television shows, and films. In addition to such famous men, dozens of other Afro-Brazilian artists are known and much scholarship has examined iconography and style with ties to African cultures. This extensive and important work has led to major exhibitions demonstrating Afro-Brazilian contributions as central to Brazil's past and present. Although intended as celebratory, the language and framing structures scholars use to discuss Afro-Brazilian artists from the colonial period are founded in white supremacy. The conception of Brazil as a nation where everyone is of mixed race, and therefore devoid of racism, is partly responsible for Aleijadinho's fame. This essay will clarify how this narrative of harmonious racial mixing and the focus on the visibly African perpetuates white supremacist interpretations of colonial Brazilian art and limits the study of Afro-Brazilian artists' work. I will propose ways to reframe workshop practice and improve connoisseurship using, among other cases, the lawsuit directed toward the white painter Manoel da Costa Ataíde that named the Afro-Brazilian artists who created one of his commissions. The essay builds on existing scholarship, acknowledging the violence of enslaving artists and promoting lines of inquiry that consider the agency and cultural positioning of Afro-Brazilian artists and patrons as subtle, ubiquitous, and heterogeneous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of CiberLetras is the property of Lehman College, City University of New York, Dept. of Languages & Literatures and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using the theoretical tool of gender-blind sexism, an extension of Bonilla Silva's (2003) color-blind racism, the current study explores the key determinants which are responsible for discrimination of women in science disciplines in Indian higher education. We argue that gender-blind sexism demonstrates how gender discrimination operates as institutional tools to discriminate between men and women in science fields. Although the science stream proclaims gender neutrality/blindness, it ultimately disfavors women over men. This study with the aid of extensive in-depth face-to-face interviews, aims to recognize the pattern accountable for women's reduced progress in the sciences. Against the backdrop of the recently framed National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, by the Government of India, this intensive qualitative study identifies certain crucial dimensions responsible for gender discrimination and diminishing participation of females in Indian academia, especially in the sciences. With several institutional policies that have been in place to mitigate challenges in overt sexist patterns in the workplace, the analysis still confirms the existence of a perceivable organizational barrier, which hinders the rise of women faculty members. We infer that gender discrimination operates through covert mechanisms of gender-blindness and such practices are normalized institutionally as a brand-new form of sexism. Keywords: Gender-blind sexism, Women in science, Indian Higher Education, Dual burden, Stagnant careers, Stereotyping performance, Organizational attitudes, Introduction Inequalities are apparent across distinct levels in the social structures of the Indian higher education system and concerned psychological-sociological obstructions have been constantly manifested by several scholars. This study [...]

Mixed-race people in Papua New Guinea(PNG) have long been socially acknowledged as a distinct ethnic group—a group whose individual members sometimes also oscillate between being subsumed by, included within, or excluded from other racial categories like Asian, Black, Brown, Indigenous,and White. It is perhaps this ability to shift between what are often perceived as fixed racial categories that leaves some mixed-race people having to justify, negotiate, or explain the breakdown of their ethnic heritage to strangers, friends,and colleagues, some of whom think it is enlightened to say things like, “But aren’t we all mixed race?” or “Are you sure that’s what you are?” or the far less benign “You’re nothing but a mixed-race bastard.” This article examines historical and contemporary ideas about mixed-race identity in PNG in terms of both the privilegeand oppression that members of this category experience. It stresses that racial identity in PNG is strongly connected to notions of peles (one’s place of Indigenous origin)—a reliance that is beyond the influence of colonialism—and is further shaped by language, behavior,and social relationships. Drawing on the work of Linda Tuhiwai-Smith, Epeli Hau’ofa,and Irma McClaurin, the article decolonizes data collection and analysis techniquesand sets Black, Islander,and female perspectives at the core of the methodological approach. In addition, the author’s own socialization as a mixed-race woman of New Zealand Pakehaand PNG descent adds further insight to the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of neo-nationalism has been an important political phenomenon since the 21st century. Neo-nationalism is not a single form of nationalism. It is not only a generalization of a specific type of nationalism at present, but also a description of a series of new nationalism phenomena. From the point of what it may include, it has at least four forms: far-right nationalism, evangelical nationalism, separatist nationalism, and (the third world) religious nationalism. Compared with traditional nationalism, neo-nationalism has undergone major changes in terms of guiding ideology or values behind, epochal character, propulsion mechanism, function, propagation mode, influence, and field of occurrence. At the same time, neo-nationalism is also a kind of high-intensity identity politics with a sort of quasi-fundamentalist characteristics. It discards the core value principles of traditional nationalism and the basic etiquette of polite society. Some dangerous and even crazy essential factors of nationalism have been developed to extremes in the new era. This means that its destructiveness to specific countries and societies is far greater than that caused by the reactive identity politics of minorities. From the perspective of trends in development, while the neo-nationalism shows the general characteristics of co-advance and retreat in the general trend, its four specific forms also show certain differences in the development direction. With the further setback of the globalization process, neo-nationalism will have a significant impact on the security of relevant countries, regions and even the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, COVID-19 unfolded alongside profound racial trauma. Drawing on a population representative sample of twenty- to sixty-year-olds who were married or cohabiting, the National Couples’ Health and Time Study (N = 3,642), we examine two sources of stress: COVID-19 and racial trauma. We leverage the fully powered samples of respondents with racial-ethnic and sexual minority identities and find that COVID-19 and racial trauma stress were higher among individuals who were not White or heterosexual most likely due to racism, xenophobia, and cis-heterosexism at the individual and structural levels. Both COVID-19 and racial trauma stress were associated with poorer mental health outcomes even after a rich set of potential mechanistic indicators, including discrimination and social climate, were taken into account. We argue that the inclusion of assessments of stress are critical for understanding health and well-being among individuals affected by systemic and interpersonal discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until the mid-20th century, birth in the United States for Latinx Indigenous peoples was an ancestral ceremony guided by midwives and traditional healers (parteras curanderas). As American physicians and nurses increasingly differentiated themselves from traditional midwives, midwives of color in particular were disparaged and excluded from helping women give birth and thus from making birth a cultural foothold in their lives. As a result, communities of Latinx Indigenous peoples were culturally and spiritually separated--via the marginalization of parteras--from important health traditions, which caused suffering and illness. Reimplementation of birth as ceremony means babies can be born (and communities reborn) into an ancestral cultural ecology characterized by safety and cultural reclamation of healing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of multiracial people in the United States has typically focused on the experiences of Black–White racially-mixed individuals. In this article, we review and analyze the theoretical and evidence base for the White-leaning characterization of Asian–White multiracials. Historically, Asian Americans have been positioned as a "racial middle" group in relation to White and Black Americans. In line with this perceived racial position, Asian–White multiracials have been generally characterized as being more White than Black–White multiracials, as well as "leaning White" in terms of self-identification. While there is growing recognition of the variability of experiences among Black–White multiracials, the depiction of Asian multiracials as White-leaning—though based on limited empirical evidence—continues to be prominent, revealing the tendency to view Asian–White individuals through a "White racial frame." The racial identifications and experiences of Asian–White multiracials are far more complex than such a view suggests. We argue for the need to advance studies on Asian mixed-race people to accurately capture their racial positioning within a system of White supremacy, including the diversity of their identifications, political views, and racialized experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 4th Space concept is a very challenging and puzzling one. The tremendous technological progress of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) or Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC), ubiquitous computing, and Extended Reality (XR) make the Gibsonian Cyberspace Matrix an imminent reality in the future. Although, some features can be made more salient, the structure, but most importantly, the effects of living in such environment for human consciousness and morality is almost impossible to predict. Hence, the requisite of a proactionary and comprehensive scientific and technical paradigm for designing the 4th Space, in order to facilitate the adaptation of human species to the brave new technological world, while preserving the humanness and humanism of the humans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 20th century, the radical paradigm shift in atomic physics and chemistry attracted attention from non-scientific culture, and provided a new set of imagery in literary representation of matter, particularly in popular fiction. The article presents a number of texts whose themes and plots were rooted in a peculiar manner of writing, featuring a radical and consistent projection of emotions and desires onto literary representation of matter. The theoretical background has been derived from recent discussion of cultural materialism, and from Gaston Bachelard’s psychoanalysis of the scientific mind. The selection of literary texts covers popular novels and short stories published in Britain and the United States between 1880 and 1918. The conclusions present a somewhat surprising link between the new developments in atomic theory, and the tradition of frontier settings in the American adventure romance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]