Search

This report explores the history of Puerto Rico's relationship with the United States military and the resistance against militarization. Since the U.S. invasion in 1898, Puerto Rico has experienced the progressive takeover of land for military purposes, resulting in environmental damage and health repercussions. The resistance against militarism has taken various forms, including civil disobedience, marches, and armed struggle. The report showcases a collection of political propaganda, such as posters and pasquines, which were used to spread anti-militarist messages and mobilize people. These materials provide insight into the themes, styles, and campaigns of leftist propaganda between 1960 and 2000, highlighting the power imbalance between the armed forces and the common people. The report includes images and descriptions of selected propaganda pieces, demonstrating the diversity of styles and messages. [Extracted from the article]

University student activism is generally characterized by protests and demonstrations by students who are reacting to social, political, and economic challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic revolutionized university student activism, and closed the geographical space for protests and demonstrations. The pandemic locked students out of the university campus, thus, rendering the traditional strategies of mass protests and demonstrations impossible. The COVID-19-induced lockdowns made it difficult, if not impossible, to mobilise for on-campus demonstrations and protests. It seems the pandemic is the last nail in the coffin of on-campus student protests. This theoretical paper uses a collective behaviour framework to explain the evolution of student activism in Zimbabwe, from the traditional on-campus politics to virtual activism. It discusses the challenges associated with cybernetic activism. The paper argues that, despite challenges, Zimbabwean university student activists need to migrate to a new world of digital technology and online activism. In the migration to online activism, students activists face a plethora of challenges. On top of the already existing obstacles, activists face new operational challenges related to trying to mobilise a constituency that has relocated to cyberspace. Student activists utilize the existing digital infrastructure to advance their politics, in spite of a hostile state security system and harsh economic environment, and other operational challenges.

The paper intends to conduct a spatial reading of civil resistance movements taking Jawaharlal Nehru University’s (JNU) #FeeMustFall in India as the case study. Amidst the penetration of neoliberal politics in public goods like health and education, the pay-per-user principle is not limited to the argument of efficiency of allocation of resources. It can be comprehended as the larger strategy of the ruling dispensation to deplatform dissent and homogenise state space on an ideological singularity catering to majoritarian and hegemonic nationalism. The paper shall focus on the spatial reading of civil resistance movements using Lefebvre’s characterisation of state space and Gramsci’s understanding of hegemony and nationalism in the context of JNU’s #FeeMustFall movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deploys the containment principle by Della Croce and Nicole-Berva (2021) to adjudicate COVID-19 non-conformity in India. The paper argues that the containment principle offers a guide to evaluating pandemic legislation and outlines the duties of the state. It then evaluates the Indian Pandemic response and legislation against the containment principles and finds it arbitrary, arguing that the discretionary power vested in the state enables it to treat two instances of COVID-19 non-conformities, the Tablighi Jamaat and the Kumbh, differently. The non-conformity of the devotees and the deviance of the state can be read within a framework of exceptionalism, collective irrationality, and conspiracy theories that firstly enables the devotees to maintain a sense of invulnerability, and secondly, allows the state to blame the minority community for threatening its exceptional status. These acts of non-conformities constitute disobedience against containment principles that are unjustifiable and demonstrate a moral failure to not harm others and a failure of the state to equally distribute benefits and burdens of pandemic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media reporting and academic research into young climate civil society organisations (CSOs) often focus on organisations using direct, confrontational and often controversial actions, but to what extent is this a true picture of young climate organisations? This paper examines the differences between young and old climate and environmental CSOs in the Netherlands. Drawing on niche theory, it uses set-theoretic typology building to examine the ways in which 39 young and old Dutch CSOs construct configurational organisational niches by narrowing down their membership and issue, using innovative strategies and developing stable financing sources. It finds that although there are significant differences between young and old CSOs in how they narrow down their membership and issues, their strategies are not significantly different: in other words, a focus on civil disobedience alone does not paint the whole picture of young climate groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A legitimate expectation in a liberal democracy is that public officials enforce the law regardless of its content; when they don't do so, their actions tend to be publicly condemned. This expectation puts street-level bureaucrats in a moral dilemma when they consider that a certain law is unjust: either they don't enforce the law and violate their duties to the citizenry, or they enforce it and become complicit in injustices. This paper argues for the legal permission of public officials to disregard legal mandates for moral reasons. Call it official disobedience. Contrary to common intuitions, I show that official disobedience would foster the principles of and improve governance in liberal democracies: it accommodates public officials' personal autonomy and yields three main democratic benefits. First, information about the outcomes of the law would become available for lawmakers; second, in the aggregate, it would protect citizens from injustices; third, it would improve the moral character of bureaucrats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Thinking Against Empire: Anticolonial Thought as Social Theory, Julian Go continues his vital work on rethinking and redirecting the discipline of sociology. Go's piece relates to his wider oeuvre of postcolonial sociology – found in works such as his Postcolonial Thought and Social Theory (2016) as well as multiple journal articles on epistemic exclusion (Go 2020), Southern theory (Go 2016), metrocentrism (Go 2014), and the history of sociology (Go 2009). In this response article, my aim is to think alongside some of the central themes outlined in Go's paper rather than offering a rebuttal of any sorts. In particular, I want to think through how the recent work on 'decoloniality' may play more of a central role in Go's vision of sociology and social theory than he acknowledges. In doing so, I hope to engage in Go's prodigious scholarship through centering discussions of the geopolitics of knowledge, double translation, and border thinking. Before proceeding to this discussion, I will offer a brief review of my reading of Go's paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Syrian Druze in the Golan Heights have been resisting Israeli occupation for more than five decades. Their efforts in preserving their Arab-Syrian nationality and heritage against the “Israelization” of the Golan Heights have been widely undertheorized. The aim of this article is to study the types and methods of resistance that the Syrian Druze community in the Golan Heights have utilized in rejecting Israeli occupation. Apart from a brief incidence of military resistance by the Syrian Druze in the Golan Heights, which was quickly suppressed by Israel, the essence of the community’s antiIsraeli activities has been within the framework of civil resistance. This paper analyzes three types of civil resistance in the Golan Heights: political and identity-based, socioeconomic, and environmental resistance. The paper links these types of civil resistance to Gene Sharp’s pragmatic approach to civil resistance and disobedience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers the legacy of Václav Havel in regard to civil disobedience and dissident action. The paper frames its analysis on the long-standing debate Havel undertook with the Czech author Milan Kundera. Ultimately the paper argues that the nuance to Havel's optimism, as it emerges against Kundera's more pessimistic position, regarding dissident action is a timely and important response with great value for contemporary global challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participation in political activities is a critical aspect of social development because it leads to highly sensitive decisions and choices that provide direction for society. The paper examines the factors associated with participation in unconventional political activities (UPAs) in Nigeria. The social contagion theory was adopted to guide the study. Data for the study were generated using a web-based survey of 888 respondents from Lagos and Cross River States. The test of the association between the dependent and independent variables was done using the chi-square test. The results indicate that age, gender, education level, and religious affiliation were statistically significant for unconventional political activities. The findings presented in the paper provide evidence of the individuals who are more likely to participate in unconventional political activities in Nigeria. Authorities in Nigeria should dissuade the suppression of unconventional political activities through the use of extrajudicial molestation and witch hunts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds upon and extends Christian and legal scholarship on the civil rights movement by illuminating a climate of religious freedom that served as a catalyst for and was integral to the success of the spirited activism of the civil rights movement. To date, scholars have not extensively considered how the expansion of religious freedom in church and state jurisprudence both directly and indirectly created a climate that contributed to the success of the CRM, and how advancements in civil rights impacted the broader revolution occurring in constitutional rights. The climate of religious freedom included court support for evangelizing in residentially exclusive areas, exemptions for conscientious opposers from participating in oath swearing and other ceremonies, and exemptions from other general laws that unduly inhibited the free exercise of religious rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the ways in which changes and experimentations in the realm of aesthetics,as well as in the new forms of political participation and representation in an era of global revolt, have resulted in a deep connection between the aesthetics and politics of civil disobedience, political activism and artistic representation. Specifically, the discussion is based on a comparative analysis of the urban activism of the Carnival Against Capital protests in London and Seattle, the Occupy Movement in New York, and the Gezi Park Movement in Turkey where the aesthetics of active participation represents a new kind of politicization--collective memory and language, sensual festivity and the forming of communitas--that goes beyond the conventional understanding of the convergence of politics and art. The author focuses on the notable carnivalesque character in those protests--the costumes, the masks, the performances, the interventional tactics and the aesthetics of community building. Based on the theories of aesthetics and rebellion the paper proposes the concept of carnival aesthetics as the study of the sensuous and subversive experience of the multitude when marching, throwing slogans, battling with police forces behind the barricades, performing and dancing together on the streets. Here carnivalesque aesthetics are employed as a means to create diversity, creativity, decentralization, horizontality, egalitarianism and direct action--the political principles that are at the heart of the recent protests. The discussion demonstrates that while thriving authoritarianism depends on disciplined individuals and the crisis in democracy, carnival aesthetics during protests present radicalized social relations that are increasingly becoming the core of the current social, cultural and environmental struggles around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate movements have gained momentum in recent years, aiming to create public awareness of the consequences of climate change through salient climate protests. This paper investigates whether concerns about climate change increase following demonstrative protests and confrontational acts of civil disobedience. Leveraging individual-level survey panel data from Germany, we exploit exogenous variations in the timing of climate protests relative to survey interview dates to compare climate change concerns in the days before and after a protest (N = 24,535). Following climate protests, we find increases in concerns about climate change by, on average, 1.2 percentage points. Further, we find no statistically significant evidence that concerns of any subpopulation decreased after climate protests. Lastly, the increase in concerns following protests is highest when concern levels before the protests are low. Climate movements aim to raise public awareness of climate change through protests, but their efficacy is debated. Here, the authors show that concerns about climate change increased in Germany after climate strikes and non-violent acts of civil disobedience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I take issue with Arthur Isak Applbaum's power-liability view of political legitimacy. In contrast to the traditional view that legitimate rule entails a moral duty to obey, here called the right-duty view, Applbaum argues that political legitimacy is a moral power that entails moral liability for the subjects of political rule. According to Applbaum, the power-liability view helps us explain how responsible citizens in some cases can act contrary to law while still recognizing the claims of law. Against Applbaum's attempt at establishing the power-liability view through conceptual analysis, I argue that we cannot specify the moral implications of de jure legitimacy without considering the moral argument that justifies the right to rule. I further argue that Applbaum's normative account of political legitimacy implies commitment to a normative idea that forms the basis of a strong case in favor of the right-duty view. Finally, I argue that the present defense of the right-duty view has resources to account for the moral phenomena that prompt Applbaum's advocacy of the power-liability view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tabayyun is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this essay, I argue that we should radicalize managerial climate change education given that incremental and accommodative forms of responsible management learning and education (RMLE) are at odds with the urgency, nature, and magnitude of the climate crisis. I argue for three practices to radicalize RMLE, and illustrate them through examples from a degrowth context. First, management educators should engage in anti-paradigmatic performative politics to disrupt the reality-making of climate damaging theories, and "realize" better alternative theories. Second, as management educators, we should engage ourselves, our students, and wider stakeholders in anti-paradigmatic thought that transcends and challenges problematic mainstream management paradigms. Third, we should explore what and how we and our students can learn from radical climate movements' civil disobedience, in order to disrupt climate-damaging practices. In this paper, I aim to provoke and facilitate urgently needed discussions about the radicalization of RMLE for climate change education and beyond. Therefore, I close this essay with an invitation for rejoinders and suggest salient implications for educational practitioners and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Iuridica Lublinensia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses how different groups within Myanmar's population respond to multiple crises caused by the 2021 military coup, the economic and social consequences of multiple waves of Covid-19 and increasing global food and fuel prices. It is based on monthly observation reports (MOR) by local researchers to focus on the range of actions taken by Myanmar's silent accommodating majority. Contrary to conventional studies that treat "loyalty" and "passive resistance" as separate categories of individual or collective responses to government failures, this paper introduces "accommodation" as a strategy to reflect actions by those who have engaged in both compliance and passive resistance to deal with the military dictatorship in Myanmar. Those who practice accommodation strategies prioritize safety-first approaches that avoid open resistance to the military regime while simultaneously challenging its claim to legitimacy. Some of the strategies that undermine the military regime's claim to legitimacy, however, such as the civil disobedience movement in education and healthcare, further deprive the state of the resource to serve the needs of the general population and thus have detrimental and long-term impacts on individuals who use these. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Making use of the liberal concept of civil disobedience, this paper assesses, under which circumstances instances of illegal digital protest—called "hacktivism"—can be justified vis-à-vis the pro tanto political obligation to obey the law. For this, the paper draws on the three main criteria for liberal civil disobedience—publicity, nonviolence, and fidelity to law—and examines how these can be transferred to the realm of the digital. One of the main disanalogies between street and cyberspace protests is the tendency of hacktivists to remain anonymous, which in turn calls into question their fidelity to law (the third criterion). The paper argues that there are functionally equivalent alternatives to what can be called the "acceptance-of-legal-consequences-condition" (ALCC) associated with the fidelity to law. As a result, the ALCC is not a necessary condition for hacktivists to showcase their fidelity to law, thereby resolving the apparent disanalogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Folklor / Edebiyat is the property of Cyprus International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Jurídica de la Universidad Autonóma de Madrid is the property of Dykinson SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues that in Kierkegaard's works, in his upbuilding discourses and late journal entries in particular, meekness or gentleness (Danish: Sagtmodighed) is presented as a distinctive moral and spiritual quality that exhibits a number of characteristics that are usually regarded as attributes of a virtue. Following a "grammatical approach" to what counts as a virtue, rather than a specifically Aristotelian-Thomistic interpretation, it is argued that Kierkegaard presents meekness as an encompassing attitude, a character trait, which can be acquired through imitation of exemplary persons, Christ, in particular, which aims for the good life, is conducive of the good, and is for the benefit of others and the self. It is demonstrated that according to Kierkegaard, meekness differs from other virtues such as courage and patience by its forgiving attitude towards the wrongdoer and nonviolent resistance to injustice and evil. As a virtue that disposes a person to nonviolent resistance, meekness has socio-political implications: injustice is uncovered and criticized for the benefit of "the poor". A meek person does not confirm the world in its evil, but criticizes it, albeit in a way that is appropriate to meekness, i.e., in a forgiving and nonviolent way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In her recent book A Duty to Resist (2018), Candice Delmas contends that both beneficiaries and victims of injustices have a duty to resist unjust laws and to try to change them, and proposes several ways of grounding this duty. One of these proposed groundings appeals to considerations of fairness. Delmas holds that anyone who refuses to participate in resisting some injustice, including victims of that injustice, can be accused of free-riding and thus of unfair conduct that violates the duty of fair play, which means that they have a fairness-based duty to resist. In this paper, I critique this attempt to ascribe a duty to resist grounded in considerations of fairness specifically to victims of injustice. Against Delmas, I argue that victims of injustice do not have this fairness-based duty to resist because, unlike the beneficiaries of an injustice, they cannot be considered free-riders when they do not participate in resistance to the injustice. I then discuss additional problematic implications of Delmas's view, focusing on the issue of victim-blaming, and show how these problems can be avoided. In this way, I hope to contribute to the urgent project of determining who has a duty to resist injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proper waste management in school is a crucial issue to maintain a safe and conducive learning environment for all the members of the educational community. This paper aimed to evaluate the implementation of Project GIGO (Garbage In, Garbage Out) at Morong National High School- Senior High during the School Year 2022-2023. This study used quantitative descriptive research design using an online survey questionnaire which was administered to thirty (30) teachers and one hundred (100) students of MNHS-SH. Based on the results, the two groups of respondents have similar evaluation on the implementation of Project GIGO in terms of objectives, process, monitoring and evaluation, and stakeholder’s participation. It is important to note that the school should improve its linkages to seek support for its implementation. In addition, some of the problems that were given by the respondents were lack of knowledge, disobedience of some students, and limitations on the materials. Meanwhile they have suggested establishing strong connections with external members of the school, intensify the monitoring and evaluation, and spread more awareness among its clientele for the success of the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between policy compliance, the emergence of alternate epistemes and authorities in online spaces, and the decline of trust and legitimacy in democratic institutions. Drawing on insights from public policy, regulation theory, and political theory, the paper critically engages with scholarship on "policy-takers" to illuminate the tensions of compliance and legitimacy in liberal states. It proposes a compliance--legitimacy matrix that identifies the features of policy compliance--including consent, legitimacy, expertise, and trust--and their relationship to the disaggregation of policy knowledge. The article applies this framework to a case study of social media posts that respond to policy information during the management of the Covid-19 pandemic in Australia. Through analysis of these posts, the study reveals the distrust in "the science" and experts advocated by government and the calls from skeptic groups for noncompliance with public health measures. The paper argues that public policy faces an epistemic crisis of public confidence, with significant downstream consequences for compliance with public policy initiatives that has been brought on both by the failures of states to cultivate trust in science and the government. The compliance--legitimacy matrix offers a useful tool for policymakers to anticipate and address objections from policy-takers and to preempt and diffuse their fears. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is one of the first to quantitatively analyse the relationship between inequality of opportunity and social stability in the context of China. Utilizing Census data of 2005 and the data of recorded mass incidents, we find a positive and robust correlation between inequality of opportunity and the outbreak of mass incidents. Amongst different types of mass incidents, inequality of opportunity displays the most significant correlation with those involving the government and the public. We also identify the lack of trust and higher unemployment as two potential channels through which inequality of opportunity exerts impacts on the happening of mass incidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Election campaign and political activity financing are scantily regulated in Botswana. This may provide an opportunity for threats to national security as business interests may exert overt influence on politicians and illicit financial flows may bloom. Currently, there is no credible way of knowing who provides what financing to whom since no one is really compelled to disclose such information before a writ is issued. Even after a writ, parties and candidates simply do not declare in accordance with the limited statutory requirement. The paper notes foreign funding of major political parties in Botswana. It then argues argues for reforms that will include banning of funding by organisations involved in crime, introduction of funding thresholds, controls to ensure that funds donated for purposes of campaign finances are used strictly for that, the setting up of a statutory body to ensure compliance as well as sanctions for non-compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic model of crime is often portrayed (and criticized) as being contrary to a moral theory of criminal law. This paper advances the opposing view that the two theories are in fact potentially compatible with one another. The basis for this claim is that, whereas the Becker (1968. Crime and punishment: an economic approach. J. Polit. Econ. 76: 169–217) model is useful in prescribing a theory of optimal enforcement of the law, it does not, and indeed cannot, provide a definitive prescription for its content. The reason is the reciprocal nature of harm in situations involving incompatible rights, a principle first identified by Coase (1960. The problem of social cost. J. Law Econ. 3: 1–44) in the general context of externalities. The paper develops this argument, offers a formal demonstration of it, and draws out some of its implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Inonu University Law Review / İnönü Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Inonu University Law Review (IULR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented in which author discusses articles on topics including focuses on a sample of the papers presented at meetings of the International Society for Environmental Ethics co-edited by the Vice-President and President of the Society.

Tommie Shelby's Dark Ghettos: Injustice, Dissent, and Reform is a powerful indictment of how the basic structure of American institutions fail the seriously disadvantaged. Though motivated by what we collectively owe "ghetto" citizens, when exploring criminal law, Shelby instinctively turns his attention to what duties, if any, the disadvantaged have to obey the criminal law. This paper argues that our persistent focus on the obligations of the disadvantaged is a mistake. Instead, we should examine the duties of the advantaged to resist and repudiate the criminal law. First, because the systemic injustices of the criminal law secure unjust advantages for too many "ordinary" citizens, it renders their successes unjust spoils. Second, the criminal law chews through lives and communities in the ghetto in the name of the advantaged. Third, White citizens have a unique duty to reject the racist elements of the criminal justice system and repudiate its claims that the lives of racial minorities are worth less than their own. The paper then explores various ways that advantaged citizens can repudiate the criminal law in the service of greater equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by Diamond Reynolds's radical gesture to open a live broadcast in the moments after Philando Castile was shot by police in 2016, this paper explores the ways smartphones have become a critical tool of civil resistance. The paper situates this tool in a historical context, tracking the role of visual testimony in the long struggle for Black liberation, drawing special attention to the acoustic dimension and posing questions about how attending to the sonic environment modifies our understanding of bearing witness as embodied practice and our understanding of civil resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía UIS is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Spanish Journal of Comparative Education / Revista Española de Educación Comparada is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is in this non-place that the appearance of the effects of deconstruction can be situated, and I [...] distinguish this process from a state, from a "deconstructionist" theory, or an unlikely set of "deconstructionist" theorems.[36] Eco-deconstruction would thus take place in the differantial interstice between these two relationships to the academic economy, between a major and a minor science, between an "Eco-Deconstruction I ism i " and an eco-deconstruction that cannot lend itself to any ontological predication, that can never answer the question "What Is Eco-Deconstruction?" i , edited by Vicki Kirby (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2017), 1-25; Deborah Goldgaber, I Speculative Grammatology: Deconstruction and the New Materialism i (Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2021) and Lynes' "The Imagination", Special issue of I Philosophy Today i , "New Concepts for Materialism" 63.4 (2018), 941-55. 33 Derrida, I Paper Machine i , 96. 34 Jacques Derrida, ' I As if i I were Dead: An Interview with Jacques Derrida', in I Applying: To Derrida i , edited by John Brannigan, Ruth Robbins and Julian Wolfreys (Houndmills, Macmillan Press, 1996), 216. The privilege given here to the term "eco-deconstruction" might be above all that deconstruction is the thinking of "closure" - indeed of I operational i closure, a necessarily partial reduction of environmental complexity on the part of the autopoietic organism - and as such relates to such issues as the impossible choice, the non-oppositional logic of the ' I pas au-delà i ' (both the step beyond and its negation or transgression, which Derrida draws from Blanchot) rather than any illusion of marching forward towards a more enlightened future. [Extracted from the article]

Anlässlich von politischen Konflikten kommt es regelmäßig zu Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Polizei und sozialen Bewegungen. Dabei ist auffällig, dass die Polizei in entscheidender Weise dazu beiträgt, wie die Proteste in der Öffentlichkeit wahrgenommen werden. Durch Pressestatements und den Einsatz polizeilicher Maßnahmen wirkt die Polizei daran mit, ob Proteste als legitim oder illegitim gelten. Daran anschließend entscheidet sich zugleich, ob Polizeigewalt gegen Proteste in der Öffentlichkeit akzeptiert oder skandalisiert wird. Unser Beitrag betrachtet das Verhältnis zwischen der Polizei, Protesten und dem Recht. Wir zeigen, dass die Polizei eine eigenständige politische Akteurin ist und eine Grenzziehung zwischen illegitimen und legitimen Protesten vornimmt. Am Beispiel aktueller Auseinandersetzungen (antikapitalistische Proteste, ziviler Ungehorsam der Letzten Generation etc.) diskutieren wir, wie diese Grenzziehungen praktisch vonstattengehen. During political conflicts, clashes occur between police and social movements. The police has a decisive role in how protests are perceived by the public. Through press statements and the use of specific police measures, the police determines whether protests are considered legitimate or illegitimate. This also has effects whether police violence against protests is accepted or scandalized by the public. Our paper looks at the relationship between the police, protests, and the law. We show that the police apparatus is a political actor with own interests and draws a line between illegitimate and legitimate protests. Looking at current conflicts (anti-capitalist protests, civil disobedience of the Last Generation, etc.), we discuss how these demarcations take place in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Student behavior problems in general‐education classrooms present a major barrier to effective teaching. Behavior challenges, such as disruptions, noncompliance, and peer conflicts, reduce instructional time, whereas prosocial behaviors, such as paying attention, being ready to work, asking for help, participating in class, and completing homework, improve academic performance. Most interventions developed to address student behavior problems were not designed for general‐education students in typical classrooms. The purpose of this paper is to present preliminary results from a novel intervention developed to enhance behavioral self‐management skills among all upper‐elementary students in general‐education classrooms. We Have Choices, a universal intervention, was designed to increase students' capacity to make appropriate behavioral choices and decrease teachers' responsibility by transferring behavior management to students. An initial randomized controlled trial with 86 fourth‐ to sixth‐grade teachers and 2055 students suggested that We Have Choices was associated with improvements in student‐reported use of self‐management strategies, teacher‐reported student prosocial behavior, and teacher‐reported self‐efficacy in behavior management and instruction. Teachers gave the program high scores for social validity, suggesting a good fit for their classrooms. Highlights: We Have Choices was developed to teach upper‐elementary students behaviors intended to support academic success (e.g., ask for help, participate in class) and to transfer the management of those behaviors to the students.Teachers' use of We Have Choices predicted improved student‐reported use of self‐management strategies and, for students who initially struggled with classroom behavior, improved teacher‐reported use of the skills taught by the program.Teachers who used We Have Choices reported improved self‐efficacy for behavior management and instruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-state armed groups confront myriad challenges, but perhaps primary among them is the issue of how to transform civilians into rebels. The study of socialisation in non-state armed groups has traced the various strategies that rebels have adopted to teach rebels what they are fighting for, their position within the organisation and what behaviour is expected of them. The effects of rebel socialisation do not only affect the dynamics of how war is fought but may also extend well-past the end of the war, influencing possessive and social networks. While early studies in this field emphasise top-down (or vertical) processes and the use of violence as a socialisation mechanism, recent studies address quotidian and horizontal socialisation. This article will discuss how our understanding of rebel socialisation processes has developed over time. I introduce a two-by-two framework to understand how the process of socialisation (horizontal or vertical) and tactics used (violent or non-violent) produce unique forms of rebel socialisation. In so doing, this paper highlights future areas of study, particularly on the relatively under-researched area of non-violent, horizontal socialisation and on vertically-ordained forms of horizontal socialisation. In this article, I reiterate the call for greater attention to 'love and care' in security studies and offer marriage as an important, but under-appreciated, venue for rebel socialisation as a proof of concept of how taking care as a form of socialisation seriously can improve our understanding of the dynamics of rebellion and rebel experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the current COVID‐19 pandemic, governments have implemented a variety of containment measures, ranging from hoping for herd immunity (which is essentially no containment) to mandating complete lockdown. On the one hand, containment measures reduce lives lost by limiting the disease spread and controlling the load on the healthcare system. On the other hand, such measures slow down economic activity, leading to lost jobs, economic stall, and societal disturbances, such as protests, civil disobedience, and increases in domestic violence. Hence, determining the right set of containment measures is a key social, economic, and political decision for policymakers. In this paper, we provide a model for dynamically managing the level of disease containment measures over the course of a pandemic. We determine the timing and level of containment measures to minimize the impact of a pandemic on economic activity and lives lost, subject to healthcare capacity and stochastic disease evolution dynamics. On the basis of practical evidence, we examine two common classes of containment policies—dynamic and static—and we find that dynamic policies are particularly valuable when the rate of disease spread is low, recovery takes longer, and the healthcare capacity is limited. Our work reveals a fundamental relationship between the structure of Pareto‐efficient containment measures (in terms of lives lost and economic activity) and key disease and economic parameters such as disease infection rate, recovery rate, and healthcare capacity. We also analyze the impact of virus mutation and vaccination on containment decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the notion of silence as representing civil disobedience in Harold Pinter's Mountain Language (1988). It argues that the old woman character in the play, who visits her imprisoned son, represents the figure of the speaking subaltern. The play's portrayal of the subaltern's rejection of the state oppression lies in Paulo de Medeiros' argument that literature itself is a domain of resistance in the face of discrimination. The paper thus examines the act of the woman - mainly performed in an intentional manner - in Mountain Language in the light of David Thoreau's arguments, in his Civil Disobedience - over the ideas of disobedience in a civil manner. The elderly woman, therefore, protests the state's policy of commanding by means of silence, a performative act putting Spivak's argumentation on the subaltern's inability to speak in dialogue and at question. The elderly woman correspondingly encapsulates the notion of resistance move and rejection in the face of commanding authorities and suppressive governments. The subaltern's silence is explored as being a matter of choice to annul the state's systematic domination as exercised by the so-called superior groups. The paper therefore argues that the formula of silence is a reference to a new form of outspokenness; it is both a peaceful from of resilience and is an empowered space for the oppressed thereby expressing their rejection to the state's divine laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores a polemical debate that took place in France during the Covid-19 crisis, around two formulas: "health dictatorship" (dictature sanitaire) and "civil disobedience." It first analyses the arguments that justify their use; it then explores the verbal confrontation where Proponents and Opponents attack each other's stance, thus shedding light on important issues that underlie the discussion on the anti-Corona health measures: the nature and limits of democracy, the question of authority and obedience in a democratic regime. In the third step, the paper examines the actors behind the roles of Proponent and Opponent, namely, political figures and movements. A difference is drawn between the extremists and the candidates for the 2022 Presidential elections who supported the protest but did not adopt the formulas for fear of compromising themselves. However, the fact that the extremist voices and the voices of ordinary citizens merged in the same protest threatens to whitewash trends that used to be outside the Republican consensus and to bring the French closer to them. This risk calls for a better training in rhetorical analysis allowing the citizens to protect themselves from the manipulation of the authoritarian politicians who pose as the champions of Liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on original interview data collected in 13 regions of Russia in 2018-2021, as well as official court statistics, the article explores the latest reform of jury trial, which extended it to district courts. Promoted as a democratic tool, the reform was meant to increase levels of lay participation and to address the issue of accusatorial bias in the Russian judiciary. The paper demonstrates that while these goals have partially been achieved, the reform is bordering on failure due to implementation issues stemming from deep-rooted resistance within the judiciary itself. With the help of interview data and official court statistics, the article identifies the main reasons for this resistance and provides evidence that judges use two main strategies to sabotage the reform: overturning acquittals granted by juries and jury trial penalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to investigate and assess a particular form of relationship between the State and its citizens in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, namely that of obedience to the law and its related right of protest through civil disobedience. We do so by conducting an analysis and normative evaluation of two cases of disobedience to the law: (1) healthcare professionals refusing to attend work as a protest against unsafe working conditions, and (2) citizens who use public demonstration and deliberately ignore measures of social distancing as a way of protesting against lockdown. While different in many aspects, both are substantially similar with respect to one element: their respective protesters both rely on unlawful actions in order to bring change to a policy they consider unjust. We question the extent to which healthcare professionals may participate in civil disobedience with respect to the duty of care intrinsic to the medical profession, and the extent to which opponents of lockdown and confinement measures may reasonably engage in protests without endangering the lives and basic rights of non-dissenting citizens. Drawing on a contractualist normative framework, our analysis leads us to conclude that while both cases qualify as civil disobedience in the descriptive sense, only the case of healthcare professionals qualifies as morally justified civil disobedience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer on 25 May 2020, sparked widespread protests led by the Black Lives Matter movement throughout the summer of 2020. Subsequent news coverage of these protests prominently featured acts of civil disobedience even though almost all protests were peaceful. In turn, protest "violence" was picked up by conservative political elites as evidence to promote legislation to control protests and keep communities safe. Since summer 2020, eight states have passed such legislation with additional bills pending in 21 states, raising concerns that the legislation suppresses political expression. This paper brings together literature on free expression, the protest paradigm, and news framing to provide the basis for a quantitative and qualitative analysis of 379 news stories and editorials covering Florida's HB1 protest legislation. Results reveal that the most frequent news frame was fighting crime, with relatively less attention to free expression, political strategy, and race frames. In addition, very little attention was paid to the legislation's potential chilling effects suppressing constitutionally protected speech and assembly. These results indicate news media were deficient in providing the public with a sufficient assessment of the implications of protest legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to avoid the occurrence of serious casualties and secondary injuries caused by high-speed splashing concrete fragments, pendulum impact test research and numerical analysis were carried out for the first time on the civil air defense wall sprayed with 2-mm polyisocyanate-oxazodone (POZD) coatings at different positions. The results showed that spraying a 2-mm POZD coating on the civil air defense wall can significantly reduce the damage area of the wall, restrain the splashing of concrete fragments, ensure the integrity of the wall, and improve the impact resistance and airtightness of the civil air defense wall. The large-rupture-strain fiber-reinforced polymer (FRP) pasted on the back significantly improved the bending stiffness and deformation capacity and reduced the residual displacement of the wall. The failure modes and failure characteristics of the wall obtained through the experiments in this paper provide the failure evaluation criteria for existing civil air defense walls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]