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We develop a model of how emotions shape the participation of professions' clients in episodes of jurisdictional contestation. Our model begins with a framing contest between a social movement that disrupts a profession's jurisdictional control and the profession that defends it. We theorize how, through adversarial framing efforts, the movement and profession each seek to evoke emotions in particular ways to shape the actions of clients in their favor. We then explore how the emotional resonance of this framing contest leads individual clients to support, to varying degrees, one or both contestants. We argue that clients experiencing different configurations of pride, anger, shame, and fear—or ambivalence when these emotions overlap in conflicting ways—enact one of five modes of participation. With this article, we contribute to the literature on professions by (a) conceptualizing client participation in jurisdictional contestation across analytical levels, (b) considering the role of a constellation of intertwined social emotions in this process, (c) and introducing a typology of five modes of client participation in jurisdictional contestation. We develop the model by drawing on empirical examples from health-related professions, but we also discuss its generalizability to other work domains and stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diversity training is situated in a cultural context characterized by sociopolitical polarization, complex and fluid social identities, social movements, and debates over its appropriateness. Yet, we lack theories on the drivers of diversity learning and transfer that consider both unique workforce composition characteristics and contextual changes. Diversity training researchers have focused primarily on static aspects of training design and content while largely ignoring the role of the learner. Because these oversights have fueled persistent questions about the effectiveness of diversity training, we offer a learner-centric, process-based model of diversity training that acknowledges the broader context in which it is situated and its influence on trainee motivation, learning, and transfer. We consider the interplay among the design factors, learning context, and learner characteristics in the pre-training, training, and post-training environments, and explore the self-regulatory mechanisms through which trainees can guide their learning. We close by discussing how our process model of diversity training changes our understanding of past research and redirects future research, and we apply the model to several prototypical diversity learner personas to demonstrate how it can be used in practice to personalize diversity training and address barriers to its effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 25 years, a hermeneutic struggle has unfolded in English football between those spectators who wish to stand at matches and the risks associated with this practice in all-seated stadia. Amid this tension, fans have had to negotiate a neoliberal and authoritarian regime. However, the struggles of supporters against social control in football are characterized by the building of a long-term social movement against all-seating. In seeking to break down the state's disciplinary power and its marketization of football, this movement, "Safe Standing," has achieved several recent policy-based victories in the United Kingdom and Europe and is now firmly embedded within sports stadia developments and the demands of fans in North America and Australasia. Although these different contexts are temporally and culturally sensitive, they are interdependently linked through relational time frames and discursive practices that make up the modern consumption of football. This research applies relational sociology to analyze the fan networks that successfully built this movement across the U.K. fan activist scene, characterized by relational collective action, which complicates the individual and collective dimensions of activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young Americans are coming of age immersed in daily news and controversy about rising perils like climate change, and emerging ones like artificial intelligence. Generation Z has produced and embraced movements for climate action like the school strikes led by Greta Thunberg that connect to other social justice movements. But the threat posed by nuclear weapons remains a disconnected abstraction to many young people, even as tensions between nuclear-armed states over conflicts like the invasions of Ukraine and Gaza renew fears of a nuclear confrontation that were more common decades ago. In this personal essay, a life-long opponent of nuclear weapons raised during the Cold War reflects on intergenerational lessons about activism, and teaching college students to embrace their curiosity, and their fear, on the way to saving the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though recent waves of large-scale street protests have not directly targeted the business sector, they can still represent a major development in a company's external environment. Building on the literature on community embeddedness, this study extends activism-as-information theory to understand how and when companies respond to street protests that take place in their communities. We argue that for business leaders, the scale of protests serves as an information update regarding the changing relevance of the protested social issue in a community. Using data from 2017 to 2020 on Women's March protests in the United States, we show that the scale of street protests in local communities is associated with the likelihood of subsequent female director appointments for corporations headquartered in those communities: larger-scale protests are associated with a higher likelihood of such appointments. Further, we show that this response to proximal protests is heightened for protests that occur in local communities least aligned with the protest movement and for companies least internally aligned with the protest goals. Our theory and findings extend research on social movements in markets, showing how and why organizations respond to diffuse community protests, and they enrich corporate governance research on the roles of communities and stakeholders in shaping board composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What makes social movements successfully deter entry in contested industries? We develop a contingency framework explaining how movements' success depends on the internal fit between their private and public politics strategies with the tactics of mass and elite mobilization. We also highlight the importance of how these tactics fit with external conditions like the cognitive legitimacy of the industry and industry countermobilization. When movements rely on a private politics strategy to condemn an industry in the eyes of the public, social movement mass will be decisive. Alternatively, when movements use a public politics strategy to push for regulatory intervention, mobilization of elites is crucial. We develop our understanding of external contingency factors by exploring how cognitive legitimacy residuals from local ancestral populations affect both mass-driven private politics and elite-driven public politics, and how national-level industry countermobilization efforts affect elite-driven public politics strategies. We test these ideas in a historical study of the Scottish whisky distilling industry during the rise of temperance movements (1823–1921). We contribute to the social movements literature by showing how movements' entry deterrence in contested industries depends on the internal fit between their strategies and mobilization tactics, as well as on their engagement with external contingencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates-based on an interpretive discourse analysis of three types of memes (Rabid Feminists, Women's Bodies, Policy Ideas) and secondary thread discourse on 4chan's "Politically Incorrect" discussion board-two key findings: (1) the existence of a gendered hate based scientific discourse, "science fan fiction," in online spaces and (2) how gender "science fan fiction" is an outcome of the male supremacist cosmology, by producing and justifying resentment against white women as being both inherently untrustworthy (politically, sexually, intellectually) and dangerous. This perspective-which combines hatred and distrust of women with white nationalist anxieties about demographic shifts, racial integrity, and sexuality-then motivates misogynist policy ideas including total domination of women or their removal. 4chan users employ this discourse to "scientifically" substantiate claims of white male supremacy, the fundamental untrustworthiness of white women, and to argue white women's inherent threat to white male supremacist goals.

Abstract: For over a century, abortion has been politically and socially contested, affecting people's lives through personal experience and/or public discourse. In the United States (US), abortion is sometimes exceptional—treated differently from other procedures, professions, and political issues—and sometimes an exemplar—an accessible example of a commonly occurring social, political, or personal phenomenon. It is, in other words, an excellent sociological case study. Yet the sociological literature on abortion is relatively thin. In this essay, we review research on abortion and opportunities for future sociological work in eight areas: gender; race; the body and embodiment; political economy; organizations, occupations, and work; medical sociology; law and society; and social movements. Sociologists have much to contribute to characterizing and understanding abortion, particularly following the 2022 US Supreme Court decision overturning the constitutional right to abortion. The discipline also has much to learn from studying abortion as a case. With its multifaceted social and political status and intersections with key areas of sociological interest, abortion offers a generative case for advancing sociological concepts, subfields, and constructs. While not exhaustive, our review aims to spark interest and inquiry, showcasing how a topic that spurs strong opinions can also catalyze sociological insights.

Entrevista con el líder Quichwa Luis Macas de la CONAIE.

"A Racial Reckoning in Industrial Relations: Storytelling as Revolution from Within" is a book that challenges the systemic bias in industrial relations (IR) scholarship and calls for a rethinking of how race is addressed in the field. The collection of essays highlights the contributions of scholars of color that have been historically erased from the IR canon and emphasizes the need to center race and racial oppression in the development of critical IR theory. The book draws inspiration from the Black Lives Matter movement and the COVID-19 pandemic to examine the racial dynamics in the workplace and advocates for the adoption of theoretical resources from Critical Race Theory (CRT) to reshape IR knowledge. It also emphasizes the importance of narrative strategies and giving voice to marginalized groups in understanding systems of labor relations rooted in sexism and racism. While the collection primarily focuses on US experiences and theorizations, it suggests the need for a broader reckoning in racialized IR landscapes across global, national, and local contexts. Overall, the book provides concrete strategies and ideas for incorporating critical race perspectives into IR research, pedagogical practice, and engagement in labor relations. [Extracted from the article]

Drawing on a qualitative analysis of a group of mobilized precarious workers in Tunisia's public sector, the author asks how workers' collective actions are shaped by and, at the same time, can act upon labor unions' responses to them. Findings suggest that unions can enable and simultaneously constrain precarious workers' collective actions. More important, workers learn from their interactions with the union, and this learning process can contribute to innovations in workers' mobilizing structure and repertoire of actions. The Tunisian case contributes to the debate on the relationship between precarious workers and institutionalized actors as well as to the study of mobilized precarious workers by elucidating the ways in which the workers' embedded and innovative agency plays out within and beyond a well-established labor union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how a consumer social movement employs prefigurative practices to resist a dominant market logic and drive market changes in the here and now. We based our research on one year of ethnographic fieldwork with vegetarian and animal welfare activists embedded in a cultural milieu that predominantly supports the consumption of animal products. We used the storytelling method for the description and data analysis. Our findings reveal that activists challenge the market logic of animal abuse in three ways. First, they work to revolutionise the so-called meat culture. Second, they pro-actively demand laws that protect animal rights. Third, they establish singular modes of community-based exchange that detach themselves from the doxa of the consumption of animal products. By opposing the mainstream culture, the mainstream policy and the mainstream marketplace, these activists develop influential arenas of consumption that resemble their ideal world and impact the market as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this short commentary, I reflect on the strengths and limitations of thinking about social change in terms of prefiguration. It's a fashionable term in social movements and amongst academic commentators, but is it a helpful one? What practices, strategies and forms of organisation does it exclude? I begin with Carl Bogg's 1977 essay which defined prefigurative organising as an antidote to party Marxism but does not celebrate it uncritically. I then move on to consider just why so many people seem to be charmed by the idea of prefiguration, before concluding with some remarks on why those committed to prefiguration cannot evade questions of strategy, of a dynamic relation between means and ends, if they wish to address both personal and institutional politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social activists sometimes engage in a form of workplace activism that involves using their employer organization as an unofficial platform to communicate social issue messages to external stakeholders. This type of activism follows a different logic from that of more-familiar citizen activism, in which citizens directly target society and its institutions, and that of organizational-change activism, in which employees aim to influence their employer organization. This article develops and tests theory to understand this phenomenon of organization-as-platform activism, using the National Football League "Take a Knee" employee athlete protests as an empirical context. Drawing on past research on social movements and employee activism, we offer a theoretical comparison of these three forms of activism—citizen, organizational-change, and organization-as-platform—to conceptually distinguish them and to theorize factors that uniquely predict the occurrence of platform activism. We find evidence of predictors associated with the attributes of the organizational platform and those of the intended stakeholder audience. Organization-as-platform activism is associated with the accessibility and openness of the organizational platform for messaging use, the visibility of the organizational platform for message transmission, and the receptivity of the targeted stakeholder audience. As employees increasingly bring their non-work identities and beliefs into the workplace, our findings invite new research on the outcomes of platform activism for organizations, the implications of such activism for organizational stakeholder strategy, and the relation between platform activism and employee prosocial voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pursuing greater social equity in balance with ecosystems is one of today’s greatest challenges. Little is known about the conditions which might facilitate these objectives finding synergy. The purpose of this special issue is to understand the conditions under which concerns for social equity and care for the earth can be addressed jointly at a micro-territorial level. This introduction discusses the Latin American landscape against which the relationship between social equity and care for the earth is explored. It summarizes some linkages identified in the literature and presents the rationale for choosing the broad terms of ‘care for the earth’ and ‘social equity’ as a focus. It concludes by highlighting some of the main findings of the contributions. Namely, that the objectives of social equity and care for the earth are in synergy when they are mobilized jointly by citizens, and when concern for outcomes and inclusive processes go hand-in-hand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article contextualizes Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement that emerged in the fall of 2014. We argue that first, the Umbrella Movement was not merely about democracy but must be understood in the context of widening inequality and an ongoing housing and wage crisis; second, that it is part of a broader epoch of contention informed by, third, a distinct “rhizomatic movement logic” that is defined by a diversity of actors and struggles, use of social media, leaderless and grassroots mobilizing, distrust of institutional actors. Fueled by shifts in capital accumulation and changes in communication technologies, the currently dominant movement logic is distinct from previous movement politics. Since the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, in 1994, it has informed movements such as Occupy, the Arab Spring, and more recently the Gilets Jaunes as well as the Umbrella Movement. To be sure, we are not claiming that all these struggles are the same. We stress the similarities exhibited by these movements’ “deep grammar,” so to speak, while recognizing that each must be understood in its particularities. We thus specify the context of Hong Kong and provide illustrations of how this logic has impacted the Umbrella Movement’s actors, organizing, and movement-building dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the largely forgotten early period of (pro-)Refugee activism in the 1980s West-Germany and the role of memory politics therein, this article explores the ambiguity in critiquing the nation-state. Drawing on original data collected in seven social movement archives in Germany, different ways in which German Nazism and the Holocaust are invoked to frame and critique the present (West-)German nation-state and its migration and asylum regime are scrutinised. Three ways in which Nazism and the Holocaust were invoked and discussed by Refugee activists and their supporters are differentiated: the past as 'reminder and warning for the present', the past as 'discrediting and incriminating the present', and explicit attempts not to draw analogies between the past and the present. Overall, the article makes two key contributions. First, the article makes a historical and empirical contribution as the focus on the 1980s sheds light on a period that has so far been largely ignored when it comes to the study of (pro-)Refugee activism. By tracing different ways in which memory politics has informed and been integral to Refugee activism and support, the article makes, second, an innovative contribution to studying the nexus of (forced) migration, national identity, and memory politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the pivotal transition in Iranian feminist activism through ‘Baraye’, a digital poem collectively written by Iranian users on Twitter during the Woman Life Freedom (WLF) movement, linked to the #MahsaAmini trend launched in September 2022. Initially sparked by tweets featuring the hashtag #MahsaAmini, this trend quickly evolved into a powerful form of digital activism, articulating widespread grievances and aspirations. Shervin Hajipour’s viral song ‘Baraye’, composed from these tweets, amplified the movement’s message and garnered international recognition, including at the Grammy Awards. As a part of the Feminist Media Activism in Transition special issue, this study highlights the relationships between social media and new forms of feminist activism, with ‘Baraye’ as an emblematic work of instapoetry that transcends geographical boundaries and fosters deep emotional and ideological connections among participants. The collective crafting of ‘Baraye’ by Iranians enabled suppressed voices, including marginalized ethnic, religious, and LGBTQIA+ communities, to express their demands and dissent. By employing digital humanities techniques to collect, curate, and analyse pertinent tweets, and drawing upon theories of performance studies, particularly Diana Taylor’s work, this research underscores this instapoem’s impact on Iranian feminist media activism and beyond. By looking at it as a performance, the work seeks to demonstrate how ‘Baraye’ blurs the line between physical presence and digital expression, marking a significant transitional moment in Iranian social movements. The essay aims to offer a different perspective on new modes of activism by examining ‘Baraye’ from the perspectives of performance and new media studies, emphasizing the role of digital platforms in fostering poetic digital activism and offering fresh insights into the interplay between technology and feminist movements in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community organizing can play a critical role as a grassroots form of democratic activism which challenges austerity politics sweeping the globe. What is required is not only a democratization of the state through counter-hegemonic political victories, but in the US as well as the UK politicized social movements and grassroots community organizing tied to progressive and radical praxis. The Community Organisers Programme (COP) in England, which trained and hired more than 500 community organizers between 2011 and 2015, can serve as a contradictory example of manipulating the austerity state to include funding community organizing. Without connection to political victories and effective grassroots organizing, the COP remained, like the most prevalent types of training in the US in and outside of social work, a moderated form of democratization and an extension of the neoliberal austerity state, intentionally or not. The voices heard here working in the field demanded a more politicized form of training. This contribution emphasizes voices from the field regarding three aspects: the limited and problematic training content in the COP, the moderated community organizing education which fit with contemporary trends in community organizing in the US, and the surprising political sophistication of those interviewed who understood the highly critical need of more effective training to help address our extraordinary contemporary challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital collage produced using the free software Photopea (Online Photo Editor) with free images from the Unsplash website to represent the experience I observed from a study that sought to identify the organizing process in a Black Collective, which articulates embodied political practices. It was Coletivo Encrespa, a social movement that values the use of curly/kinky hair, based in the city of Governador Valadares, in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines South Korean conglomerates’ strategies used to convey their interests as the interests of all. Their hegemonic strategy was one factor in overcoming the authority crisis triggered by bribery scandals in 2016–2017. They adopted strategies such as social contribution activities and implemented hegemonic strategies, involving (1) social movements and non-governmental organizations, (2) the media and publishing sectors, and (3) academia and the educational community. They funded pro-chaebol social movements and controlled the media through advertising and journalists. Conglomerates also used publishing companies to spread their ideas and developed think tanks. They advocated for owner management rights, tax cuts, deregulation, labour flexibility, and managed academics. They engaged in educating teachers, creating economics textbooks, and building university student networks. Although the strategies have yielded results, the resistance has not vanished. Through this study we can consider the significance of the authority crisis, hegemonic strategies, and capital-civil society relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This reflective paper describes a relationship to mapping as a collective and southern practice. Using examples from the author's own involvement in collective map‐making practices based in New Delhi, the paper roots mapping in the context of southern urbanisms, taking examples of informal housing, work, and workplaces to debate the role of mapping vis‐à‐vis the desire for either more or less visibility. It then argues that mapping must reflect prevailing rationalities of governance and power, thinking about both why we make maps and who makes maps. Finally, it suggests that mapping as a process must extend from the making of a map to an active engagement in how it circulates and is read. The paper suggests the author's own experience with collective political formations as a possible institutional form that can hold such an approach to mapping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While antiracist protest has gained increasing prominence in Europe in recent years, the lack of representative data has so far prevented an assessment of the scope and drivers of antiracist protest outside of the United States. This paper addresses this gap drawing from a unique survey (N = 5003) on racism in Germany. Building upon sociological and social psychological theories of protest, the article explores the scope and role of key demographic, cognitive, and emotional factors for protest practice and protest potential. Our data suggests that antiracist protest is supported by considerable parts of German society and finds that mediated experiences of racism and emotional reactions matter as drivers of mobilization: those with and without a personal experience of racism are more likely to protest if they were told of racist experiences by others. This effect is even more pronounced if participants are emotionally affected by personal and mediated experiences of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to recent calls to "provincialize" (Hawthorne 2019) and "pluralize" (Bledsoe and Wright 2019a) Black geographies. We do so by adopting a relational, transnational, and multiscalar approach. Drawing on ethnography with Black Lives Matter activists in Sydney, Australia, we adopt a decolonizing framework to argue that Indigenous knowledges, experiences, and actions can extend the epistemologies and cartographies of Black geographies. The mapping of Black geographies in Sydney reveals three multilayered and intersecting ways through which Black agency, place-making, and resistance are made manifest in transnational Black Lives Matter protests: (1) through invoking "stretched out" geographies, forging shared solidarities between African American high-profile cases of policing injustice and Aboriginal deaths in custody; (2) through counterhegemonic attempts to reconfigure Australia Day as Invasion Day, reclaiming colonized histories that subvert the premise of Australia as a "White nation"; and (3) through conjoining transrural cases of violence toward Aboriginal communities living in peripheral places and then strategically amplifying their concerns through place-based activisms in the global city. Finally, we conclude by arguing that further international accounts are crucial to this emerging field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Thailand, the volatile period from 2019 to 2023 was marked by changing material and political atmospheres. Air pollution, the COVID‐19 pandemic, and government restrictions on speech transformed how Thai citizens breathed and how they related to the monarchy. Understanding this period as a history of breath reconceptualizes the citizen‐body as volumetric, recasting politics as an intermaterial practice. Breath, its vibrations, and its constraints, as it moves across the topologies of the respiratory system, generate densely material, richly symbolic political relations that bind citizens to one another, to the polity, and to the world. Small particles, dust, viruses, speech restrictions, and tear gas constrained the breath of Thai citizens while shaping the conditions in which dissenting vibrations could shake the country's cosmologies. Attention to the citizen‐body as volumetric thus recasts the lungs as relational chambers of political capacity, resituating political analysis within the material world and suggesting that all politics are, in some sense, environmental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The #MeToo movement became an important historical moment around the globe, illuminating the pervasive spectrum of sexual harm. This, however, did not exist without significant backlash, backlash which became one of the defining features of our study with men. We individually interviewed 31 single, heterosexual men about their experiences and understandings of contemporary masculinity, singleness and heterosexuality. During this process, participants talked significantly about the #MeToo movement and women's accounts of sexual violence, with a focus on the implications this might have for men and dating. Using a critical discursive approach, our analysis of men's talk was patterned by three interpretive repertoires: I just don't understand...; You can't do anything anymore!; and She's really only got herself to blame... Our analysis suggests that while #MeToo has succeeded in starting a conversation about sexual violence, work still needs to be done in interrupting traditional victim-blaming discourses, as exemplified though our data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement studies clearly suggest that trust matters for processes of social mobilization: When engaging in costly, and potentially risky, contentious collective action on a common goal, activists and groups rely on the expectation that fellow protestors and allies will not fail them. To date, however, we lack research that explains which types of trust shape the emergence and evolution of social movements. Trust, we argue, is not simply an independent variable influencing mobilization, but is itself shaped—built, stabilized, weakened, or even destroyed—over the course of collective contentious action. To set the stage for a corresponding research agenda, this introduction to the special issue "Trust and Social Movements" bridges the gap between research on trust and social movement studies and clarifies the complex conceptual relationship between various types of trust and the dynamics of social mobilization. Furthermore, we identify overarching research questions, summarize the contributions to the special issue, and discuss key findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trust, the belief that others will fulfill their expected obligations, is of vital importance to social movements. While most research focuses on how trust facilitates protests, this article examines how high-risk activism participants deploy various relational tactics to reduce uncertainties and risks. With an in-depth case study of Hong Kong's protest movement in 2019–2020, this article finds anonymity, preexisting ties, and bonding are the three common responses. Across various interpersonal settings, participants strategize personal trust or minimize their risk exposure, finding ways to collaborate with strangers or acquaintances. Trust is more than a preexisting resource; it can also be created during movement mobilization. Trust enables protest participation, and it also aids in logistics provisioning, as well as sheltering and aftercare of activists. Finally, government repression has worked in part because it aims to undermine the trust networks built up during the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relation between interpersonal trust, repression, mobilization, and demobilization in authoritarian regimes. Does interpersonal trust impact mobilization in authoritarian regimes? Does an authoritarian regime's strategies of repression and cooptation fuel distrust among movement actors and consequently lead to demobilization? Through relying on qualitative analysis in Egypt in the aftermath of the January 2011 uprising, I argue that interpersonal trust plays a significant role in the mobilization process of opposition movements. Yet, when movement members' interpersonal trust levels and mobilizational capacities are high, authoritarian regimes utilize excessive repressive strategies to fragment and demobilize them. However, repression is not the only strategy utilized by regimes to demobilize the opposition. Other strategies, mainly cooptation and movement infiltration, are used by authoritarian regimes to fuel distrust among opposition movement actors and between movement actors and the citizens at large. These three strategies add to opposition movement's fragmentation and demobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Combining agonistic pluralism and social movements literature with trust studies, I propose a conceptualization for how the organizational dilemma is tackled in social movements. Defined as a trust-building organizational learning process, I show the role-played by social trust—meaning, the construction of the relational boundaries of a shared goal without diluting the heterogeneity of self-identities and interests—as an organizational prerequisite for democratic organization of a political group. Empirically, I identify four alternative pathways to the (democratic) organizational dilemma: innovation through new organizational models; repetition of past experiences; reformulation of practices; and emulation of previous organizational models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the history of playgrounds in Finland and focuses on the emergence and implementation of the objectives of the international playground movement in the early twentieth century. Specifically, it examines the relations between supervised playgrounds, women's emancipation, child welfare policies, and political discussion on social class. In doing so, the article illustrates the transnational circulation and implementation of early twentieth century "child-saving" ideas, such as the playground reform. The analysis is done by cross and close reading a wealth of contemporary texts on playgrounds, such as magazines, newspapers, and archival materials. By tracing the interwoven aspects of the playground movement and the history of Finland, especially the significance of the Civil War of 1918, this article argues that supervised playgrounds were utilised in reconciling the socio-political issues of the newly independent state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the effect of attribution and approach movement of the social robot when the user wrongly perceives an error as the robot's responsibility. The robot's responsibility attribution and approach movement strategies for the error recovery were examined in a situation where the robot was functioning normally, but the user misunderstood it as robot's fault. In the experiment participants were exposed to four different verbal and movement interaction scenarios with a social robot and then responded to a survey concerning emotions and trust. Results showed that people no longer trusted the robot that approached while attributing the responsibility to the user. The implication of this study is that a powerful self-serving bias is aroused when a robot attributes the responsibility to the user, and thus, it negatively impacts user experiences even if the event took place due to the user's misunderstanding. This study suggests empirical guidance for designing a social robot's attribution strategies and movement interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists – and social scientists more broadly – have often resorted to 'public sociology' and 'activist research' (AvR) with the aim of producing useful knowledge for the common good and also supporting emancipatory social movements and progressive policies. I define AvR here as collective processes of cooperation between academic researchers and non-academics in order to benefit the latter. This approach bridges theory and practice in ways that enhance the consistency and legitimacy of sociology as an engaged science. Recent debates on public sociology, however, have overlooked the central role of AvR. To reverse this relative omission, I suggest a clear typology of AvR processes and practices that have been used and hold the potential to advance public sociology. I also contend that in contrast to views of AvR as a clearly demarcated method, it encompasses multiple research, collaborative and action techniques so that it may be better conceived of as a 'methodological toolbox'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2019 Fridays For Future global climate strikes were extraordinary protest mobilisations in many respects, both in terms of size, age composition and the absence of a specific external triggering event. To properly understand it, one must account for Greta Thunberg's leadership role in the mobilisation – the 'Greta effect'. We contribute to such an account by linking the 'Greta effect' on individual mobilisation to theories of political iconicity and political role models. Empirically, we use unique data from two waves of international surveys of participants in European Fridays For Future protests – on 15 March and 20–27 September 2019 – demonstrating that the perceived individual impact of Greta differs considerably among those who were mobilised in climate strikes. Through multilevel regression analysis, we furthermore show that (a) young women were especially prone to have been inspired and mobilised by Thunberg as a role model and (b) subjectively assessed mobilising influence by 'Greta' – in her capacity as a political icon – is positively related to protest participants' instrumental motivation, sense of solidarity and collective identity. We argue that our results contribute to a better understanding of informal social movement leadership in contemporary political mobilisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fossil fuel companies hold enormous political, economic, and knowledge production power. Recently, industry operators have pivoted from pushing climate denialism to campaigns aimed at individualizing responsibility for climate crisis. In this paper, we focus on one related outcome of such efforts – people's experiences of complicity – here in the context of unconventional oil and gas (UOG) production. We ask: How do mobilized activists experience fossil fuel scapegoating, and what does it mean for their goals as they organize against UOG production? We show that even activists fighting UOG production feel complicit in fossil fuel production, and these feelings of complicity diminish their demands for UOG accountability. We argue that these outcomes have been especially pernicious in cultural contexts like that of the United States, where neoliberal ideologies are normalized, centering personal responsibility, individualization, and identification as consumers rather than citizens. We marshal an extensive qualitative dataset and advance a theory of complicity as a way to understand: a) how social movements intersect with neoliberalized patterns of life; b) how experiences of complicity affect activism; and c) how this may contribute to fossil fuel firms' goals of undercutting organizing. We end by examining how a sub-set of activists works to dismantle this complicity narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been much debate about the consequences of the internet and social media for activism and social movements. According to Lance W Bennett and Alexandra Segerberg, digital activism involves a logic of 'connective action', in which collective action and collective identity lose importance. To assess the validity of this theory, I focus on personal testimony campaigns that have by now become a familiar digital tactic, especially in online mobilisations around issues of gender and sexuality. Drawing on discourse analysis of some of the most prominent examples, from #MeToo to #GirlsLikeUs, I argue that more than a logic of connection, what is at stake here is a 'logic of collection', involved in gathering personal testimonies as specimens of various grievances people are affected by (sexual harassment, discrimination, etc.). Aggregating personal testimonies around shared hashtags provides a means to construct and/or trasform the collective identity of the groups involved in order to raise their self-awareness and place them in a better position to engage in collective action. These practices thus suggest the need to overcome the opposition between personal and collective identity inherent in the theory of 'connective action', and refocus research on the forms of online identification that connect these two levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hacktivists oftentimes challenge or subvert existing power relations or structures and attempt to promote reform. How the public perceives occurrences of hacktivism can influence the direction and impact of operations, including their potential success. Public support can encompass person power, computational ability, resources and solidarity, among other things. This study examines socio-legal contexts in which an individual is embedded and personal perceptions as predictors for support for hacktivism. Using representative survey data from 23 countries (n = 23,140), the study finds that more effective civic participation mechanisms and more positive views toward alternative actors and hacktivists' utilitarianism motives were associated with heightened support. In contrast, greater trust in legal and state authorities promoted opposition. Effective justice was not associated with more support but was with less opposition for hacktivism. Implications for campaigns, social movements, and desistance of activity are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As political theorists explore work beyond traditional workplaces, how should we understand the vast class of insecure, informal, and unsalaried workers whose existence defies traditional categories of employment? In asking this question, I revisit the political theory of the Marxist feminist and cofounder of the International Wages for Housework movement, Selma James, to explore her "internationalism of the unwaged" and her writings on wagelessness. An example of political theory in service of struggle, James's internationalism was widely circulated in anticolonial, Black radical, and autonomous Marxist circles in the 1970s. In this article, I argue that it was grounded in three intertwined and mutually reinforcing arguments: an account of how capitalist life is spatially divided into distinct workplaces; an anticapitalist theory of identity that explains social difference as maintained by the international division of labor and labor market hierarchies; and a diagnosis of work organization viewed from the perspective of the wageless worker. I trace how James developed these arguments about the spatial division of labor, hierarchies of identity, and internationalist political struggle and how her view of the common exploitation and division of workers formed the basis of a class-struggle identity politics. Her political theory was an important contribution to women's international thought and transnational feminist critiques of global forms of domination and exploitation. It also offers a critique of capitalism's organization of the displacement of work and workers and an account of wagelessness as a work situation, both of which illuminate capitalist organization of work and wageless life today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this piece, which frames the special issue "Technocultural worldings," we build on previous editions of commentary and criticism in this journal. We propose a theoretically anchored way to systematically approach the dynamic, multidimensional, and heterogeneous technocultural communities that have created their own worldings and are engaged in complex dialectical dynamics within the contemporary media landscape. The technocultural communities that are part of these dialectical dynamics are constituted, on the one hand, by the complex collective sense-making of the emancipatory political programs of feminist and LGBTI+ initiatives and, on the other, by the retrogressive mobilizations of far-right and anti-gender movements. Hence, we argue that these worldings come into being due to the ability conferred by digital spaces to incorporate both material and virtual components in performances of gender and sexuality, in all their complex diversity. These issues are explored in more detail in eight articles, grouped into two discretely separate sections, one exploring emancipatory technocultural worldings, while the other describes retrogressive technocultural worldings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food has become a privileged space for analyzing different forms of citizen participation. This paper reviews typologies of political participation to determine which of them is more useful to classify the strategies of food-based engagement. We propose a taxonomy of civic and political food actions, with particular reference to Spain, integrating traditional and modern actions as well as and collective, online and offline dimensions. We applied a mixed methodology, based on primary sources – a survey of 1,0005 people and 22 in-depth interviews with different profiles of food activists- and secondary sources. The proposed taxonomy of food political participation is useful to map different forms of (non-) participation, latent participation and political participation in food issues that are currently being developed. This classification, by including civic and latent forms of involvement, can serve to guide future empirical studies about food participation that consider not only formal participation, but also factors as: showing propensity to search for information about food issues from an ethical, political, or environmental perspective; identifying with an ideology that promotes ethical, politically and socially responsible food decisions; or developing a political food lifestyle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the lack of sufficient non-governmental prisoner re-entry services in the Czech Republic, many post-release activities are provided by faith-based organizations (FBOs). However, the Czech Republic is considered to be one of the most atheistic countries in the world. Most of the Czech population is at least apathetic toward organized religion. This study examines how re-entry FBOs present Christianity to the public in the religiously indifferent Czech Republic. The primary focus is on how the organizations present themselves to the public. We employ qualitative content analysis examining names, logos, mission statements, and other documents of 14 re-entry FBOs. The analysis reveals four general themes within the organizations' public presentations: Ambiguity when expressing religious topics, Christianity as an offer, Christianity as a form of social movement (self-legitimization), and Christianity as a pro-social lifestyle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge-making in universities is shaped by conventions that neglect and/or suppress less conventional kinds of knowledge that may hold viable solutions to society's problems. Knowledge always has political interests, and close-up research on knowledge-making can liberate marginalized ideas, by exposing how they push against and beyond conventional perspectives and mutations. African feminist theoretical ideas are used to examine three different platforms for knowledge-making: one research project and two courses that were taught. The African feminist praxis is demonstrated through two main processes – reflection and communal knowledge-making – which infuse the methodology and pedagogy of the three platforms. The article shows how they transgress the conventions to bring about inclusive and generative knowledge-making. They provide strategies for future research and teaching experiments, demonstrating ways in which African Feminist ideas can have transformative effects beyond their own margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides a list of contributors to the journal "Sociological Inquiry." The contributors come from various academic backgrounds and research interests, including labor sociology, social computing, historical sociology, inequality and injustice, educational tracking, social work, racial biases, oppression, public administration, health policy, poverty governance, ethnic inequality, sexual orientation identity development, and many more. The contributors represent diverse perspectives and offer valuable insights into a wide range of sociological topics. [Extracted from the article]