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The article explores the role of politicians in representative democracies and their impact on decision-making processes. It highlights the potential for bad apples, or unethical and incompetent politicians, to compromise the democratic process. The article suggests that conscientious politicians may need to compromise their moral convictions to resist bad apples and gain necessary support. It also discusses the benefits of public deliberation in empowering politicians to make informed compromises and resist the influence of bad apples. The article emphasizes the complexities and challenges of achieving political competence in representative democracies. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the voter intent laws in the U.S. and their potential effects for the counting of paper ballots. Other topics include the Help America Vote Act of 2002 and its provision on voter intent determination, the ballot-counting provisions based on rules versus standards, and the historic vote-by-mail (VBM) voter participation during the COVID-19 pandemic.

In a democratic regime, voting is crucial to making collective decisions. Unfortunately, although this activity has great significance and value, little effort has been made to improve the way we vote. Paper ballots are still the most used method, although this method is relatively simple, brings many inconveniences, and represents a contradiction to the modern world and its advances. This paper mostly focuses on a review study of blockchain-based voting systems. It aims at identifying the strategies and the guidelines as well as provides a comprehensive end-to-end electronic voting system based on blockchain, with the help of cryptographic techniques such as zero-knowledge proofs to improve privacy. The novelty of this paper is that we tackle the limitations of electronic voting systems found in the literature, including cost, identity management, and scalability problems. Our purpose is to provide key elements for organizations on how to design their proper electronic voting system based on blockchain technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents several news on business developments. Topics discussed include Pixelle Specialty Solutions introducing a new portfolio of premium ballot papers for U.S. elections, CMG becoming the exclusive Alwan software distributor in North America, and the digitization trend in print and packaging, driven by sustainability and automation efforts.

This article discusses the legal case of Rachel Andrews, a blind voter in the UK who challenged the lack of accessibility for disabled individuals in the voting system. The court dismissed her claim, stating that progress had been made in providing accommodations for disabled voters and that the right to vote is not absolute. The government subsequently amended the rules to require returning officers to provide equipment and support for disabled voters, but disability rights groups have expressed concerns about potential barriers. The effectiveness of the new rules will be tested in the upcoming 2024 general election. The case highlights the challenges of legal reform and the unintended consequences of litigation. [Extracted from the article]

The current traditional paper ballot voting schemes suffer from several limitations such as processing delays due to counting paper ballots, lack of transparency, and manipulation of the ballots. To solve these limitations, an electronic voting (e-voting) scheme has received massive interest from both governments and academia. In e-voting, individuals can cast their vote online using their smartphones without the need to wait in long lines. Additionally, handicapped voters who face limited wheelchair access in many polling centers could now participate in elections hassle-free. The existing e-voting schemes suffer from several limitations as they are either centralized, based on public blockchains, or utilize local private blockchains. This results in privacy issues (using public blockchains) or large financial costs (using local/private blockchains) due to the amount of computing power and technical knowledge needed to host blockchains locally. To address the aforementioned limitations, in this paper, we propose an online voting scheme using IBM cloud-based Hyperledger Fabric. Our scheme allows voters to cast their encrypted votes in a secure manner. Then any participant can obtain the ballot results in a decentralized and transparent manner, without sacrificing the privacy of individual voters. We implement the proposed scheme using IBM cloud-based Hyperledger Fabric. The experimental results identify the performance characteristics of our scheme and demonstrate that it is feasible to run an election consisting of thousands of participants using cloud-based Fabric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Block chain is presenting new chances to develop new categories of digital services. Even though research on the topic is still in its early stages, it has mostly focused on the technical and legal challenges rather than utilizing this ground-breaking concept and creating better digital services. The study offers a novel block-chain based E-voting system that tackles some of the drawbacks of current systems and assesses some of the well-known block chain frameworks in order to build a block-chain based E-voting system. It has long been challenging to develop a secure electronic voting system that maintains the fairness and privacy of paper ballots while ensuring the transparency and flexibility afforded by electronic systems in current electoral schemes. We concretely assess the technology's potential by explaining a case study, including the election process and the implementation of a blockchain-based application that improves security and reduces the cost of holding national elections. A block chain is a type of distributed database that is this allows for the sharing of all data among all network users. By definition, a block chain system has several benefits that are suitable for electronic voting system. It is independent of a centralized server because its distributed architecture guarantees great system performance. Availability. Since each participant has full data, using the protocol, they may verify each block uploaded to the chain regarding the electronic voting system we propose, the double envelope encryption is combined here. Block chain technology and technique. This is the mechanism for turning the people's opinions into action in order to better manage system. Traditional elections have not pleased either the people or the government in recent years. They are not completely secure because ballots are easily tampered with. Additionally, it raises concerns about transparency and voter safety. Furthermore, it takes far too long to count the votes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voters use traditional paper ballots, a method limited by the factors of time and space, to ensure their voting rights are exercised; this method requires a lot of manpower and resources. Duplicate voting problems may also occur, meaning the transparency and reliability of the voting results cannot be guaranteed. With the rapid developments in science and technology, E-voting system technology is being adopted more frequently in election activities. However, E-voting systems still cannot address the verifiability of the election process; the results of a given election and the credibility of the host organization will be questioned if the election's verifiability cannot be ensured. Elections may also pose a series of problems related to privacy, security, and so on. To address these issues, this paper presents a public, and verifiable E-voting system with hidden statistics; this system is based on commitment, zk-SNARKs, and machine learning. The system can deal with a large number of candidates, complex voting methods, and result functions in counting both hidden and public votes and can satisfy the requirements of verifiability, privacy, security, and intelligence. Our security analysis shows that our scheme achieves privacy, hidden vote counting and verifiability. Our performance evaluation demonstrates that our system has reasonable applications in real scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1950, exiles from all across Latin America met in Havana for a congress. The event's purpose was to unite those striving for a democratic Latin America, free from US imperialism and Soviet totalitarianism. This current of opinion was not marginal: it was enthusiastically backed by millions of voters in largely free elections across the continent. However, very little has been written on democracy in Latin America, particularly during the period explored in this paper, 1940–1960. Recent scholarship on the period has instead focused on the ideological struggle between capitalism and socialism. In this paper, I highlight two democratic congresses held in Latin America in 1950 and 1960, under the title Conferencia Interamericana Pro Democracia y Libertad. The conferences served as a forum to delineate a common definition of democracy for the continent, and to explore how it could take hold in Latin America. This paper thus reveals an ideological current independent from the superpowers, which tried to democratise the region against what participants identified as the twin evils of imperialism and totalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does party system polarization mobilize voters? Polarization is increasingly shaping democratic competition across Europe. While often perceived to be negative, polarization can be an effective remedy against voter disengagement. This paper investigates two distinct, but often conflated mechanisms, which could explain why polarization leads to mobilization. Spatial polarization of parties diversifies electoral options at the ballot, while affective polarization mobilizes based on emotional considerations. This article then shows the link between polarization and turnout across 22 European countries. The results are complemented by a difference-in-differences analysis of German local elections. However, voting results alone do not inform about the mechanism at play. Survey data is used to show that negative affect appears to be the main driver of voter participation. Party polarization thus has ambivalent consequences for democracies: It mobilizes the electorate, but its effect is driven by negative emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper rekindles a three-decade-old debate in the annals of Indian anthropology / sociology which became dormant after no significant headway was made. The debate which goes by the name of "crisis in sociology" in India provides the backdrop against which the paper makes sense of current regimes of knowledge production that a doctoral candidate in India must navigate. By doing so, the paper reflects on the limitations of epistemological critiques wherein an epistemic critique stops at the corridors of an academic workplace. The paper argues that doctoral candidates in India today are cognitive workers engaged in exploitative relations of knowledge production. However, these exploitative relations are obfuscated by the postcolonial epistemological critiques that indulge in foregrounding the hegemony of the North / West. The paper proposes an infrastructural critique of knowledge that does not respond with despair to perceived transformations and crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world is facing increasing crises such as climate, inequality and disease, which are set to impact student futures in devastating ways. Without a change in the way citizens think at the ballot box and the supermarket, these crises indicate an intensification of global disaster with very real consequences. This paper deploys critical theory in order to examine the efficacy of Educational Leadership in the 21st Century. It finds that the crises facing the planet are due to a domination of knowledges serving system-interests detrimental to the survival and happiness of the many. Despite such dismal outlooks, educational leadership is potentially highly influential and represents hope. It is ideally placed to facilitate the global mindedness and intersubjectivity required for future citizens to collectively tackle planetary problems. Despite the potential of educators to create change, this paper finds educational leadership thinking to be rooted in the system-world, producing, and demanding strategic action in line with post-Comptian positivism. This advances a focus upon external goods and a blindness toward its own advantage. Educational leadership requires an urgent change in thinking: one that embraces a critical hygiene of intersubjectivity, global mindedness, and communicative action, reimagining educational leadership as social practice in an interdependent world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Instant-Runoff Voting (IRV) has been marketed to "guarantee that the majority candidate is elected," to "eliminate the spoiler effect," and to empower voters, particularly those supporting third-party or independent candidates, to "vote your hopes, not your fears," which is meant to level the playing field between such candidates and those from the major-party duopoly. This paper shows that in Burlington Vermont, IRV objectively failed to deliver on these promises. However, this failure is not blamed on the use of ranked ballots, but rather on the Hare method of tallying the ballots and identifying the winner. To avoid the failure, this paper presents a variation on IRV, Bottom Two Runoff-IRV (BTR-IRV), including a template for possible legislative language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Using data from Politbarometer surveys and from local American elections in which voters ranked candidates, this paper estimates the frequencies with which different pairs of voting rules yield different outcomes from the same ballots. The frequencies vary widely over pairs of rules, from 0.39% for the pair Minimax and STAR to 24.41% for the pair Plurality and Approval. The paper also checked for Condorcet winners. There were Condorcet winners in all of the 115 elections examined and in all but one of the 1,022 surveys examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we investigate who would vote 'none of the above' (NOTA) if this were available on the ballot paper using original data from eight European countries. In particular, we examine whether NOTA would be used by abstainers and voters to protest within the electoral process. We also test whether socioeconomic factors and specific and diffuse support for democracy and its institutions correlate with a NOTA vote. We find that having NOTA on the ballot would reduce invalid balloting more than abstention and much more than protest party voting. Our results also suggest that NOTA is related to socioeconomic status, political interest, political knowledge and distrust in political institutions and authorities, but not to broadly undemocratic attitudes. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the increasingly large amounts of abstention and invalid voting, as well as the growing distrust of political institutions, in democratic countries. They also hold lessons for electoral reformers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reassesses the claim that electronic voting systems help voters to avoid common mistakes that lead to their votes remaining uncounted. While prior studies have come to mixed conclusions, I provide new, more robust evidence based on a case study of extended Internet voting trials in Geneva canton, Switzerland. The trials almost exclusively involved referendum votes. For causal identification I exploit the unique circumstance that federal safety legislation created a near-natural experiment, with some of the canton's municipalities participating in the trials and others not. Using difference-in-differences estimation, I find that the residual vote rate decreased by an average of 0.3 percentage points if municipalities offered the possibility to vote online in addition to (mostly optically scanned) paper ballots. For cantonal measures, which are located towards the bottom of ballot papers in Geneva, the reduction increases to 0.5 percentage points. These remain relatively modest effects, and I find no evidence for a knock-on effect on electoral outcomes. However, on average only around 20% of votes were cast online where the opportunity existed, and online voting was most popular among voters with high levels of education. Despite the small effect sizes, the results of this study therefore point to the potential of Internet and, more generally, electronic voting technology to reduce avoidable voter mistakes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining the impacts of ranked choice voting (RCV) on voter efficacy is important as more areas consider adoption. The greater number of choices provided by longer RCV ballots may introduce opportunities for voters to misunderstand the ballot, make errant marks, or accidentally mark two or more candidates for one ranking, resulting in voidable ballots due to "overvoting." Using ballot data from the 2013 general election, the 2017, and 2021 New York City democratic mayoral primaries, this paper asks whether voidable overvote ballots are more concentrated in constituencies with lower levels of educational attainment, average household incomes, and differing racial make-ups, and if this relationship is more pronounced under RCV than traditional elections. In the first RCV election in 2021, voters in locations with lower levels of educational attainment and median household incomes had higher shares of overvote voidable ballots than those in locations with higher educational attainment and incomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most e-voting schemes make use of central servers. Users are obliged to trust these servers, which represent a vulnerability of the scheme. In the last few years, a very small group of schemes has been published that overcomes this handicap by using a peer-to-peer (P2P) approach. These are known as boardroom e-voting schemes, whereby users take the role of the servers. They act as managers of the process: they cast votes, keep a record of them, and verify the cryptographic operations made by others. Nevertheless, ballots must fulfill certain constraints which conflict with the possibilities of recent debate tools. These tools allow users to decide what to vote on, thus enabling the ballot frame to remain unknown before the voting process. The scheme presented here is a new boardroom voting protocol. It provides privacy, eligibility, and verifiability among other relevant features. The key advantage of this system is its high degree of flexibility, due to the absence of a need to impose any constraint on the ballots. This paper includes experimental results with two debate groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we argue that because of the advent of Artificial Intelligence, the secret ballot is now much less effective at protecting voters from voting related instances of social ostracism and social punishment. If one has access to vast amounts of data about specific electors, then it is possible, at least with respect to a significant subset of electors, to infer with high levels of accuracy how they voted in a past election. Since the accuracy levels of Artificial Intelligence are so high, the practical consequences of someone inferring one's vote are identical to the practical consequences of having one's vote revealed directly under an open voting regime. Therefore, if one thinks that the secret ballot is at least partly justified because it protects electors against voting related social ostracism and social punishment, one should be morally troubled by how Artificial Intelligence today can be used to infer individual electors' past voting behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This research systematically reviewed studies on tax compliance based on five determinants consisting of tax services, trust in government, personal norm, social norm and religiosity. Design/methodology/approach: The research used a vote-counting method to synthesize 279 studies consisting of 160 empirical studies and 119 non-empirical studies conducted from 1946 until 2017. Findings: The research has made a relatively robust conclusion related to the impacts of determinant factors on tax compliance. Tax service and trust in government are the most critical factors to increase tax compliance. Personal norm, social norm and religiosity encourage tax compliance, yet the influence is not as strong as expected. Practical implications: This research suggests that improving tax service and government trust are more effective and relatively easier to implement than developing the taxpayers' positive behaviors. Originality/value: Several studies conducted to synthesize the impacts of determinant factors on tax compliance were only limited to the empirical research which provided sufficient statistical data. On the other hand, there were many substantial research types discussing tax compliance without involving statistical numbers. The facts have distorted the complete picture of tax compliance. Recently, no synthesis studies have comprehensively combined and compared the empirical with non-empirical research based on the related theories. Thus, the synthesis studies that discuss tax compliance based on non-deterrence approach are still limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about voters’ perceptions of voting secrecy in the 2022 Swedish elections. In collaboration with the local election authorities in Gothenburg, we have asked a large number of advance voters (n = 12901) about perceived voting secrecy under three types of voting arrangements. In the high secrecy arrangement, voters completed voting behind a single closed screen. In two medium secrecy arrangements, voters selected ballot papers behind a closed screen and walked a few meters with ballot papers in hand to another closed screen to complete the vote. Results show that perceived voting secrecy is high in all three arrangements, but also that the high secrecy arrangement makes a statistically significant contribution to perceived voting secrecy. The findings illustrate that voters are sensitive to small changes in the voting environment, and that details matter for the experience of voting secretly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study how a combination of random ballot ordering and concurrent elections can increase invalid votes in the context of South Korea. In South Korea, elections for the nonpartisan superintendent of education are held concurrently with other partisan races. Whereas the ballot order for candidates in the nonpartisan superintendent of education elections is randomized and rotated, this order for other partisan races is determined according to the number of seats each party has in the national legislature. In this study, we found that a match between candidates' partisan preferences and their ballot positions decreases invalid votes. Our findings suggest that combining two different ballot-order schemes for concurrently held elections can confuse voters and increase invalid votes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, E-voting has received great attention due to its advantages in efficiency and accuracy. Fan et al. presented a novel E-voting system named HSE-Voting by utilizing homomorphic signcryption. The HSE-Voting system was claimed to gain a provable security goal under the standard proof. In this paper, we illustrate that their scheme may suffer from some potential security issues. On the one hand, the voting information could be recovered by the authentication center (AC). On the other hand, any malicious voter could disrupt the voting system undetected by locally modifying his ballot. In order to increase the resilience of the voting system to risks, an improvement of the HSE-Voting system is developed. Our improved system fixes the above security weaknesses but increases the computation cost on the AC side by a small amount. In addition, the proposed scheme satisfies voter anonymity, ballot privacy, and verifiability of election results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The extension of voting rights epitomizes the construction of modern democracies. This paper empirically investigates the effect of such an enfranchisement on political violence in the context of the US Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965, which forbade discrimination in voting. The formula the VRA used to determine the counties it applied to generated both geographic and temporal local discontinuities in enfranchisement. This paper's empirical strategy takes advantage of these features by comparing the evolution of political violence in geographically close covered and non-covered counties. Difference-in-differences estimates indicate that VRA coverage halved the incidence and the onset of political violence. Additional empirical evidence implies that voting became the new institutionalized way to state political preferences. Indeed, VRA coverage mostly decreased electoral and small-scale strategic violence. This result is not explained by disaggrievement. Extensions suggest that new strategies of political action may explain a decrease in violence after enfranchisement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spread of the coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic in 2020 was the impetus for an exogenous shock. In addition to the disruption brought on by the spread of COVID-19, conspiracy theories flourished on many aspects of the disease. However, the association between belief in conspiracy theories and voting behaviour has not been studied sufficiently, especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper investigates the association between a belief in conspiracy theories and an intention to vote for populist parties (PPs). This association is analysed in a case study of Italian voters, where PPs can be found in the government and in the opposition. By conducting a cross-sectional analysis during the third wave of panel data fielded in December 2020, this article shows that individuals who have anti-vax attitudes and who also have a higher propensity to believe in conspiracy theories are more likely to vote for PPs, although it is worth considering the roles PPs play in either the government or in the opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australian elections are digitising. Electronic ballots, electronic certified lists, electronic scrutiny, and electronic data are becoming part of the electoral status quo. The digitisation of elections in Australia induces new vulnerabilities that malign foreign entities can exploit to subvert the nation's democratic sovereignty. Problems such as inauthenticity, data insecurity, and disinformation are amplified in today's epoch of digital era governance. Since these problems have the potential to erode the legitimacy of Australian elections, it is imperative to deepen understanding of these risks to optimise the nation's democratic resilience. Through applying a conceptual framework derived from democratic theory and public policy, this paper assesses the vulnerability of Australia's elections to foreign interference based on the Australian electoral system irrespective of adversary capabilities. It finds that Australia's federal elections are relatively secure from hard cyber security risks due to digital-analogue hybridity in electoral processes, but they are vulnerable to soft cyber risks such as digital disinformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]