Search

The qualitative and quantitative balance in strategic nuclear capabilities between major global nuclear-armed states had been the subject of a longstanding international bilateral and multilateral treaty regime, which since the onset of the 21st century has undergone a process of continual degradation. With the gradual establishment of a more confrontational multipolar world order, the treaty regime as well as the guarantees it provided for international security have come into further peril. The present paper will examine the defining characteristics of the nuclear treaty regime, the factors leading to a point of balance in preceding decades between the nuclear superpowers of the United States of America and the Russian Federation, and the transformational factors, which have destabilised the balance in contemporary times. Furthermore, the paper will extend the discussion on the future of nuclear arms control to the changing geopolitical landscape and the rise of new major global powers such as the People's Republic of China. Ultimately the paper, attempts to establish the framework of the future evolution of the nuclear arms debate and the possibilities of reaching a new point of stability and deterrence between the mentioned state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between China's changing economy and its global business tax diplomacy. Three trends dominate: China is becoming a net capital exporter, emerging as a major consumer market, and is home to digital giant firms including Baidu, Tencent and Alibaba. The resulting drive to promote both 'going out' and 'bringing in' foreign direct investment has led China to engage selectively and strategically with Western-led institutions. We show how China variously challenges, defends, and develops alternatives to global tax standards in three cases: global efforts to tackle corporate tax avoidance, bilateral tax treaty negotiations, and administrative tax cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilateral trade agreements are the preferred mode of transnational regulation for the People's Republic of China. China has made promises on labor rights in draft bilateral agreements that it has not previously made in any other venue. The future of transnational labor regulation requires Chinese participation. Bilateral agreements should therefore become a normal part of transnational labor law. Model labor rights provisions for bilateral agreements should be promulgated. Consultative and informal enforcement will be necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies contemporary Chinese engagement with Thailand in the context of migration. It argues the past of Chinese migration to Thailand shapes how the contemporary bilateral relations is perceived. In the context of Chinese engagement with Thailand, we should keep in mind the long history of Chinese migration and at times hostile policies the Thai government implemented to deal with such large numbers of migrants. Anti-China rhetoric thus has historical roots in the Chinese migration experience in Thailand, and one can argue that this history still frames some of the explicit or implicit Sinophobia within contemporary Thai society. Such historical legacies and the peculiar status of the Sino-Thai thus have created a varied reaction towards the recent Chinese presence in Thailand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the reasons of the dramatic worsening of the India-China relation which became apparent in the 2020 border crisis, particularly during the confrontation which took place in the Galwan Valley. The analysis is focussed on the historical evolution of the India-China bilateral relations since the beginning of this century. It is focussed on two main themes: (a) the unsolved border dispute between the two countries; and (b) the role played in the India-China relation by India's increasing strategic and military closeness with the US. The basic thesis of the article is that in 2005 the US consciously upgraded its connection with India to bring it inside the arc of containment it was building around its Asian adversaries, including China. New Delhi's new closeness with the US - a closeness which had a visible military dimension - could not but worry Beijing and cause a worsening in the India-China relationship. Up to the end of 2013, however, India's policy-makers, by implementing a complex set of policies, kept this worsening under control, reducing it to a bare minimum. Things dramatically changed in 2014, when Narendra Modi, India's new prime minister, abandoned India's previous prudent approach towards China, choosing to confront it and force it to accept India as an equal power. This brought about a downturn in the relations between the two countries which, in spite of some countertendencies, eventually resulted in the 2020 border crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]