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This paper uses the deployment of animal welfare as an issue during the 'Brexit' referendum as a lens through which to explore the mutual shaping of discourses about care for animals in Britain and the British nation, or the nationalism of animal welfare. Adopting a genealogical outlook, it uses one political advertisement in particular—paid for by the official Vote Leave campaign—as a focalising image and means of opening up the issues, leading to an empirical emphasis on the issue of live animal export as it has mediated ideas about Europe and British identity. Introducing the idea of 'animal welfare chauvinism', the paper suggests that animal welfare messages in the context of this constitutional debate were products of chauvinistic and caring impulses which are mutually constitutive and crystallised through discourses formed in relation to contingent historical struggles. Analytically, stress is placed on the constructive role of situated and repeated discursive exchanges, occurring between animal advocates and other national political elites, within which 'care for animals' as a national ideal is forged. In this light, the article concludes with reflections on the stakes of entering into an already existing conversation on the 'national culture of care' for animals in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a focus on refugees' written personal narratives on refugee NGO websites, this paper examines ongoing transculturalism in Britain and its interplay with globalization and current international migration. Conceiving such personal narratives as cultural texts pertaining to refugee narratives as a broad genre that encompasses different storytelling modalities, those personal stories on refugee NGO websites are explored from a cultural studies perspective. CDA is employed as a methodology for this cultural studies-oriented piece. A qualitatively oriented case study is accordingly presented based on the detailed examination of an example of such written narratives on the website of one such refugee NGO in the UK so as to instantiate and contribute to disentangling the articulation of this characteristic form of ongoing transculturalism. Special emphasis is laid on the discursive construction of refugees' transcultural identities in such narratives through their participation in those global border-crossing processes characteristic of the contemporary landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every retelling of a story is an interpretation, and children's Bible stories are no exception. This paper analyzes changes made to the Biblical story of creation in a collection of thirteen Bible stories published in 19th century Britain. The aim of this paper is to answer two questions: what purpose did the story of creation serve in Bible stories in 19th century Britain, and what changes were made to the story to serve this purpose? Common themes and changes made to the Bible stories discussed here suggest that the story was told to children for various reasons. For many, the creation narrative was used to familiarize young children with the story, and changes were aimed to simplify the story. For others, the original sin was closely tied to Jesus' atonement, and in stories that stress this, Jesus often shows up as an additional character. Moreover, many versions of this story add lessons to impart moral or didactic advice to their audience. Overall, analyzing changes made to children's Bibles stories reveals how authors changed the story of creation to influence their intended audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of civil society to the military is well documented in UK Defence and Army policy, doctrine, and concepts. Civilian and military analyses commonly focus on the policy dimensions of the relationship whereby British civil society is deemed important for the legitimacy of campaigns. This research paper draws together less-common references from across the literature about a more direct impact that societal perspectives can have on deployed land operations and extends them through new archival research. It uses the military's experience in Helmand to propose a model of "societal operational influence." In this model tactical behaviours across the conceptual, physical, and moral components of Task Force Helmand's fighting power altered in response to the military's interpretation of public opinion about soldiers, which arguably resulted in changes to its culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and policy‐makers promote 'Nature‐based Solutions' to the interconnected challenges associated with the Anthropocene. Often these involve the strategic use of ecosystem engineers: animals, plants, and microbes with disproportionate ecological agency capable of regional or even planetary‐scale niche construction. This environmental mode of biopolitics is promoted as biomimicry: restoring, rewilding, or rewetting diverse ecological systems. This paper critically examines the multispecies relations promised by this model through a focus on beaver in Britain over the last 12,000 years. It begins with beaver making Britain hospitable for early settlers and agriculturalists as they returned after the last ice age. It traces the subsequent demise of beaver due to hunting and land use change, and then follows the recent return of beaver as tools for natural flood management and nature recovery. It attends to situations in which these multispecies world‐making projects go awry in the weird ecologies of the Anthropocene. This story of beaver helps situate enthusiasms for proactive ecosystem engineering in deeper time. It highlights the beguiling potential of Nature‐based Solutions while cautioning against tendencies towards anthropocentrism, an apolitical mononaturalism, and an ecomodernist hubris. The paper combines concepts from archaeology, ecology, anthropology, and geography into a new framework for theorising multispecies acts of worlding and weirding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses an extensive collection of historical surveys that have only recently been made available to researchers to examine the formation of British attitudes towards the then European Economic Community. It demonstrates that – up until 1967 – the demographic predictors of support for UK membership were unstable. Thereafter, coinciding with the second UK application, these attitudes started to stabilise and harden, with support becoming highest among men, the youngest age cohorts, the middle class and those with greater education. The renewed politicization of the issue in 1967 also coincided with Labour voters becoming significantly more likely to support membership. Following the change in the parties' positions, Labour voters subsequently become substantially less supportive than Conversative voters. The paper thus supports existing analyses on the role of elite cues, while providing new, robust evidence of the change in demographic associations over this formative period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Passagens: International Review of Political History & Legal Culture is the property of Passagens: International Review of Political History & Legal Culture and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Edwardian period, women's physical education colleges were graduating significant numbers of gymnastics and games teachers, the demand for whom had increased rapidly following an expansion in the playing of team sports in girls' schools. Much of the subsequent development of women's physical activity in the 1920s can be credited to the passion and commitment of these women, who were not only key role models within the school setting but who also coached and organised women's sport at club, regional, and national level. Given that the education sector operated a 'marriage bar' until 1944, the critical juncture in their careers was the decision to marry or not, and several of these women decided to remain single. This, and the strong bonds they often formed with other practitioners, has resulted in a great deal of unsubstantiated speculation about their private lives. Combining evidence from a variety of primary sources, including newspapers, census returns, college records, literature, girls' annuals, specialist periodicals, photographs, and local and family histories, this paper illuminates some of the biographies and experiences of these women and questions the stereotypical image of the games mistress as an unfulfilled spinster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a historical analysis to demonstrate the connections and developmental links which emerged between cookbooks and television in Britain after World War II, focused on television broadcasts in the period 1946 and 1976. In this paper, I discuss how early presenters of British television cookery programmes, and their publishers, had vision and marketing skills which enabled links between visual and printed media, and established a pattern of connected cookbook and television production which is taken for granted today. I examine the connected television and publishing careers of three early British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) television cooking pioneers: Marguerite Patten, Philip Harben and Fanny Cradock, who collectively dominated on-screen cooking programmes from the late 1940s until the mid-1970s. By analyzing their cookbooks, particularly their jackets and promotional materials, and interpreting archival research conducted in the BBC Written Archives and other documentary archives, their contributions will be discussed alongside the development of the television-connected cookbook in Britain. I conclude that these television cooks and presenters made a significant contribution on and off our screens during that period which established the connection between television cooking programmes and cookbooks in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the establishment of the first Protestant church in midnineteenth-century Jerusalem, under Ottoman rule, relying mainly on British Foreign Office archives. It begins with an introduction to the geopolitical context for the spread of Protestantism in Greater Syria, with particular focus on Palestine, including Britain's initial diplomatic efforts to achieve this goal and the challenges it faced on different fronts. The discussion situates these challenges and the ways Britain overcame them within the context of Ottoman imperial regulations, which recurringly stalled or halted construction efforts. As a result, Britain's hopes of establishing a Protestant church in Jerusalem, and the Ottoman sultan's frequent obstruction of these efforts, reflect the layered British-Ottoman relations in the nineteenth century. The paper ends with an examination of the ways the British government managed to secure an Ottoman permit (firman) issued by the sultan, that allowed the completion of the church's construction in 1849. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the question of Iraq's emergence as a state in the context of the First World War with a special focus on the interplay between British imperialism and Shiʿi activism. By the twentieth century, the majority of people who lived in the territory that would become the Iraqi state were Shiʿi Muslims. Largely ignoring the activism of Iraqis, there is a line of thinking in English-language scholarship which suggests that the process of state formation in Iraq was completely driven by British imperialists. Indeed, Britain established a military presence in the Ottoman vilayets of Basra, Baghdad, and Mosul during and after the First World War, and the empire was awarded an internationally sanctioned mandate for this territory in 1920. In an effort to decolonize the history of Iraq, this paper argues that the inhabitants of Iraq, especially Shiʿi activists, played a significant role in the formation of the new state. Research for this paper is based on the writings of Shiʿi activists with a special focus on clerical leaders, as well as British government officials. Challenging historical accounts that reflect British imperialist narratives, this paper argues that Shiʿi activists (and British responses to them) significantly influenced the course of state formation in Iraq. This is not to say that Britain was not influential in the creation of Iraq; in fact, British imperialists clearly had the upper hand. However, they did not operate in a vacuum, unaffected by the inhabitants of the Iraqi state that they wished to create. Instead of assuming that British imperialists single-handedly created Iraq or that ethno-sectarian divisions are the natural order in Iraq, this paper suggests that the relationship between Britain and Shiʿism played a critical role in the formation of the Iraqi state. Although many scholars consider Islamic sectarianism and Britain's colonial legacy in Iraq to be at the heart of the country's socio-political system, the relationship between Britain and Shiʿism in Iraq has not received ample scholarly attention. The intersection of British imperialism and Shiʿi activism resulted in several foundational threads that were woven into the fabric of the Iraqi state. The 1920 Shiʿi revolt against the British mandate for Iraq and the British counter-revolt became the outward manifestation of the British-Shiʿi divide. British officials installed a Sunni-run government in Iraq for fear of Shiʿi dominance, which could have resulted from democratic institutions. Anti-British resistance led by Shiʿi clerics completely changed the calculus of Iraq's emergence as an independent state and alienated much of the Shiʿi community from Iraq's political establishment. This process radically altered the roles that Shiʿi and British leaders hoped to play in post-Ottoman Iraq. This state of affairs was not inevitable given that the continuation of British-Shiʿi alliances that began to emerge during the First World War would have produced a profoundly different state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the way the British historian Jonathan Parry narrates the economic and political penetration of the British Empire in the Ottoman lands. The author of the paper recognizes that Parry has provided many new and useful information, however notices in his book some questionable aspects: for example, in Parry’s representation, British expansionism was little more than a continuous, necessary reaction to French and Russian ambitions; the “cultural history” side of the book is intriguing but doesn’t provide a deep insight and a comparative pattern; important aspects of the “Ottoman commitment” of some of the dramatis personae (for instance David Urquhart) are ignored. Criticism of the various sections of Parry’s book is the starting point for a subjective conceptual road map, where reference is mainly to either old and neglected books or recent and scarcely known ones. A big parenthesis is devoted to the 3 November 1839 “Rose Garden Edict”. Indeed, the British historian belittles the importance of this document and, in particular, doubts it affirmed the juridical equality among all the subjects of the Ottoman Empire. With an integral translation from Turkish of the first (and more important) part of the edict the author of this paper demonstrates that this famous document really envisaged equality, albeit in the sole possible way the fences of the Koranic law and the spirit of the times allowed, i.e., in an implicit and ambiguous way. In this section and along the paper philological clarifications are provided as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using multilevel modelling, this paper investigates ethno-religious penalties in unemployment and inactivity among men and women using the Understanding Society survey. The paper confirms previous findings of a Muslim penalty and a British labour market hierarchized by colour (ethnicity) and religion (culture). However, by including a greater range of ethnic groups the paper provides a corrective to accounts in the sociological literature that being White is not a protection against the Muslim penalty. Rather, while affiliation with the Muslim White British group does not appear to be associated with penalization, Muslim Arabs who traditionally identify as White are found to experience significant disadvantage. This suggests that the Muslim penalty might also be moderated by a person's country of origin. The paper also finds that considerable penalties remain for Muslims even after adjusting for so-called "sociocultural attitudes", challenging the assumption that value orientations offer a suitable explanation for the Muslim penalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'right of public meeting' has historically been a key demand of extra-parliamentary political movements in England. This paper examines how public assembly came to be perceived as a legally protected right, and how national and local authorities debated and policed political meetings. Whereas previous histories have suggested that a 'liberal governance' dominated urban government during the nineteenth century, this paper offers an alternative framework for understanding the relationship between people and the state. It points to rights paradoxes, whereby the right of free passage and to 'air and recreation' often conflicted with the demand for the right of political meeting in challenges to use of public spaces. Local authorities sought to defend the rights of property against political movements by using the common law offences of obstruction and 'nuisance'. By the first half of the twentieth century, new threats of militant tactics and racial harassment by political groups necessitated specific public order legislation. Though twentieth-century legislation sought to protect certain types of assembly and protest marches, the implementation and policing of public order was spatially discriminatory, and the right of public meeting was left unresolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines significant diplomatic moments during the Grant administration – the Cuban neutrality proclamation and the Treaty of Washington – and the methods employed by Secretary of State Hamilton Fish to manage diplomacy and to keep the United States out of war with Europe. It argues that Fish was a pragmatic adviser to the President, not a manipulator pushing Grant towards his own ends, or a savior pulling Grant back from disaster. Rather, Fish counseled Grant to make sound diplomatic decisions that insured peace, leading to greater autonomy in decision-making and a successful relationship between president and secretary of state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the ambivalent discursive constructions of belongings and attachments, this paper is a description of the uneasy and uncomfortable relation between the UK and the 'continent'. It discusses the historical British insular attitude looking at the metaphorical language used around Brexit, with a special emphasis on the metaphor "have one's cake and eat it", referring to the "cherry-picking" attitude that the British government wishes to have, retaining EU membership benefits without its obligations. Boris Johnson admitted that his policy on cake was "pro having it and pro eating it", expressing an argument that, on withdrawing from the European Union, Britain would still retain many of the benefits that it had enjoyed as a member, since Britain was already "cherry-picking from the European tree without bothering to water the soil or tend to its branches". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comparative analysis of the tenure of John Campbell, fourth earl of Loudoun, as a regional commander in the Scottish Highlands during the Jacobite uprising of 1745–6 and as commander-in-chief of the British forces in North America from January 1756 to December 1757. It challenges historiographical interpretations of Loudoun as an incompetent bully, instead emphasising his attempts to negotiate with local elites in both imperial fringes for the realisation of the state's aims, albeit within the confines of his own understanding of imperial subjecthood. This article argues that Loudoun's experiences of waging war and pacifying the Highlands directly influenced how he approached the challenges he faced in implementing British military strategy in North America. In doing so, it contributes to the growing body of scholarship investigating the role of the army in British imperial policymaking and the direct and indirect influence British army experiences in the Scottish Highlands had on the transatlantic implementation of empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines continuity and change in the bases of recommendations about dishes to prepare and serve in the household in Britain between 1968 and 2016. Employing a content analysis of recipes in widely circulating women's magazines, it compares a sample of recipes from 2015–16 with ones from 1968 and 1992 analyzed previously. In this follow-up study, new data are collected, using the same coding frame, with findings interpreted through the same conceptual framework, to classify recommendations about domestic food preparation with reference to four "culinary antinomies" expressing symbolic, structural oppositions between (1) health and indulgence, (2) economy and extravagance, (3) convenience and care, and (4) novelty and tradition. The changing prevalence of these principles of recommendation is described. Discussion revolves around interpretation of the social significance of changing recommendations, modification of the conceptual framework, and methodological aspects of the measurement of social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The formulation of a Finnish isolate of the saprotrophic wood-rotting fungus Phlebiopsis gigantea into the biocontrol agent (BCA) Rotstop, which is used to prevent infection of Norway spruce stumps by aerial basidiospores of H. annosum, has led to its application to more than 200,000 ha of forest in Scandinavia and North Europe. The success of this treatment opens the possibility of introducing the Rotstop strain into Britain for use on Sitka spruce stumps, which at present (2022) are lacking adequate prophylactic treatment. However, Rotstop is probably non-native to Britain and to North America (the ancestral home of this spruce), and we do not know if this xylem-decaying BCA can invade standing trees. In this paper, we describe a trial into this issue conducted for the U.K. Forestry Commission in Denmark, in a country where both Rotstop and Sitka spruce have been naturalised. It was preliminary to further stump treatment trials, and is relevant to long-term issues surrounding stump treatment in Britain. Inoculations into 44-year-old standing Sitka spruce with 20 mm wooden Scots pine plugs pre-colonised with Rotstop resulted in decay of the S1, S2, S3 and middle lamellae of sapwood above and below the wounds after 11–18 months. In contrast, infection of sapwood occurred in only one of 39 wounds on the same trees challenged with oidial spore inoculants adpressed to undamaged xylem sapwood during the same period. While the results suggest that release of Rotstop into the productive stands of Sitka spruce in Britain would be unlikely to cause long-term commercial losses to wounded trees, the work highlights issues relating to the assessment of risk associated with the introduction of non-native BCAs within the forest environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against a backdrop of racialised nationalism and widespread securitisation of Muslim communities, how are those on the British political left responding to the issue of Islamophobia? This paper draws together empirical accounts from anti-racist activists with a series of theoretical contributions from scholars in the field of ‘race’ and racism studies. I point towards an ambivalence in talking about and challenging Islamophobia amongst non-Muslim activists, and highlight accounts by Muslim activists of marginalisation and Islamophobia on the British left. I argue that these trends are best understood – and critically addressed – by drawing on understandings of racialisation and nationalism. Finally, I consider how we might think about the role of Muslim activists on the left, drawing on the concept of the ‘racialised outsider’ (Virdee [2014. Racism, Class and the Racialized Outsider. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan]) to argue that their experiences and analyses place them in a unique position from which to challenge Islamophobia in the current moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compositional analysis has proved to be a powerful tool for investigating the recycling of transparent glass in the Roman and Byzantine periods. This paper expands the focus further to explore the recycling of coloured and opaque glass in the Late Iron Age and Roman periods in Britain. A review of the findings to date, predominantly for beads and bangles, illustrates how a combination of methods is needed to identify when coloured glass has been recycled and altered in the past. Chemical analysis, microstructural examination and experimentation have been used to understand how coloured glass was mixed, diluted, and modified with novel colourants and opacifiers, in ways that are not apparent from non‐destructive chemical analysis alone. The paper discusses the possible types and sources of trade glass, the challenges of recycling mono‐ and polychrome glass in different colours, and the unconventional methods used by glassworkers on the periphery of Roman influence to extend and modify coloured glass to produce distinctive items in order to express their identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the current COVID-19 pandemic reveals and in a sense crystallizes a series of long-standing tensions about sovereignty that have become increasingly salient in the advanced capitalist democracies of the European Union. The spread of the pandemic led first to the activation of a conflict between a 'sovereigntist reflex' privileging the expression of national capacities and national self-reliance and a more 'perforated' understanding of sovereignty stressing the interdependence of peoples and states, both geographically and institutionally. As the response to COVID itself became more politicized we see the emergence of a second tension, between a libertarian 'reflex' supporting a residual state protecting liberties and facilitating individual choice and a sovereign-statist 'instinct', calling for an empowered guardian of the public good capable of ensuring collective security. A third tension relates to the seemingly growing opposition between a conception of sovereignty founded (and contingent) upon the will of the people and one in which the sovereign is, simultaneously, the discerner, defender and ultimate guarantor of the public good. After having mapped out these interwoven tensions and their main fault lines in general terms, the paper proceeds comparatively, tracking and tracing their (differential and specific) presence in governmental responses in two advanced capitalist democracies, France and Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World War II nostalgia in the UK is mired in a postcolonial melancholia that not only fuels Brexit nationalism, but carries implications for how the UK relates to the European Continent. This paper presents an empirically engaged examination of Gilroy's concept of postcolonial melancholia by exploring how British migrants negotiate this "complex ailment". Engaging with empirical research conducted with British migrants in Berlin, I will examine how migrants negotiate this form of nationalism through their relationships with family members in the UK. The particular position of the British migrant in Germany illuminates how postcolonial melancholia's entrenchment shapes British nationalism and Britain's relationship to mainland Europe. It explores discourses of British exceptionalism before examining how Brexit's foregrounding of empire nostalgia pushes migrants to redefine their relationship to Britain. Meanwhile, black British migrants inhabit a different orientation to the postcolonial through their practical engagement with complex colonial histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers d'Études Africaines is the property of Editions EHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Eagle Owl (Bubo bubo) is currently absent as a regular breeder in Britain and its status as a native species has been debated. Its occurrence in the Pleistocene of Britain is sparse but uncontroversial, whereas its Holocene presence rests on very few ambiguous findings. Of these, a specimen from Demen's Dale (Derbyshire) originally attributed to the Mesolithic period is the most important. A re‐evaluation of this bone (tarsometatarsus) is presented in this paper. Although its identification as an Eagle Owl is confirmed, radiocarbon dating suggests that the bird rather lived in the Late Pleistocene. On the basis of the current evidence, there are no Holocene remains of the Eagle Owl in the archaeological and fossil record of Britain and the native status of this species remains unconfirmed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The excavation by T. C. M Brewster and J. S. Dent between 1964 and 1989 of the multiperiod site at Wetwang Slack, East Yorkshire, has gained international importance for its square barrow cemetery and multiple Arras‐style Iron Age cart/chariot burials. A lesser known fact is that the excavations also produced the largest Iron Age faunal assemblage identified outside of southern Britain, in addition to several late Iron Age/early Romano‐British articulated animal bone groups (ABGs). The presence of pathological human and articulated faunal remains provides the unique opportunity to review the macroscopic evidence for zoonotic diseases, specifically bovine tuberculosis (bTB) in an Iron Age community where close working relationships with animals, the use of animal by‐products, and the consumption of infected dairy products all form potential avenues of infection. This paper presents the palaeopathological evidence for possible infectious disease in the ABGs at Wetwang Slack with a focus on bTB. Several cases of suspected tuberculosis are described in the human remains, with one example of gastrointestinal infection that could potentially indicate a case of bTB. Ancient DNA (aDNA) samples were taken from five ABGs testing for both Mycobacterium tuberculosis complex and Brucella pathogen DNA. The results were negative, but DNA degradation was highlighted as a contributing factor. This paper highlights the importance of considering the evidence for zoonotic diseases at sites where human and faunal assemblages are recovered and especially where articulated animal skeletons are present. The paper also emphasizes that future aDNA studies of diseased faunal remains should focus on smaller amplicons or whole genome sequencing to amplify pathogen DNA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end and the aftermath of the Second World War, the conflicts that arose in the Eastern Mediterranean, specifically Greece and Turkey, was an important factor in the development of the Cold War. These two countries were considered by the West as amongst the earliest victims that suffered from the aggression of the Soviet Union due to the communist insurgent in Greece and the Soviet diplomatic pressure on Turkey regarding the Straits settlements as well as the territorial concessions concerning Kars and Ardahan. On March 12, 1947, the United States proclaimed that Greece and Turkey would receive economic aid under the Truman Doctrine that would bolster the capabilities of these countries in resisting Soviet expansionism. Many historians agreed that this economic aid was given due to the self-awareness of the United States to contain the expansion of Soviet influence in those countries. However, it was Britain who convinced the United States to do so. This article will discuss British strategies in bringing the United States into internal affairs in Greece and Turkey between 1945 and 1947 through the methodology of British primary historical resources. This study has concentrated on the viewpoint of British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and his Foreign Office through the perusal of archival or primary records such as the Private Papers of Bevin (FO 800), the Cabinet Office Papers (CAB), the Foreign Office Papers (FO 371), the Defence Ministry Papers (DEFE) and the House of Commons Parliamentary Debate (HANSARD). The scrutiny of these records has shown that Britain could no longer assist Greece and Turkey in facing the Soviet threat alone due to its economic difficulties. Hence, the determination of Britain to get the assistance of the United States. Besides, the American new policy of intervention in world affairs would not only combat Communism but also help Britain in maintaining its status quo in Greece, Turkey, and subsequently British predominance in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the adoption of DDT and other insecticides in British farming after 1945 to consider the notion that new synthetic insecticides were taken up rapidly. It shows that the uptake of chemical insecticides during the 1940s and 1950s was slower in many agricultural sectors than accounts have often suggested, and slower than the uptake of other agrochemicals, such as herbicides. Importantly, this paper shows that the extent of use before 1965 varied a great deal according to crop or farming sector and also according to the type of insecticide product. Historians have not sufficiently engaged with the fact that farmers did not purchase the raw chemicals, DDT or BHC, they bought insecticide products – a diverse range of formulations for spraying, dusting or the treatment of seeds. This paper shows how the adoption of insecticidal products on a large scale in the post-war period resulted from various types of work by business and government. The very close relationship between state and business gained its legitimacy from its location in a historical moment in which greater output and efficiency in farming had become a national goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an international perspective on visual resource stewardship. It examines the long history of Britain's love affair with its landscapes and its abandonment of measuring the subjective element of landscape quality, focusing instead on landscape character, which could be objectively assessed. This paper summarises the development of the European Landscape Convention, which has been embraced across much of Europe, and which follows Britain's emphasis on landscape character. Programs in a range of European countries are reviewed. The recognition of outstanding landscapes under the World Heritage Convention, the UN List of Protected Areas program which includes landscapes, and National Scenic Area programs, are briefly summarised. The key message of this paper is that most of the provisions summarised focus on the character of the landscape and not its quality. Because it has been alleged, particularly in Britain and Europe, that it is too difficult to measure scenic quality, landscape character has become the subject instead of scenic quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the coverage in the British print media of the Fenian dynamite campaign of 1881–1885. By examining a selection of the newspaper reporting done in the immediate days following the bomb blasts in urban centers, it can be seen that the press framed the campaign as a dramatic threat to the British people—but one they would overcome, even in the face of a frightening, unpredictable technological innovation that could put civilians in jeopardy. The metropolitan newspapers helped to shape how the British people understood the urban terrorist attacks. The press delivered to their readers vivid details about the novel and extraordinary nature of the dynamite threat, while also framing the shocking news to make their own political message and establish the narrative that even though it was under threat, Britain would triumph and hold fast to its place in the world—and onto its empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's long post war boom was underpinned by the state, by Roosevelt's New Deal, by its wartime economy, and by Roosevelt's plans for investment in post war science and infrastructure. In the 1970s America abandoned its developmental model, as critics from left and right attacked plans and planners: yet in the fast rising states of Asia it was embraced. Is it too late for a wakeup call in America and Britain, the champions of anti-planning and the small state? This paper looks for explanations, examines consequences and suggests that the Covid pandemic may trigger a sea change in norms, values and attitudes towards planning and governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Snap elections, those triggered by incumbents in advance of their original date in the electoral calendar, are a common feature of parliamentary democracies. In this paper, I ask: do snap elections influence citizens' trust in the government? Theoretically, I argue that providing citizens with an additional means of endorsing or rejecting the incumbent – giving voters a chance to 'have their say' – can be interpreted by citizens as normatively desirable and demonstrative of the incumbent's desire to legitimise their agenda by (re)‐invigorating their political mandate. Leveraging the quasi‐experimental setting provided by the coincidental timing of the UK Prime Minister, Theresa May's, shock announcement of early elections in April 2017 with the fieldwork for the Eurobarometer survey, I demonstrate that the announcement of snap elections had a sizeable and significant positive effect on political trust. This trust‐inducing effect is at odds with the observed electoral consequences of the 2017 snap elections. Whilst incumbent‐triggered elections can facilitate net gains for the sitting government, May's 2017 gamble cost the Conservative Party their majority. Snap elections did increase political trust. These trust‐inducing effects were not observed symmetrically for all citizens. Whilst Eurosceptics and voters on the right of the ideological spectrum – those most inclined to support the incumbent May‐led Conservative government in 2017 – became more trusting, no such changes in trust were observed amongst left‐wing or non‐Eurosceptic respondents. This study advances the understanding of a relatively understudied yet not uncommon political phenomenon, providing causal evidence that snap elections have implications for political trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses to what extent British councils have addressed onshore wind energy, and the attitudes of councillors and staff about wind farms. Websites of 400 British councils were reviewed regarding assessment of landscapes and policies towards wind energy. An Internet survey of 800 councillors and staff from 275 councils quantified their attitudes towards wind farms, their visual impacts and the acceptability of existing wind farms in Britain. Wind farms reduced perceived scenic quality. Staff opposed wind energy but councillors were more accommodating. Most participants in England found wind farms acceptable, but less than half in Wales and one third in Scotland. Scotland may have reached the limit for acceptability of wind farms. Wales may be approaching that point. Overall, the survey indicated that it is unlikely that there will be widespread installation of additional onshore wind farms across Britain. Expansion of renewable energy may be sought through re-powering of existing sites with larger but fewer turbines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies suggest that British society is becoming more Islamophobic, and Muslims, especially youth, in Britain have been its victims. But while there is growing evidence of how they have been targets of explicit and severe instances of Islamophobia, less attention has been focused on how they are also targets of its subtle and implicit forms. The purpose of this paper is to examine how Islamophobia manifests in everyday interactions and how Muslims are racialized from the perspective of one of its supposed victims that has been so far under-researched, i.e., young Turks in Britain. The young Turks' accounts about themselves and their immediate circle of relatives revealed that Turks in the UK experience Islamophobia, but that it is often enacted during mundane interactions without ever becoming explicit. Visible Turkish-Muslim women, however, are the target of everyday Islamophobia far more than Turkish men and secular women, both of whom do not display any religious signifiers in public places. They face Islamophobia at the intersection of gender and religion. Many Turkish women are racialized through the hijab which is interpreted and described in ways that draw upon a set of symbolic meanings and associations. In addition, contrary to what has been discussed about the Islamophobic experiences of Muslim women in previously conducted studies, the evidence of this research shows that Islamophobia appeared to visible Turkish women more frequently in a more mundane, subtle way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context: Australian mayflies are hypothesised to differ from those in the Northern Hemisphere by having longer, more variable emergence seasons that overlap more widely among taxa. Aim: To test this hypothesis by comparing the behaviour of related northern and southern hemisphere species in similar habitats and at similar spatial scales. Methods: Emergence dates were recorded fortnightly over two consecutive years, one 'warm' and one 'cool', in a rocky creek in south-eastern Tasmania, and at a coarser scale for Tasmania as whole, spanning an ∼20-year period. The results are compared with emergence patterns at two sites in the northern hemisphere climatically similar to Tasmania. Key results: Durations of emergence seasons in Tasmania did not differ significantly at either the single site or whole of island scales from those in the northern hemisphere, but unlike in the latter, the start of emergence does not appear to be temperature-dependent. Conclusions: Apparent regional differences are likely to result primarily from climatically inappropriate comparisons rather than from fundamental differences in behaviour. Implications: Differences in the factor(s) that cue emergence suggest that the life histories of mayflies in Tasmania, and possibly elsewhere in Australia, are determined less by physiology than by aquatic ecology. This paper tests speculation that the some aspects of the behaviour of Australian mayflies differs from those of species in the northern hemisphere, on the basis of multi-year studies in Tasmania. The results indicated that most elements of their behaviour are similar, but that the life histories of Tasmanian species could be more sensitive to ecological factors than physiological ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the growth of household debt has been instrumental in the creation of the recent bubbles, debt disposal also plays an important role in shaping the scope and depth of busts. Much has been written about debt and leverage since the 2008 global financial crisis. Debt-downsizing, however, received little attention. Deleveraging has the potential to reinstitute stability but it can also create a drag on economic recovery. This paper investigates the spatial patterns of deleveraging for the first time in the context of English regions, Wales and Scotland based on a multi-level framework that should be applicable to countries and regions beyond these three countries. Using longitudinal household survey data and reconstituting space through this multilevel framework, we show that deleveraging has been highly uneven and short-lived across space and time. This outcome is shaped by three major factors: individuals’/households’ socio-economic position, how their regions are affected by the boom-and-bust cycle and how governments’ crisis management programmes take effect in each region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Educational Studies (1673-1298) is the property of Journal of Educational Studies Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Black men and women from across the Americas were a common feature of the British Christian scene in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They came as missionaries en route to Africa, as fugitives from British or United States slavery and as suppliants for financial aid for black-led churches. Much transatlantic shipping, dominated by British vessels, came to British ports which served as transit points for further travel. Black travellers to Britain had indeterminate times of stay when often they were aided by white British patrons who provided opportunities for preaching, for further study, to acquire new skills, gain financial support, and in some cases to marry. And for black missionaries proceeding to Africa, Britain's pivotal location remained as a place for rest and recuperation, for the education of children, for medical care, deputation work, and for retirement. These processes and opportunities are analysed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a fresh look at Celia Fiennes' account of her tour of England, Wales and Scotland, at the end of the seventeenth century. Travelling on horseback, and sometimes on foot, Fiennes recounted her experiences of journeying through the country, commenting on the physical qualities and characteristics of the landscapes she moved through, together with local customs, industrial and agricultural processes, and places of curiosity and note. This paper explores Fiennes' sensory immersion in the landscapes she rode through, and her awe and wonder at the interactions of natural and human processes in the continuous work of making landscapes. Her writing provides not only an insight into the meanings of landscape as a visual experience but importantly the ways in which landscape is emergent through all of the senses - sight, sound, taste, touch, feeling - and in the imagination and memory. Rather than dipping in to her text for passages that serve to illustrate a point on a specific subject such as regional culinary traditions or sightseeing, this paper is interested in the work in its entirety, for offering an invaluable first-hand account of the texture of landscape at the close of the seventeenth century. • Draws on current theoretical approaches to landscape and temporality. • Highlights the significance of historic travel writing for understanding landscape. • Argues for greater analysis of gender in historic landscape studies. • Critiques historical research on patriarchal discourses of landscape improvement. • Reveals alternative understandings of landscape and nature beyond the aesthetic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tracks how a trope of middle-class household thrift, grounded on the autarchic Aristotelian oikos, has long fueled derogatory discourses in Britain aimed at low-income urban residents who practice quite different forms of thrift. Since the 1970s this trope has migrated across scales, proving a potent metaphor for national economic policy and planetary care alike, and morally and economically justifying both neoliberal welfare retraction compounded by austerity policies and national responses to excessive resource extraction and waste production. Both austerity and formal recycling schemes shift responsibility onto consumer citizens, regardless of capacity. Further, this model of thrift eclipses the thriftiness of low-income urban households, which emerges at the nexus of kin and waged labor, sharing, welfare, debt, conserving material resources through remaking and repair and, crucially, the fundamental need for decency expressed through kin care. Through a historicized ethnography of a London social housing estate and its residents, this paper excavates what happens as these different forms and scales of household thrift coexist, change over time, and clash. Ultimately, neoliberal policy centered on an inimical idiom of thrift delegitimizes and disentitles low-income urban households and undermines their ability to enact livelihood practices of sustainability and projects of dignity across generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the deposition of ceramics in funerary contexts of Iron Age Britain. The study focuses on the Yorkshire region during the 4th-2nd centuries BC, drawing on data obtained from a total of one hundred and twenty-three burials. The paper begins with a discussion of the contexts of the ceramic finds, including an exploration of the artefacts' previous uses in relation to commensality rites. It next addresses the use of mnemonic strategies during burials, with a particular focus on the intentional breaking of vases. Thirdly, the discussion delves into the profiles of the people buried with ceramics, with particular regard to sex and age. In this vein, it seeks to indicate the existence of certain patterns of distribution -- particularly among adult females -- which vary significantly according to the age of death among both sexes. The paper ultimately concludes that the deposition of ceramics in burials indicates a reality of relative fluidity among genders in the funerary sphere. Alongside the central analysis, the discussion also provides a critical assessment of the historiographical debate on the aesthetics of British Iron Age pottery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Persistent spatial inequalities represent a menace to economic progress, social cohesion and political stability. The UK stands out as one of the most unequal countries in the industrialised world. This paper investigates intra‐regional and inter‐urban inequalities at the neighbourhood level in Britain during a 40‐year period, 1971−2011. Using a novel dataset containing a temporal classification of neighbourhoods, we analysed seven representative trajectories of neighbourhood persistence and change unveiling pathways of socioeconomic progress, decline, persistent affluence and disadvantage. Results highlight the extent of geographic unbalance in the distribution of these trajectories. Socioeconomic progress trajectories have been widespread across British cities. Yet a small handful of cities have concentrated persistent affluent neighbourhoods, and persistent struggling neighbourhoods have prevailed in northern cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the decades after the Second World War, learned society publishers struggled to cope with the expanding output of scientific research and the increased involvement of commercial publishers in the business of publishing research journals. Could learned society journals survive economically in the postwar world, against this competition? Or was the emergence of a sales-based commercial model of publishing – in contrast to the traditional model of subsidized journal publishing – an opportunity to transform the often-fragile finances of learned societies? But there was also an existential threat: if commercial firms could successfully publish scientific journals, were learned society publishers no longer needed? This paper investigates how British learned society publishers adjusted to the new economic realities of the postwar world, through an investigation of the activities organized by the Royal Society of London and the Nuffield Foundation, culminating in the 1963 report Self-Help for Learned Journals. It reveals the postwar decades as the time when scientific research became something to be commodified and sold to libraries, rather than circulated as part of a scholarly mission. It will be essential reading for all those campaigning to transition academic publishing – including learned society publishing – away from the sales-based model once again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A longstanding debate among ancient historians and students of Roman frontiers concerns the reality and effective reach of Roman imperial policy. Certainly when new military commitments were involved, the slowness of supply and information meant that major moves had to be planned well in advance. This paper focuses on the provincialisation of Britain and Thrace in a.d. 43 and c. 45. The dating evidence provided by tree rings, coins and milestones suggests that logistic preparation for the invasion of Britain started at least two years before the event. This pattern, of a newly installed Emperor immediately initiating a campaign on the northern frontiers, allowing two years for logistic preparation, is seen no fewer than seven times between Caligula and Caracalla. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines constructions formed by the verb need taking a passivized complement. While previous dialectological, sociolinguistic, and micro-syntactic analyses have focused primarily on the past-participle complement (need +ED) as a regional syntactic variable, this study expands the purview of need -passives to examine gerund-participle (need +ING) and infinitival (need +TO) complements. It also looks beyond purported need +ED regions to examine need -passive variation in Englishes spoken around the world. Data from Twitter confirm previous findings that need +ED is a productive feature of the US Midland, Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Tyneside, England. However, tweets also show that need +ING is produced disproportionately frequently in England and Wales. These results reveal a more complex pattern of need -passive variation in global Englishes than has previously been reported. Additionally, a transitive construction formed with need as a matrix verb is examined and found to co-vary regionally with need +ING. Syntactic analyses of tweets reveal similarities in the ways that need +ED and need +ING vary with need +TO. These findings lead to a proposed syntactic analysis that need +ED and need +ING share the same derivational structure. More generally, the work argues for greater attention in linguistic research to low-frequency features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]