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This paper starts from the point that our current political‐economic‐climate conjuncture demands new engagements at the dynamic interface of climate capitalism. Using two cases of climate capitalist responses to climate challenges, I demonstrate the reparative potentials that emerge from the tensions and ambiguities that typify that conjuncture. In the first case, I examine financialised climate infrastructure in Jakarta, Indonesia, that promises to protect the city from flooding while enriching city elites, but against which diverse social movements and collectives have organised. The second case is about a cooperative energy provider in Australia, operating on the terrain of a neoliberalised electricity market and climate change, and working towards multifaceted repair by collectivising and redistributing surplus and modelling democratic engagement. Those involved in these vastly different cases both pursue repair and reparations through climate capitalist projects by reckoning with historical and present climate debts while constructing forward‐looking programs. As such, they chart the first steps towards reparative climate futures. This paper identifies the political and socioecological potentials from two key climate capitalist projects: flood protection infrastructures in Jakarta and cooperative energy in Australia. From this, it builds a framework of repair and reparations for engaging with climate capitalism and argues that the emerging tensions and ambiguities facilitate steps towards reparative climate futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Planetary health equity – the equitable enjoyment of good health and wellbeing in a sustainable ecosystem – is under threat from anthropogenic climate change and economic and social inequities. Driving these major challenges is the global consumptogenic system that encourages excessive production and consumption goods and services that are harming human and planetary health. Growth models lie at the core of the consumptogenic system. This paper examines the sources of economic growth in Australia, the coalitions that sustain this approach politically, and the implications of these dynamics for planetary health equity. Australia's consumption-led growth model is underpinned by a combination of rising house prices and a permissive credit regime. This growth model is supported by a dominant growth coalition of producer interests, elements of organised labour, and property owners. The growth coalition has been able to successfully generate growth model policy convergence between the mainstream political parties. In turn this growth model, and associated growth coalition, has undermined the pursuit of planetary health equity in Australia by incentivising and driving excessive consumption, greenhouse gas emissions, and economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1980s were an outrageous time in Australia's business history. This paper re‐examines this era of misconduct, assessing the role of interlocking directorates for corporate governance of diversified business groups. Professional interlocked executives—those with professional training, executive status and mobility between member firms—enabled the takeover culture of the time, and allowed managers to ignore promised strategic benefits and redirect associated firms towards speculative share ownership. These results demonstrate the importance of board independence for corporate governance, and the way that expertise has been weaponised within managerial capitalism to encourage trust in risky and exploitative corporate structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commentators across the political spectrum have interpreted the social, political and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic and invariably suggested that, along with climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic requires an interventionist policy response from government. In this paper, we interpret definitions of green growth as 'mission-oriented approaches' to the 'twin crises' of the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change, examining the changing role of the state in confronting environmental issues in an era of climate and health pandemic. Both events have had, and will continue to have, important implications for work and employment. Thus, we evaluate the impact of COVID-19 on climate change, asking: to what extent have mission-oriented policy responses to COVID-19 impacted climate change action? We then broadly examine the impact of COVID-19 on labour globally and more closely, the possible impacts of a range of policy response options for Australia, assessing their position on a theoretical spectrum of 'ecological modernisation' that points to further policy development that can push responses beyond capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australian governments and security analysts have long claimed that Australia exercises a sphere of influence in the South Pacific. This paper argues that this assertion of a sphere of influence is driven by a racial capitalist dialectic of possession and dispossession. This dialectic has legitimised and facilitated the expropriation of Pacific land, labour, resources and sovereignty for the building of the Australian colonial settler state. It is premised on geographic moralities consisting of intertwined white supremacist, antiblack, anti-Indigenous and anti-Asian ideologies which confer on Australia a right and obligation to assert influence over the Pacific based on geographic contiguity and racialised discourses of Pacific incapacity. The paper makes this argument using Aileen Moreton-Robinson's notion of white possession, Nancy Fraser's expanded conception of capitalism and José Martí's concept of geographic morality, tracing the evolution of Australia's sphere of influence politics over four periods: the imperial era, the Cold War period, the post-Cold War period until the 2010s, and the present era of inter-imperial rivalry between China and the United States. This analysis brings together perspectives from critical race and indigenous studies, critical geopolitics, and radical geopolitics to connect race, capitalism and the construction of geopolitical space in Australia's assertion of a sphere of influence in the Pacific. It advances recent conceptual discussions of spheres of influence, which are race-blind because they draw on theories that foreground white subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an account of the undermining of collegial governance at the University of Alberta in relation to the restructuring of the university in 2020 by the senior administration and board on advice provided by the Australian consultancy firm, the Nous Group. The current president of the university has publicly promoted the restructuring in venues including the Times Higher Education supplement as a model for other universities. The model, a disastrous one for collegial governance, demands widespread attention along with the means by which it was achieved. As Bill Readings declared in his 1997 book The University in Ruins, "the changing institutional form of the university is something that intellectuals cannot afford to ignore." At the University of Alberta, that changing form is being determined by fossil-fuelled academic capitalism. The account of what has happened is provided by a professor who has served on the university's senior academic body, the General Faculties Council, for almost a decade. It concludes with several concrete recommendations for bolstering collegial governance at universities in Alberta, elsewhere in Canada, and possibly worldwide--wherever collegial governance is being undermined by restructuring, the corporatization of the academy, academic capitalism, or the disrespect of university boards for the authority of faculty and the academic mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia is unique as the only ex-colonial economy that has remained throughout its history at the top of high-income countries despite continuously specialising in the production of raw materials for world markets. Conscious of this peculiarity, a Treasurer once warned the nation of the risk of becoming a "banana republic." This article, the first of a two-part contribution, presents an account of Australia’s economic history that explains that peculiarity as an alternative to mainstream and critical positions. Drawing on Marx’s critique of political economy, it is argued that Australia’s role in the production of surplus-value on a global scale has determined its pattern of economic and political development. Since its creation by British capital, the Australian economy became both a source of raw materials and of ground-rent for appropriation by competing economic actors. After introducing the general theoretical approach to the relationship between global- and national-scale processes of capital accumulation, this article analyses the colonial period. It argues that despite inheriting a variety of political institutions and cultural traditions, British colonialism produced a national economy specialised in, and limited to, the production of low-cost primary commodities and bearers of ground-rent that could be recovered by capital through specific state-mediated dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A trend towards drier conditions during the April to October 'cool' season across southern Australia has been observed in the past few decades. Frequent and prolonged droughts have a significant impact on the financial stability of affected farming communities. Forecast-based Financing (FbF) is a novel proactive aid approach that provides support measures to increase resilience during the window between drought early warnings, and the actual onset and intensification of drought. Using the Northern Murray-Darling Basin as a case study, we investigated whether FbF combined with a user-centred Integrated Early Warning System (I-EWS) for drought has the potential to increase the drought resilience of Australian farming communities. This study shows that farming businesses most impacted by drought have three common factors: (i) lower levels of business management skills, (ii) lower levels of pre-drought preparedness during non-drought periods, and (iii) slower responses when the intensity of drought increases. The results suggest that FbF in its current form is not recommended for a market economy such as Australia, as forms of direct assistance may have adverse long-term effects through disrupting the market itself and may not encourage farm operators to regularly assess and adapt their drought management strategies. Results also suggest that providing farmers, service providers, and all levels of government with tools that incorporate a user-centred I-EWS for drought can improve overall decision-making before, during, and even after drought. This change from a reactive to a proactive approach to managing drought impacts can be a highly effective form of increasing the drought resilience of farming communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]