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The motivation for my research is the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on wealth and income inequality in Canada, focusing on the factors that triggered these inconsistencies. Income inequality has been a concern recently, particularly following the global financial crisis of 2007-09 and the COVID-19 pandemic. Data show that this increase disproportionately in wealth affected low-income earners and younger people, while older individuals benefited from higher retirement income. These findings suggest the potential role of monetary policy in driving changes in income inequality and the extent to which monetary policy decisions reflect observed inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender norms, roles and relations differentially affect women, men, and non-binary individuals' vulnerability to disease. Outbreak response measures also have immediate and long-term gendered effects. However, gender-based analysis of outbreaks and responses is limited by lack of data and little integration of feminist analysis within global health scholarship. Recognising these barriers, this paper applies a gender matrix methodology, grounded in feminist political economy approaches, to evaluate the gendered effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and response in four case studies: China, Hong Kong, Canada, and the UK. Through a rapid scoping of documentation of the gendered effects of the outbreak, it applies the matrix framework to analyse findings, identifying common themes across the case studies: financial discrimination, crisis in care, and unequal risks and secondary effects. Results point to transnational structural conditions which put women on the front lines of the pandemic at work and at home while denying them health, economic and personal security – effects that are exacerbated where racism and other forms of discrimination intersect with gender inequities. Given that women and people living at the intersections of multiple inequities are made additionally vulnerable by pandemic responses, intersectional feminist responses should be prioritised at the beginning of any crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Generic drugs have been seen as a potentially powerful way to alleviate the financial burden on patients and health care systems. Two strategies for achieving rational prices of generic drugs are tiered pricing framework and pooled purchasing power. We compare the pan-Canadian Tiered Pricing Framework (TPF) and the Chinese National Volume-Based Procurement (NVBP) as comparators to explore the similarities and differences between the two mechanisms and summarise lessons for other jurisdictions. Methods This comparative study applies Donabedian's structure-process-outcome framework to systematically analyse the macro contexts, procedures, and long- and short-term results of each pricing mechanism, and the interactions between them. Results Structure: TPF is an upstream initiative aimed at lowering the prices of generic drugs and increasing coverage and price consistency. NVBP is a downstream national initiative prioritised for reducing drug prices to achieve value-based purchasing. Process: By associating the number of manufacturers with price cuts, TPF leaves the choice to manufacturers to decide if they want to enter a specific market. In contrast, the Chinese government determines NVBP list and has the authority to choose manufacturer(s) with the lowest price(s). TPF provides clear price information to potential suppliers with unclear order quantity. The NVBP drug price is determined by tendering, while procurement volume is clear and massive. Outcome: The effectiveness of TPF and NVBP is similar, with both achieving a 53% price cut. Both TPF and NVBP experienced efficiency improvement since their establishment, with 98 and 86 drugs priced per year. By comparing 60 drugs covered by both programmes, the NVBP price is 57% of that of the TPF counterpart on average (1.1 to 301.6%), by purchase power parity. Conclusions The tiered pricing scheme is feasible in regions with a stable and mature pharmaceutical market, typically seen in high-income countries, while tendering is more workable in low- and middle-income countries where the pharmaceutical market is weak and unstable. Experience in the two countries shows that a coordinated pricing mechanism involves many piecemeal interactive problems, which a sophisticated system with a robust long-range plan may address better. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: We initially reported on the cost-effectiveness of a 6-month randomized controlled implementation trial which evaluated Health TAPESTRY, a primary care program for older adults, at the McMaster Family Health Team (FHT) site and 5 other FHT sites in Ontario, Canada. While there were no statistically significant between-group differences in outcomes at month 6 post randomization, positive outcomes were observed at the McMaster FHT site, which recruited 40% (204/512) of the participants. The objective of this post-hoc study was to determine the cost-effectiveness of Health TAPESTRY based on data from the McMaster FHT site. Methods: Costs included the cost to implement Health TAPESTRY at McMaster as well as healthcare resource consumed, which were costed using publicly available sources. Health-related-quality-of-life was evaluated with the EQ-5L-5L at baseline and at month 6 post randomization. Quality-adjusted-life-years (QALYs) were calculated under an-area-under the curve approach. Unadjusted and adjusted regression analyses (two independent regression analyses on costs and QALYs, seemingly unrelated regression [SUR], net benefit regression) as well as difference-in-difference and propensity score matching (PSM) methods, were used to deal with the non-randomized nature of the trial. Sampling uncertainty inherent to the trial data was estimated using non-parametric bootstrapping. The return on investment (ROI) associated with Health TAPESTRY was calculated. All costs were reported in 2021 Canadian dollars. Results: With an intervention cost of $293/patient, Health TAPESTRY was the preferred strategy in the unadjusted and adjusted analyses. The results of our bootstrap analyses indicated that Health TAPESTRY was cost-effective compared to usual care at commonly accepted WTP thresholds. For example, if decision makers were willing to pay $50,000 per QALY gained, the probability of Health TAPESTRY to be cost effective compared to usual care varied from 0.72 (unadjusted analysis) to 0.96 (SUR) when using a WTP of $50,000/QALY gained. The DID and ROI analyses indicated that Health Tapestry generated a positive ROI. Conclusion: Health TAPESTRY was the preferred strategy when implemented at the McMaster FHT. We caution care in interpreting the results because of the post-hoc nature of the analyses and limited sample size based on one site. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Progress in reducing health inequalities through public policy action is difficult in nations identified as liberal welfare states. In Canada, as elsewhere, researchers and advocates provide governing authorities with empirical findings on the sources of health inequalities and document the lived experiences of those encountering these adverse health outcomes with the hope of provoking public policy action. However, critical analysis of the societal structures and processes that make improving the sources of health inequalities difficult—the quality and distribution of living and working conditions, that is the social determinants of health—identifies limitations in these approaches. Within this latter critical tradition, we consider—using household food insecurity in Canada as an illustration—how polemics and anger mobilization, usually absent in health inequalities research and advocacy—could force Canadian governing authorities to reduce health inequalities through public policy action. We explore the potential of using high valence terms such as structural violence, social death and social murder, which make explicit the adverse outcomes of health‐threatening public policy to force government action. We conclude by outlining the potential benefits and threats posed by polemics and anger mobilization as means of promoting health equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critical research agenda on smart cities has become increasingly interested in the political–economic relations between digital technologies and everyday urban life. It is now clear that in the smart city, quotidian activities have become valorized as data, and are produced, extracted and circulated with little, if any, remuneration to those individuals from whom they have been abstracted. Smart-city scholars often call this process 'digital colonialism' to highlight the uneven relations of power that enable processes of dispossession and profit generation. In this article we argue that greater conceptual clarity is needed around digital colonialism. Specifically, what is called 'digital colonialism' often entails processes more characteristic of neo-colonialism. By teasing out the differences between digital colonialism and digital neo-colonialism, different relations and processes are illuminated, allowing us to theorize the smart city with greater nuance. Here, we focus on the epistemological claims, practices of legibility and repercussions that emerge when focusing attention on the latter. We show that digital neo-colonialism also requires different political strategies of resistance than its colonial counterpart, and we grapple with the multiple ways in which digital technology research has formulated resistance strategies. We advocate for a collective, structural shift in how data and digital technologies are deployed and circulated within the smart city. To substantiate these claims, we draw on a long-term, ongoing database ethnography in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]