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In light of China's rapid growth and increasing engagement in the global climate regime, the authoritarian regulatory model has attracted attention from researchers and policymakers alike. This paper examines the question of to what extent and in what way state authoritarianism leads to (un)successful environmental policy implementation in China, with particular attention to energy transformation. This study inter-connects macro and micro inquiries through a case study of nuclear energy policy in China. An examination of the extended policy cycle as a comprehensive process that brings a policy to fruition shows that authoritarian regulatory environmental policy intervenes in each stage, resulting in a particular path of the evolution of environmental policy in nuclearising energy transformation in China. Adding to commonly accepted tenets of authoritarian environmentalism in general, the explanations of Chinese distinctiveness in materialising environmental policy enhances the understanding of the merits and challenges of authoritarian mechanisms of environmental policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties are crucial in crafting effective national climate policies in democratic states. At the same time, there is a practical and academic debate of whether political parties matter for policy output. This article speaks to this debate by investigating the link between what parties say and what parties do with respect to environmental issues. More concretely, it analyzes whether there is a connection between the degree of environmentalism expressed in parties' electoral manifestos and national environmental policy output. Theoretically, the article draws on existing research on program-to-policy linkages in general and for environmental issues specifically to argue that saliency of environmentalism in party manifestos shapes more stringent environmental policies. This argument is empirically tested by combining data on policy stringency with data on manifesto contents for 28 countries for the period 1990–2015. The findings corroborate the main hypothesis, which has implications for understanding the overall potential for political parties to structure national environmental politics. The article concludes by sketching broader implications for research on parties' ability to shape national environmental policy across political systems, and across partisan ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, The Public Religion Research Institute and the American Academy of Religion released a report called Believers, Sympathizers, & Skeptics: Why Americans Are Conflicted About Climate Change, Environmental Policy, and Science, which found that a total of 78% of Jewish Americans considered climate change a "crisis" or a "major problem." (Jones et al., 2014, p. 12). In this article, I argue that even as Jewish perspectives on climate change and the environment are varied, there are significant resources within the Jewish tradition that contributed to the development and growth of Jewish environmentalism and climate change activism and advocacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research analyzes the Twitter network made up of users and their interactions during the Conference of the Parties (COP) COP15 held in Montreal from December 7 to 19, 2022. The main objective is to measure the characteristics of the network and identify the key players in the conversation and the main topics addressed. We also sought to recognize if there was any relationship between the format of the messages and the level of engagement. To carry out the analysis, we used a methodology that combined quantitative and qualitative social network analysis techniques. The results suggest that communication through Twitter was a key factor in the successful mobilization of the environmental movement during COP15 and in raising awareness of the need to take concrete actions to address climate change. Likewise, the highest engagement was generated by mostly critical and urgent messages, focused on the need to take concrete action to address the biodiversity and climate change crisis. This reflects a separation between the activism reflected in the network and the scientific and political leadership present at the Summit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a global environmentality framework to critique efforts to "green" the Belt and Road Initiative (or Green BRI) by examining the Chinese state's environmental governance of extraterritorial spaces. The article transcends a focus within governmentality studies on domestic processes to reveal the relations between governance techniques and environmental subjects, including state and nonstate actors, beyond sovereign borders. Drawing on interviews, observations, and analysis of policies and reports, we identify three ways in which global environmentalities operate and are negotiated through the Green BRI. First, the Chinese state is embracing international sustainable development criteria to gain global legitimacy while seeking to export its domestic environmental governance model, making the Green BRI a dialectic policy. Second, the state is targeting and disciplining BRI participants, including Chinese financial institutions, construction companies, the renewable industry, and foreign state actors in BRI countries. Third, Chinese and BRI partner country participants' variegated subjectivities arise out of the negotiation of their own interests, Chinese state interests, and BRI host country concerns. Our analysis contributes to understanding of how China, as a rising power, engages in global environmental governance and produces extraterritorial environmental subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can we learn from the prodigious expansion of the non-government protected areas that now comprise 12% of terrestrial Australia? An increasingly professional, formal, and diverse non-government sector has developed since 1990, comprising private individuals, non-government organizations, and First Nations and having close ties to governments. We investigate the drivers, dynamics, and diversity of this sector through thematic analysis of 24 key informant interviews and associated gray literature. Changing environmental movements, science-led conservation, partial recognition of First Nations land rights, international agreements, and neoliberal reforms combined to formalize the sector during the 1990s. A bipartisan policy framework for incorporating non-government lands in the national conservation estate, diverse partnerships, transnational networks, and innovation in public and private funding helped grow the sector. The confluence of interests that has transformed the politics and practice of nature conservation in Australia is likely to inform those engaged with similar changes elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the emergence of the first Canarian environmental associations at the end of Franco's regime. Starting with a general description of environmental policies during the dictatorship, the article then hones in on the role of the sociable, scientifico-naturalist experiences afforded by mountaineering groups, which in turn gave rise to a certain kind of environmental association in the Canary Islands. Furthermore, the article describes the organizational forms, the themes, the repertoires of action and the main environmental conflicts in which such groups participated, assessing their role as precursors of the new environmental movement that emerged during the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than a million Rohingya have fled Myanmar to live in Bangladesh, mostly in Cox's Bazar district. The government has been praised worldwide for sheltering them, but this enormous influx has strained its limited resources. As the host communities struggle with the Rohingya for control over and access to the scarce natural resources they depend on for their livelihood — land, water, agriculture, and forests — tension and conflict arise. The host community members perceive that the government and aid agencies prioritize the Rohingya over the host communities in allocating resources, exacerbating their resentment. I argue that although both the locals and the Rohingya are poor and marginalized, as citizens, the locals have a stronger claim to environmental citizenship and rights to state resources. Any ecological policies taken towards the safeguarding of resource usage rights of the Rohingyas should also be inclusive and should give equal consideration to the local host community members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines alley life in three Taiwanese cities, demonstrating that the investigation and interpretation of those mundane everyday practices and events in these alley-places lead us to think about the ethics of everyday dwelling. This ethics, though mostly forgotten now in the Taiwanese public realm, was actually the center of attention in the 1990s when a concept was proposed about urban environmentalism that is significantly different from the current public perception of it. This form of environmentalism related to a new momentum for placemaking that was happening at that time nearly three decades ago and propagated across the island and into its alleys during the new millennium. Delving into alley places, this article shows how ordinary landscapes of proximity have turned into extraordinary lifeworlds for dwelling. To materialize this dwelling imaginary, this paper first addresses theories that seek to spatialize culture in order to identify these unexpected lifeworlds in their ordinary urban settings. Theorizing those tiny little places, often hidden in plain sight, brings back to the attention of researchers what I call dwelling ethics that characterizes quotidian judgments, choices, decisions, as well as its consequences. This paper concludes that conceptualizing dwelling ethics in the contemporary circumstance of urban explosion provides a baseline for the idea of environmentalism of life through which a critique of everyday life becomes possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to a recent reengagement with Ecocritique: Contesting The Politics of Nature, Economy, and Culture which was published 25 years ago. The authors who have engaged with this work in this symposium not only address the relevance of ecocritique as a theory and methodology for addressing contemporary environmental issues, but provide new insights into the work through their criticisms. My reply discusses their commentaries and offers response in the form of elaboration and reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In international politics, is environmental protection largely a "rich-country" priority? We perceive four reasons why, although individual exceptions are possible, the answer would be yes: as a country meets more of its basic economic needs, it can better take on environmental policy's long-term thinking, policy expenses, collective action problems, and quality-of-life issues. To cut through lip service paid by governments that are not serious about environmental protection, and the fact that the "BASIC" countries (Brazil, South Africa, India, China) occupy a gray area between rich and poor, we employ computer-assisted textual analyses on all 3,774 paragraphs of statements made by national governments between 1995–2012 in the Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE) within the World Trade Organization (WTO). Controlling for other factors, we find a general pattern of environmental discussions increasing as development level increases. This contributes substantively and methodologically to the literatures on the environment/development nexus and rising powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper my thought experiment leads me to posit that South Africa's environmental governance often results in what I term "hollow environmentalism". This term describes the inevitable long-term outcome of promulgating laws and policies that are idealistic and seem symbolic and that at times fail to achieve their intended objectives or environmental promise. On a narrower scale, hollow environmentalism can also manifest when such symbolic environmental laws and policies lead to judicial decisions that lack substantive ecological justifications, perhaps even resembling symbolic judgments. I substantiate this argument through four key considerations. I commence with a reality check on environmental governance, emphasising that the state is not a neutral actor, necessitating closer scrutiny of state decisions. This leads me to the conclusion that governance stands at a critical juncture. I argue that the symbolic nature of our environmental laws, broadly speaking, often makes it challenging for the state to fully meet the lofty ideals it presents, thereby also complicating court decisions in these matters. Next, I align my thoughts with recent literature on adjudication in the context of the climate crisis. This literature stresses the need for courts to be bold and innovative in their judicial roles, given the precarious nature of stabilising environmental disputes. In the penultimate section I bring the discussion to a close by suggesting two interconnected possibilities to address hollowness in the face of climate change: "sunsetting" and "substitution". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the impact of economic inequality and educational background in shaping how non-activist "standby" youth in London experience environmental politics. Focus groups were carried out with 33 young people aged 16 to 22 in three groups from higher and lower positions of socio-economic status and educational background. The intention of this article is to offer learning that signals a need for further research into the ways in which intersecting inequalities impact young people's participation in environmental politics. The findings reveal that these "standby" young people have distinct experiences of their political agency in navigating the inequalities that impact their lives. Key to these understandings of agency are collective and individual feelings of efficacy and the ability to make positive change happen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In looking at Carol Browner's leadership at the Environmental Protection Agency, this article draws on insights from the literature on women and executive politics, women and the environment, and environmental policy and decision-making, bridging these fields of study to explore the height of US executive environmental politics through a gendered lens. It examines whether Browner articulated a feminist analysis of environmental issues and whether her life experiences differed from those of the men who previously dominated environmental politics, and if those translated into distinctive concerns and policies. Focusing on a selection of Browner's key environmental priorities and initiatives, this article ultimately assesses the impact she had on the development of environmental policy in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While political environmentalism played an important role in social mobilization against communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe before 1989, throughout the 1990s and early 2000s conservationism appeared to be in decline across the region, and external pressure from European institutions and Western donors influenced environmental policy. What explains the effectiveness of protest since the environmental movement emerged in the 1980s? We trace the emergence and evolution of Polish political environmentalism, looking at three levels of the environmental movement's legitimacy: the level of practices, societal support, and discourse. Each phase identified between 1980s and 2017 saw shifts on different levels of legitimacy, and each ended with a spectacular environmental protest or a decision, bearing implications for the following phase. Since 2010, we see a deep polarization of Polish politics, limiting the effectiveness of environmental protest despite the movement's regained triple legitimacy in large parts of the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unsustainable dependence on natural resources combined with the absence of strict regulation and political stability have battered the environment of Lebanon. Examining the work of Ricardus Haber, we analyse how local institutional arrangements have shaped policy outcomes in a mostly top-down, politicised context. Lack of political will and communication between different sectors, institutional deficiencies and embedded corruption hinder effective governance of natural resources. The Lebanese environmental movement has failed to build on Haber's early success but, if we have peace, there are still opportunities for networking with policymakers, increasing incentives and creating a better participatory platform for stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tapestry of compliance and voluntary market mechanisms for carbon and other environmental attributes in Canada's infrastructure capital markets reflects the almost 30-year history of carbon policy development in Canada and around the globe. This history of provincial and federal policy and regulatory changes has left some scars and stranded investments. As a result, energy market professionals and emission offset project developers have had to be resilient in their efforts to scale, integrate, and maximize opportunities for carbon credit products. Recently, we have witnessed increased efforts toward climatefocused investment criteria and technology-bolstered acceleration toward net-zero targets. Carbon credits are one of the key tools that will allow conventional businesses to continue operating as the economy decarbonizes, and they can also facilitate investment in new technologies and practices that will be critical to achieving material economy-wide emissions reductions. Both domestically and internationally, however, there are key barriers that are limiting carbon markets and that highlight the need for more carbon finance investment and policy certainty, as well as standardization and credibility in both compliance and voluntary environmental product markets. Following the Supreme Court of Canada's ruling in March 2021 to uphold the constitutionality of the federal government's Greenhouse Gas Pollution Pricing Act, market expectations were high (and perhaps still are) that the regulatory landscape supporting carbon finance in Canada would finally come into better focus. This article will explore the current snapshot of compliance and voluntary carbon finance tools available in Canada, and will highlight some of the challenges and opportunities in navigating the interplay between these products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article encourages a closer dialogue between contemporary anthropological reflections on nature and the environment and environmental justice (EJ). We can revise the environment concept by adopting a more nuanced view of the ontological relations between humans and non‐humans. The idea of 'assemblage' as reworked in the Anthropocene debate enriches EJ with a multispecies perspective and a new 'temporal awareness'. Ethnography grounded in the confluence of human/geophysical agency and temporality can help us understand past eco‐social dynamics and possible futures and overcome environmental inequalities and discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese authorities have formulated a vision for the global future that it terms 'ecological civilization' (shengtai wenming 生态文明). It was introduced into Communist Party ideology in 2007 and endorsed by Xi Jinping in 2013 as a major framework for the country's environmental policies. During the 2000s, the government set in motion many stricter environmental regulations and targets in line with this vision, including opening up some new room for bottom-up, volunteer-driven initiatives mostly on waste collection, recycling, education, and sustainable agriculture. At the same time, it calls for more participation of women in environmental governance at grassroots levels. Surveys in different parts of the world, including China, have suggested that women tend to be more concerned with environmental issues than men, but we have few qualitative studies in China of this topic. This article details three case studies in which women have initiated environmental projects in their local communities. They have mobilized other women (and some men) to engage in collective action, and they have generated financial and symbolic resources for their projects. We analyse these cases and argue that by raising the status of environmental issues such as waste collection and recycling, previously often downplayed as "women's affairs", China's environmental turn has helped expand the space available for female subjectivities and participation in public activities. However, this expanding role has not translated into better representation or participation of women at higher levels of political authority beyond the village level, and the emerging female environmental subjectivities remain firmly based in existing political hierarchies and male-dominated structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on experiences of participation by civil society actors, we propose to develop a diagnosis of the relationship between society and the State in policies of adaptation to climate change in Acapulco, Guerrero. The information was collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews. The information was coded and categorized by identifying one or more text passages with a theme and relating it to a code. We found a fragmentation of agendas and mechanisms for public action by civil actors in a political environment characterized by a sub-national authoritarianism that prevents the construction of dissident political agendas, and a lack of specialized knowledge about the problem of climate change by local activists. For climate science information to be assimilated, it must actively communicate in the appropriate language, seeking participatory mechanisms that generate reliable and transparent data production, and that strengthen the emergence of a common environmentalist agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Networks are an important part of the environmental policy process as they influence the ability of actors to synthesize information and learn to manage complex risks. According to the Advocacy Coalition Framework, the dynamics of policy network formation lead to structures exhibiting belief‐oriented segregation—that is, a high correspondence between shared beliefs and policy‐relevant interactions. These structures may be produced through at least two pathways: belief homophily, where actors actively seek out connections with others sharing their belief system, and policy‐oriented learning, where connected actors become more similar in their beliefs. The cross‐sectional design of much policy research does not allow an examination of these potentially complementary forces that shape belief systems and networks. These dynamics are studied using data on policy beliefs and networking in the U.S. environmental risk policy subsystem across two time periods, 1985 and 2000 (N = 223). Results indicate strong homophily effects, but relatively weak learning effects in the evolution of this policy network. This study helps pave the way for additional research on the dynamics shaping policy networks and beliefs, and helps to clarify the differences between individual versus organizational contributions to policy network evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This guest editorial reflects on the relevance of anthropology for extinction concerns, a rapidly expanding practical, ethnographic and theoretical space at a time of impending mass extinction. While biological extinction is necessarily a multispecies development (usually implicating humans), traditional species talk – focused on taxonomies, collections and classification – needs critical rethinking as it necessarily diverts attention from the vitality of life. The broad discipline of anthropology has much to offer for understanding processes of extinction and recovery, fleshing out habitat problems and prospects of extinction, and advancing meaningful environmentalist practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been growing research interest in processes of selective 'ecological gentrification' and 'environmental enclosure' in cities where environmental controls are used to attract and retain more affluent residents and attract higher value economic development. This dimension of urban policy might be increasingly relevant to major Chinese cities, which are facing increasing competitive pressures to reorient modes of growth and development around ecological security and quality of life in social and environmental domains. In that context, we examine the development and implementation of the 'basic ecological control line' policy (BECL) in the fast-growing city of Shenzhen. In essence the BECL marks a rezoning of the city to enhance ecology and reverse previous environmental degradation, but in doing so it also does political work in reordering space in line with changing economic and social priorities. The question we ask is how the BECL might be read in the context of ecological gentrification and the wider political context of Chinese urban policy. Through detailed empirical investigation, we trace the political economy of the BECL and draw out the insights it offers on transitional urban economy-ecology relations in China and theories of urban environmentalism more generally. • The BECL policy in SZ was introduced to address pressures and constraints on the future growth and economic prosperity of the city. • The policy resonates with aspects of debates about the use of ecological and environmental policy in support of gentrification and 'environmental enclosure'. • However the BECL also reflects longer-term technocratic processes of ecological management. • The BECL marks a rezoning of the city to enhance ecology and reverse environmental degradation, but it also does political work in reordering space in line with changing economic and social priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]