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This paper explores the relationship between federalism and the policy design of labour market policies in two liberal welfare state regimes – Canada and the United States – addressing the following research question: How do variations in policy design intersect with federalism in both countries and how can these variations provide powerful, self-reinforcing or self-undermining feedback effects over time? Combining the literatures on the varieties of federalism, the liberal welfare regime, and policy design and feedback, the paper shows that paying close attention to federalism is necessary to understand diverse national policy designs that produce self-reinforcing feedback effects over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Program Evaluation is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prior to the COVID–19 outbreak, food insecurity was already a serious public health problem in Canada, impacting 12.7 percent of households. In recent years, activists, practitioners and researchers from a range of health–related disciplines, have debated the legitimacy of food banks and other charitable food programs, contending that policy and programs at the federal level must be prioritized to address the underlying root causes of poverty. This paper challenges the discourse that charitable food programs prevent or distract from Canada's social equity goals. Alternatively, this paper argues that programs and initiatives at the local level can emerge to bring short–term stability and self–sufficiency to local communities while also advocating for longer–term structural change. Drawing upon structuration theory and critical ecologies of anti–Black racism, we examine the work of BlackFoodToronto, a food sovereignty initiative, to illustrate the negotiation of power and agency, and how groups and networks react to and reshape confining and enabling structures through collaborative practice. In addressing Canada's food security crisis, this paper offers an alternative perspective of community–based, nonprofit and charitable programs, which in practice, can help inform future food security policy and related health equity and community development strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Human Rights is the property of Canadian Journal of Human Rights and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of School of Public Policy Publications is the property of University of Calgary, School of Public Policy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The procurement and provision of expert-driven, evidence-informed, and independent science advice is integral to timely decision-making during public health emergencies. The 2019 coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has underscored the need for sound evidence in public health policy and exposed the challenges facing government science advisory mechanisms. This paper is a jurisdictional case study describing (i) the federal science advice bodies and mechanisms for public health in Canada (i.e., the federal science advice "ecosystem"); and (ii) how these bodies and mechanisms have mobilized and evolved to procure expertise and evidence to inform decisions during the first two years of the COVID-19 pandemic. We reviewed publicly accessible Government of Canada documents, technical reports, and peer-reviewed articles available up to December 2021. Canada's federal landscape of science advisory bodies for public health within the Health Portfolio was largely shaped by Canada's experiences with the 2003 severe acute respiratory syndrome and 2009 H1N1 outbreaks. In parallel, Canada has a designated science advisory apparatus that has seen frequent reforms since the early 2000s, with the current Office of the Chief Science Advisor created within the Science Portfolio in 2018. The COVID-19 pandemic has further complicated Canada's science advice ecosystem, with involvement from departments, expert advisory groups, and partnerships within both the federal Health and Science Portfolios. Although the engagement of federal departments outside the health sector is promising, the COVID-19 experience in Canada supports the need to institutionalize science advisory bodies for public health to improve pandemic preparedness and ensure rapid mobilization of well-coordinated and independent advice in future emergencies. This review also identified pressing areas for further inquiry to strengthen science advice for public health in Canada, including to assess the independence of science advisory actors and the interaction between federal and subnational authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 pandemic has challenged nations states across the world. They have implemented lockdown and social distancing and with the development of vaccines have gone to great lengths to build herd immunity for their populations. As place managers, local government has played a variety of roles supporting central government edicts related to social distancing and supporting local businesses impacted by lockdowns. The research reported here comparing the role local government has played in Australia, Canada, Italy, and New Zealand shows that they have at different times and for different issues been policy takers from central government, policy shapers, and policy makers adapting national strategies. Local government plays an important complementary role with central governments in both unitary and federal systems of government. The paper contributes to the literature on multi‐level governance, place‐based decision‐making, and disaster and emergency management by offering a framework for analysing municipal roles in crises management both in their relationship with higher layers of government and in their acting as locally placed organisations. Points for practitioners: Cross‐national study: Australia, Canada, Italy, and New Zealand.Examination of local government responses to COVID‐19 pandemic as policy makers, takers, or shapers.Comparison of federal and unitary states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the history and evolution of Canada-United States transboundary water quantity politics (hydroelectricity, canals, irrigation, etc.) over the last 75 years: megaprojects on the St. Lawrence, Niagara, and Columbia Rivers during the early Cold War, a wide variety of transborder water issues stretching from coast to coast during the latter half of the twentieth century, and then recent hydropolitics concerning diversions from the Great Lakes basin. Utilizing an environmental history approach, and drawing from other fields such as historical geography, water policy, and political ecology, I show that Canada and the United States cooperatively manipulated border water environments on a large scale. Despite this coordination, there was often significant political and diplomatic controversy. I argue that coordinating or dealing with the United States deeply influenced the development of hydroelectricity in Canada, as well as the related hydraulic engineering expertise and technology. Moreover, transborder water politics also influenced many aspects of Canadian economic and political development, including federal-provincial relations. I explore themes such as Canada as a hydro state, the role of the Boundary Waters Treaty and the International Joint Commission, and concepts such as hydraulic nationalism and hydraulic imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Small Business & Entrepreneurship is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to develop the argument that it is time for a national roundtable negotiation among Indigenous peoples, the two English and French settler nations, the BIPOC communities and the various immigrant groups to consider the merits of cosmopolitanism as a moral and cultural framework of our interrelated relationships and intercultural encounters in Canada. In an interdependent globalized world that is becoming “superdiverse,” I argue that it is time to shift from the language of “tolerance” of the “Other” to the language of “engagement” with “fellow human beings” guided by the moral and cultural cosmopolitanism for social and global justice, equality and equity, and inclusion through the fulfillment of human rights. The purpose of this public discussion is to urge the Canadian Council of Ministers of Education as well as the federal government to put this question on their agenda for consideration as a new framework for Canada’s educational, social, economic and political policies. This argumentative paper has the potential to benefit policymakers, curriculum designers, educators, and ministries of education across Canada and beyond to consolidate moral and cultural cosmopolitanism as a national and international approach to harmonious human coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Courts and legal commentators have increasingly recognized subsidiarity as an unwritten constitutional principle in Canada. In this paper, the author argues that the principle of subsidiarity can do much to explain the importance of the institution of trial-by-jury in criminal cases. Understood as nothing more than a fact-finding and verdict-generating body, the jury is a curiosity. But the jury is much more than that. The local nature of the jury serves to ensure that local customs, values, and practices are not steamrolled by a remote central legislature, and strengthens the sense of accountability that we have to each other as citizens. When we scrutinize the criminal jury through the lens of subsidiarity, we better appreciate its role in the criminal justice system and Canadian federalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of School of Public Policy Publications is the property of University of Calgary, School of Public Policy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There has been a growing focus on healthy aging in the political agenda. Discourses contained within policy documents have the potential to shape our notions of healthy aging and well-being. This comprehensive critical document analysis of provincial aging policies in Newfoundland and Labrador (2006–2015) contributes to a larger research study exploring aging women's notions of health and the body in relation to the aging process. The findings highlight how healthy aging discourses focus on the concept of productivity and how a certain type of health is required for ongoing contribution. The paper concludes by arguing that if healthy aging is framed around one's ability to remain productive, notions of health will remain limited to an externalized measure of output versus subjective experience of well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's experience with the coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has been characterized by considerable regional variation, as would be expected in a highly decentralized federation. Yet, the country has been beset by challenges, similar to many of those documented in the severe acute respiratory syndrome outbreak of 2003. Despite a high degree of pandemic preparedness, the relative success with flattening the curve during the first wave of the pandemic was not matched in much of Canada during the second wave. This paper critically reviews Canada's response to the COVID-19 pandemic with a focus on the role of the federal government in this public health emergency, considering areas within its jurisdiction (international borders), areas where an increased federal role may be warranted (long-term care), as well as its technical role in terms of generating evidence and supporting public health surveillance, and its convening role to support collaboration across the country. This accounting of the first 12 months of the pandemic highlights opportunities for a strengthened federal role in the short term, and some important lessons to be applied in preparing for future pandemics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of School of Public Policy Publications is the property of University of Calgary, School of Public Policy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The federal government's role in Canadian health-care funding policy has historically been a matter of writing cheques to the provinces and territories, leaving the nuts and bolts of funding policy for the provinces and territories to work out. Unfortunately, provinces and territories are stuck in policies from the past that have led to underperformance of their health care systems even as their health budgets continue to grow. There are opportunities for the federal government to remove some of provinces' and territories' barriers to adopting new policies for funding health care. Episode-based payments could help break down barriers between and within sectors and providers. Episode-based payments create financial incentives by aligning care providers across settings, with physicians potentially engaging in financial risk-sharing partnerships. The American example, led by U.S. Medicare insurance, suggests that the use of episode-based payments can work for certain conditions even in siloed and fragmented settings. Similarly, capitation-based funding models create incentives for organizations to work together across sectors. Reducing fragmentation includes primary care-centred organizations that span physical and mental health, and requires improvements to the intersection between primary and secondary care. These new-to-Canada models allocate a pre-set budget to provider organizations for health care based on each resident's health. The goal of these primary care-focused models is to align funding with resident's long-term health outcomes. The federal government can use what leverage it has to remove provinces' and territories' barriers to funding policy reforms. The federal government can fund research into best practices, fund the development of new streams of data that better measure value from health care funding, and support ways to link social care data with health care data. On a per capita basis, combined provincial, territorial and federal spending on health care places Canada among the highest of wealthiest countries in the world. Progress on the quadruple aim is elusive and ill-measured. Frustratingly, money does not appear to be the primary reason for underperformance in health care; the problem is likely due to how it is spent. Ontario is experimenting, albeit narrowly and slowly, with some new initiatives in episode-based funding, without causing ruptures in Canadian society. Provincial and territorial funding policies involve costly trade-offs. COVID-induced pressures on health care may tip the balance of these trade-offs towards funding policies previously considered too dynamic. Even with the widespread aversion to use market forces that prevails in Canadian health care, the use of funding policies to shape new and different incentives or activities might work in Canada, too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Program Evaluation is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This municipality invested in an innovative and timely multi-community collaboration for broadband internet services delivery, involving some four municipalities and five First Nations - a collaborative approach celebrated in the annals of rural development (e.g., Beattie & Annis, [4]; Korsching et al., [43]), and currently being rearticulated in so-called New Regionalism (Daniels et al., [15]). And if the senior government subscribes to moving its constitutionally corralled local government mandate more and more toward "community government" (Douglas, [19]; Tindal, [69]), then the principle of subsidiarity, and the requisites of devolution, endogeneity, and increased self-government, will be the guiding lights here. A further contrast is with the Netherlands where the status of local government in a highly decentralized country is evidenced by the fact that the personnel resources employed by local government are some 60% higher than the entire national government (VNG, [73]). This trajectory has taken us from a thoroughgoing colonial enterprise facilitating the agendas of European geopolitical and mercantile interests relating to resources exploitation, settlement, and the secure reproduction of power structures, via a colonial government, and then the Federal and Provincial governments, through to the post-war maturation of a more independent welfare state and the rapid urbanization of Canadian society, on to today's conditions in a highly globalized, technologically driven world. The founding role of these municipalities, as a provincially sanctioned agency to provide services to property, such as roads maintenance and water and sewage services has, for most municipalities, been transformed to a locally responsible government that is now expected to deliver a diverse range of services to people, community organizations, local businesses, international industrial corporations, and others. [Extracted from the article]

Pilot projects in the past that have experimented with a Guaranteed Basic Income (GBI) in Manitoba and Ontario, and a recent study of the feasibility of a GBI in British Columbia, indicate that provinces are not in an ideal position to successfully implement an affordable and effective GBI. However, a GBI implemented by the federal government, financed by eliminating the GST credit and lowering personal tax exemptions, could be both effective and affordable. It could also do so without requiring the elimination of those provincial social assistance programs that are more deeply targeted toward people’s needs. By using its revenue powers, the federal government could create more fiscal capacity for the provinces to provide other cash and in-kind social supports, allowing for greater provincial benefit targeting. The federal government’s centrality in designing and implementing tax structures and collecting tax revenue make it singularly suitable for administering and delivering a GBI. Financing the GBI by eliminating the modest GST credit and lowering the current basic personal income tax exemption could provide a significant reduction in the rate, depth and intensity of poverty in Canada, without imposing an excessive tax burden on Canadians. If provinces use the GBI as a replacement for certain less-targeted provincial social assistance income transfers, the freed-up payments and reduced caseloads could also allow provinces to target more effectively those needs not addressed by the GBI. The recent COVID-19 pandemic exposed longstanding gaps in Canada’s incomesupport frameworks, with lower-income workers facing exceptional economic vulnerability. At the same time, the Canadian Emergency Response Benefit proved edifying in terms of how to best design a basic-income program. In addition, the federal government’s experiences with the poverty-reducing impacts of the Canada Child Benefit, the Old Age Supplement and the Guaranteed Income Supplement have moved Canada closer than ever to a workable GBI. While it comes with additional costs, those costs will be less burdensome than many GBI skeptics might believe. They must also be put into perspective, by comparing them against the costs of current and, in many cases ineffective income transfers and, just as importantly, against the human cost of leaving more Canadians living in poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Community Planning Association of Canada (CPAC) advocated for the re-establishment of planning in post-war Canada. During this period, the federal government set reconstruction objectives, and both Central (now Canada) Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) and the CPAC were formed. We believe that 1944–1947 was a critical juncture establishing planned suburban development in Canada as a path-dependent process with tremendous momentum into the 21st-century. Using a historical-institutional approach, the role of CMHC and the influence of the CPAC is examined. Analysis relying on extensive archival material demonstrates that the CPAC gave a tremendous push along the path-dependent process of suburbanization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well established in science and technology studies that participation and expert analysis should not be seen as contradictory. Key analytical questions include how both public and expert knowledge contribute to "closing down" and "opening up" appraisals and commitments, and how important these dynamics are in assessing the process and the conditions of democratizing technology. This article examines how the participatory turn has affected nuclear waste governance options in France and Canada. Through cross-case analysis, it describes how at each constitutive step of management programs, public and expert knowledge has followed a variety of pathways in (in)forming commitments, resulting in asymmetrical trade-offs. The term "closing up commitment" is introduced to refer to the way both national governments finally opted for closing the technological options at hand while introducing new conditions that might challenge future actions. We argue that paying attention to this mutation in nuclear governance allows for a more detailed analysis of power distributions in science and technology governance than a critical approach that rejects any closure because it can be (and often is) the result of an instrumental approach undertaken by the incumbent actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the Canadian perspective on the concept of wind-down authority. It focuses on instances where Canadian courts grant wind-down authority through suspended declarations of invalidity. It underscores the unique aspects of the Canadian legal system, including the use of references, federalism considerations, and the role of the Supreme Court.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (Cambridge University Press) is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The constitutional responsibility for Canadian universities lies with the provinces and territories which are instrumental in determining provincial tuition fees (Fisher et al, 2009). Provincial and territorial governments provide the majority of funding to their public universities with the remainder consisting of research grants and partial fees coming from the federal government (AUCC, 2000). Provincial governments differ in their funding to post-secondary education with the majority of costs being the responsibility of the student. As of 2014, there are 44 universities in Canada that have the authority the degree, Master of Business Administration, three of which will be examined in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conditional grant programs are widely used in federal systems to address the tension between decentralized policy provision and territorial equity, given constraints on constituent units' ability to raise revenues. While enhancing their financial capacity, conditional grants are often seen as reducing constituent units' policy autonomy. Against this backdrop, this article examines the actual impact conditional grants have on the capacity and autonomy of a constituent unit. We analyze key milestones in the genesis and evolution of conditional grant programs in education and healthcare in Australia, Canada, and the United States. We find that the impact of conditional grants primarily depends on constituent units' size, fiscal capacity, and distinctiveness. Conditional grants are most beneficial to smaller and/or fiscally weaker constituent units but highly distinctive units suffer the most significant autonomy losses. If they are not to exacerbate centralization, conditional grants programs thus need to be sensitive to the preferences of the more distinctive constituent units. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some policy scholars insist that any policy change is difficult to achieve, while others argue that large change occurs more frequently than we imagine. The work of Baumgartner and Jones reconciles these arguments, suggesting that the extent to which large public policy changes can take place depends on the ability of decision makers to conduct wide-ranging and varied information searches. The more open policy makers are to a diversity of information, the more likely it is that profound change will occur. Given human limitations in cognitive capacity, policy makers cannot simultaneously undertake multiple broad information searches. At any given time, however, such searches occur on a small number of policy topics, and produce significant changes on those topics, while the status quo prevails on the others. As important as this hypothesis is for policy studies, it has not been the object of significant empirical testing, especially outside the US Congress. This article fills this gap through a comprehensive analysis of Canadian federal government regulatory change from 1998 to 2019. We find that Baumgartner and Jones theory is largely corroborated in the Canadian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to popular perception, local residents in the western frontiers of Canada and the United States in the late 19th century frequently possessed a large degree of agency and leverage vis-à-vis their respective national cores. Far from being the obedient periphery, frontier communities and their political leaders were able to use their profession of loyalty to the national identity to win concessions and secure autonomy from national governments and, when needed, beneficial intervention from them to support the interests of local residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The Canadian government has committed to a national action plan (NAP) to address violence against women (VAW). However, a formalized plan for implementation has not been published. Building on existing recommendations and consultations, we conducted the first formal and peer-reviewed qualitative analysis of the perspectives of leaders, service providers and survivors on what should be considered in Canada’s NAP on VAW. Methods: We applied thematic analysis to qualitative data from 18 staff working on VAW services (11 direct support, 7 in leadership roles) and 10 VAW survivor participants of a community-based study on VAW programming during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Greater Toronto Area (Ontario, Canada). Results: We generated 12 recommendations for Canada’s NAP on VAW, which we organized into four thematic areas: (1) invest into VAW services and crisis supports (e.g. strengthen referral mechanisms to VAW programming); (2) enhance structural supports (e.g. invest in the full housing continuum for VAW survivors); (3) develop coordinated systems (e.g. strengthen collaboration between health and VAW systems); and (4) implement and evaluate primary prevention strategies (e.g. conduct a gender-based and intersectional analysis of existing social and public policies). Conclusion: In this study, we developed, prioritized and nuanced recommendations for Canada’s proposed NAP on VAW based on a rigorous analysis of the perspectives of VAW survivors and staff in Canada’s largest city during the COVID-19 pandemic. An effective NAP will require investment in direct support organizations; equitable housing and other structural supports; strategic coordination of health, justice and social care systems; and primary prevention strategies, including gender transformative policy reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proponents of "cooperative federalism" claim that intergovernmental behaviour is endogenous to legal rules about legislative competences: a concurrency rule systematically induces intergovernmental cooperation, where an exclusivity rule systematically impedes it. Citing the imperative for greater cooperation, courts in classical, or dualist, federal systems have used legal doctrine to fashion zones of de facto legislative concurrency. We develop a formal model to explore the soundness of this reasoning. Our analysis complicates courts' simplistic expectation. Under our assumptions, cooperation may be supported in equilibrium, but only under quite restrictive conditions. We show how the impact (if any) of a de facto concurrency rule on government behaviour depends on the paramountcy rule, government policy preferences relative to the status quo, policy development costs, and the risk of costly political backlash. We pair our theoretical analysis with a study of Canadian federalism jurisprudence and its impact on Canadian securities regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a brief summary of infrastructure in twentieth-century Canada. An analysis is then presented, showing the post-war evolution of municipalities in the Greater Toronto Area, the first and largest municipal unit in Canada. It was municipalities, and not the federal or provincial governments, that came to own and operate nearly half of the total Canadian public stock. The article then discusses the intricate ways in which the funding mechanisms of public infrastructure developed and argues in some instances that funding on the scale of needed infrastructure explains how governments themselves developed. It explores how the current system, albeit intricate, continues to drive local economies in the Greater Toronto Area, now the key engine of Canadian national growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Mental health research in Canada is not only underfunded but there remains an inequitable distribution of funding to address unmet needs especially in clinical and applied research. In 2018, the legalization of cannabis for non-medical use in Canada sparked the need to examine the relationship between cannabis use and mental health. The federal government allocated $10 M over 5 years to the Mental Health Commission of Canada (MHCC), a pan-Canadian health organization funded at arm's length by the federal government. Methods: In 2020, the MHCC implemented an innovative community-based research (CBR) program to investigate this relationship among priority populations including people who use cannabis and live with mental illness, First Nations, Inuit and Métis, two-spirit, lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and/or queer (2SLGBTQ+) individuals, and racialized populations. Extensive consultations, a scoping review and an environmental scan set the research agenda. Key program components included a review committee with representation from diverse priority populations, extensive proposal-writing support for applicants, and capacity bridging workshops for the 14 funded projects. Results: Of the 14 funded research projects, 6 focus on and are led by Indigenous communities, 5 focus on other equity-seeking populations, and 9 explore the perceived patterns, influence and effects of use including benefits and harms. Lessons learned include the importance of a health equity lens and diverse sources of knowledge setting the CBR research agenda. In addition to capacity bridging that promote equitable roles among knowledge co-producers as well as the critical role of organizational support in increasing research productivity, especially in the area of mental health and cannabis use where there is a need for more applied research. Conclusion: Centering equity and lived and living experience strengthened the rationale for investments and ensured user-led evidence generation and utilization – a key public health gain. Organizational support for proposal development and capacity bridging yields significant value that can be replicated in future CBR initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, Canada released its newest Arctic strategy, the Arctic and Northern Policy Framework. This is Canada's first regional strategy to deal with border management, it was co-developed with northerners, and includes four northern partner chapters in addition to those by the federal government. This article examines how border management is addressed by both the federal government and northern partners using a comprehensive approach to security that frames the analysis in the Copenhagen School's five security sectors (military, political, societal, economic, and environmental). Analysis shows that elements of border management are evident in all sectors, meaning there are a wide range of considerations for policy and practice. While border management is only prioritized in the federal chapters, this does not mean that border management is not important to northerners. For example, the partner chapters discuss issues indirectly related to the border, and border management was discussed during the strategy's consultation process. Moving forward, policy development must continue to be co-developed to ensure the needs of all regional actors are addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Family caregivers provide the majority of palliative care. The impact of family caregiving on employment and finances has received little research attention in the field of palliative care. Aim: The aim of this study was to explore perspectives and experiences of combining paid employment with palliative care family caregiving, and to assess the availability and suitability of employment support across three countries – the United Kingdom (UK), Aotearoa New Zealand and Canada. Design: A qualitative descriptive study design was used. Semi-structured interviews were held with 30 key informants with professional or personal experience in palliative care from the UK (n = 15), Aotearoa New Zealand (n = 6) and Canada (n = 9). Interviews were recorded, transcribed and analysed using the principles of thematic analysis. Results: Four main themes were identified: (1) significant changes to working practices are required to enable end of life family carers to remain in work; (2) the negative consequences of combining caregiving and employment are significant, for both patient and carer; (3) employer support for working end of life caregivers is crucial but variable and; (4) national, federal and government benefits for working end of life family carers are necessary. Conclusion: Supporting carers to retain employment whilst providing care has potential benefits for the patient at end of life, the caregiver, and the wider economy and labour market. Employers, policymakers and governments have a role to play in developing and implementing policies to support working carers to remain in employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue de Droit: Université de Sherbrooke is the property of Revue de Droit Universite de Sherbrooke and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The COVID-19 pandemic required prompt action from governments all over the world. In federal systems, it can be important or beneficial to coordinate crisis management between the various governments. The extent to which intergovernmental coordination occurred and the form it took (vertical or horizontal) varied across countries and regarding the measures taken. By examining the introduction and the subsequent easing of containment measures and the procurement of medical supplies in Australia, Canada, Germany, and Switzerland, this article identifies the circumstances under which intergovernmental coordination occurs. Surprisingly, the existence of strong intergovernmental councils did not lead to closer intergovernmental coordination. Governments coordinated more intensively when jurisdiction was shared, problem pressure was high, and measures were(re-)distributive in nature. Vertical coordination was more likely when vertical intergovernmental councils existed and powers were shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework as a heuristic, this article reviews the three streams – problems, policies, and politics – as applied to the adoption of economic policies in response to the socioeconomic impacts of COVID-19. In doing so, we argue that we are currently presented with a window of opportunity to better address the social determinants of health. First, through assessing the problem stream, an understanding of inequity as a problem gained wider recognition through the disproportionate impacts of COVID-19. Second, in the policy stream, we demonstrate that appropriate and unprecedented policies can be enacted even in the face of changing evidence or evidentiary uncertainty, which are needed to address upstream factors that influence health. Lastly, in the politics stream, we demonstrate that addressing a public health 'problem' can be well-received by the public, making it politically viable. However, it is important to ensure the 'problem' is clearly relayed to the public and that this information is not perceived to change, as this can undermine trust. The social, political, and behavioural lessons presented by the COVID-19 pandemic should be drawn on in this pivotal moment for global public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]