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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses economics research and teaching frameworks in the United States by examining how knowledge is produced; the strengths and flaws of heterodox economic theory; and how students are trained, especially for careers in economic policy. We challenge the meaning of established terminology such as ‘heterodoxy’ and ‘mainstream.’ Three major reasons are suggested for the disappointing reality that pluralist economics among academic institutions, the broader public, and a new generation of economists has not happened: 1) neoclassical hegemony; 2) weakness in heterodox theory, and 3) rigidity of pedagogy and training in economics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains how China uses a debt Trap diplomacy to gain hegemony. The paper's descriptive-analytical hypothesis was that China seeks to expand its economic, political, and strategic influence in the region and the world to become a hegemonic power. Along the way, the country, through its Belt and Road initiative, especially lending to infrastructure projects called "public goods" to countries along its route, is trapping these countries in its circle and making them a platform for used its regional and global influence. This approach has created a negative perception of China in the eyes of international public opinion, and this has led China to move away from it instead of approaching the hegemonic position. The findings of the paper show that if countries have a negative perception of the public goods in the realm of international relations, the acquisition, maintenance, and promotion of the hegemonic position will be challenged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With one‐third of rural areas in the United States living in persistently high poverty, churches are some of the most prolific—and often only—sources of resource‐provision in rural places. This paper qualitatively examines the complex role that churches play as resource providers in rural areas. Further, we examine the ways churches are helpful and/or harmful in meeting the needs of those experiencing vulnerability. We fuse hegemonic Christianity with social exclusion and neoliberalism to argue that rural people may not only experience ostracization and othering, but can also lose access to already‐limited resources in rural areas as a result. Using community‐based action research, ethnography, 47 semi‐structured interviews, and research participant‐driven photography from a town we call Gordon, we find that while churches are important resource‐providers, they perpetuate hegemonic Christianity, hold exclusionary power, and act as critical gatekeepers for resources. This often results in ostracization and jeopardizes resource provision for those most vulnerable. This is a critical finding that demonstrates the complexity of resource provision, church influence, and rurality. We highlight participants' suggestions for ways to expand services in rural places without solely relying on religious organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations (IR) as an academic discipline is relatively new and almost entirely dominated by Western sources of knowledge. Its biased nature undermines its capacity to understand, explain and predict events in the non-Western part of the world. With the increasing effort to explore non-Western IR and diversify the sources of knowledge of the discipline, Islam has emerged as an essential source of interest, not necessarily as a reflection of the East–West dichotomy or non-Western versus Western discourse, but rather as an approach that has its own rules, concepts and perspectives on IR. In this sense, the article contributes to the increasing discussions on the interaction between Islam and IR. It critically engages with three levels of discourse: first, IR in Islam; second, Islam in contemporary IR; and, third, Islam as an IR theory or as a paradigm. The paper attempts to address the question of why there are no modern Islamic IR theories by exploring reasons related to Muslims as well as to the nature of the current system and Western hegemony. It concludes by introducing an initial model and two paths (traditional and revolutionary) that might help mitigate this situation in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The United States is seen as a leader in many aspects across the globe, when compared with other countries. Leading in things such as currency, cultural influence, power and as an economic leader. The United States looks to continue to innovate and lead the charge in all categories. The United States dollar has been the global leader in currency for the past while, but with other countries' currencies gaining in popularity, the dollar could be losing the momentum it once had. This paper will look at the United States dollar status and momentum as the current global leader and look at if the current momentum it has is diminishing at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study explores how religion reporters in the United States (n = 20) define religion and privilege religious identities, at times also working to combat dominant hegemonic narratives about some of these religious groups. We find that some religion reporters covered religion in ways that reflect the institutional power of religious traditions, whereas others aimed to combat the hegemonic power structures of dominant religious identities by covering less prominent groups or usurping stereotypical framings of other groups. This paper (1) provides a window into the evolving landscape of religious news in the United States, tracing how many of these journalists aim or at least recognize the need to overcome White, Protestant hegemonic lenses for understanding religion in the United States through their reporting, and (2) demonstrates how religion reporters' approaches to covering religion, even while drawing from secular principles and values of journalism, are a byproduct of religion itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the relations of the Bolivian National Revolution (1952-1964) with the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc (including Cuba) seeking to understand the implications for the structuring of discourses and hegemonic and counter-hegemonic power blocs in the political struggle, and, thus, for the developmentalist approach to planning. Our aim is to shed light on little-studied aspects of the Bolivian National Revolution. Research included revising primary sources (archives of the Bolivian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bolivian and Unites Stats (us) newspapers, technical and scientific documentation from Bolivian, us, and ussr institutions) as well as secondary sources (Bolivian historiography and opinion essays). On this basis, we discuss how, in the process of developing relations with both hegemonic blocs, the US and the ussr, Bolivia ended up complying with the former at the expenses of the latter. We argue that the reasons for this option are not only political but also economic, particularly, the actual content of the ussr development offers. Our analysis reveals that the relations with the ussr bloc played a key role in the self-determination of historically subaltern actors, and subsequent processes / forms of development planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With one‐third of rural areas in the United States living in persistently high poverty, churches are some of the most prolific—and often only—sources of resource‐provision in rural places. This paper qualitatively examines the complex role that churches play as resource providers in rural areas. Further, we examine the ways churches are helpful and/or harmful in meeting the needs of those experiencing vulnerability. We fuse hegemonic Christianity with social exclusion and neoliberalism to argue that rural people may not only experience ostracization and othering, but can also lose access to already‐limited resources in rural areas as a result. Using community‐based action research, ethnography, 47 semi‐structured interviews, and research participant‐driven photography from a town we call Gordon, we find that while churches are important resource‐providers, they perpetuate hegemonic Christianity, hold exclusionary power, and act as critical gatekeepers for resources. This often results in ostracization and jeopardizes resource provision for those most vulnerable. This is a critical finding that demonstrates the complexity of resource provision, church influence, and rurality. We highlight participants' suggestions for ways to expand services in rural places without solely relying on religious organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April 2019, Trump criticized Puerto Rican politicians on Twitter for receiving $91 billion in aid from Washington and said Puerto Rico was taking money from the U.S. Even though Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens, their political status is the result of a series of colonial policies that ensured an important degree of U.S. political control over their island. Combining topic modeling and network analysis of 8,256 tweets on Puerto Rico between March 29 and April 8, 2019, we examine the reactions to Trump's tweets and study the discourses, contestations, and counter-hegemonic rhetorical articulations that attended the tweets. Most responses to the tweets allowed for the creation of a counterpublic space that challenged Trump's depiction of Puerto Rico. However, these responses also reproduced the unexamined hegemonic colonial ideology at the heart of Puerto Rico's unequal relationship with the US. We argue that by failing to acknowledge the colonial entrapment that defines Puerto Rico's relationship with the United States, even the counterpublic discourses against Trump's rhetoric unwittingly reinforce the colonial relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macrocultural dynamics of hegemonic masculinity complicate microeconomic negotiations. In this article, I examine hegemonic masculinity as an explanatory framework to understand how gendered work in households differs along income and race dimensions. I use Panel Study of Income Dynamics data to demonstrate how men of different race and income groups respond to their female partner out-earning them, an economic threat to masculinity. Results indicate that upper-income couples with White men have a strong aversion to the situation in which a woman out-earns her male partner. Middle-income White men follow suit, but lower-income White men, and Black men in most income groups, do not. I discuss how these findings relate directly to power, patriarchy, and the hegemonic nature of hegemonic masculinity. JEL Classification : B54, J15, J16 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Eskisehir Osmangazi University / Eskisehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of ESOGU Directorate of Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing upon Darvin and Norton's framework of investment, this article explores the multiple factors underlying parents' commitment to bilingual education. I use open-ended responses on a survey to report on the motivations and experiences of parents who have enrolled their child in a French-English dual language immersion program. Findings indicate how parents' investment played out in issues surrounding identity, capital and ideology. Parents deemed it a success when their imagined identity for their child coincided with the child's experience in the program, whereas challenges occurred when this identity conflicted with the child's attitude. French linguistic capital was a salient issue, since opportunities to practice French outside of school remained limited, including for children from French-speaking households. Indeed, the major structural barrier was the hegemony of English. This discussion raises questions about the extent to which parents' investment influences children's experiences with bilingual education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many researchers see China as the most likely competitor to balance US power and even overtake it as an indisputable global power. Some of them, according to the theory of transition, have predicted that the United States and China will be the two main powers forced to engage in the biggest conflicts of the future. Even recent polls show that most people share the view that China will replace the United States as the world's leading superpower. In this regard, China has become the most quoted nation when it comes to any possible change of the unipolar system structure to a two- or multipolar one. The purpose of this study is to analyze whether China has enough capacity to become a hegemonic power by challenging the role of the United States. This study provides a tableau of important factors besides those of an economic and military nature that limit the potential of this state to be a global superpower, thus challenging American hegemony. Through a literature review, documentation review, and secondary quantitative data produced by other research materials, this study concludes that China continues to be an Asian-continental power without the capacity to project its power across the globe as the United States does. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Boletín Económico de ICE is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Científica General José María Córdova is the property of Escuela Militar de Cadetes General Jose Maria Cordova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many ethnic-acknowledging psychology researchers, practitioners, and their allies have expressed dissatisfaction with Eurowestern, mainstream psychology in the United States as it shows serious shortcomings when used to understand and serve minoritized communities. Eurowestern psychology has been criticized for its imperialistic, one-size-fits-all view of humanity. Accordingly, we challenge the neglect of the history and value of ethnic acknowledgment in psychology perpetrated and maintained by Eurowestern psychology, including mainstream psychology in the United States. We operationalize such challenge by articulating the construct of alternate cultural paradigms, by following it with a series of contributions authored by leading figures from each of the Ethnic Acknowledging Psychological Associations (EAPAs) in the United States, and by closing with a commentary by a renowned scholar in the field. The current article, followed by five separate and distinct articles from authors identified with each of the EAPAs (i.e., the Association of Black Psychologists [ABPsi], the National Latinx Psychological Association [NLPA], the Society of Indian Psychologists [SIP], the Asian American Psychological Association [AAPA], the Arab, Middle Eastern, and North African Psychological Association [AMENA-Psy]), together with a concluding commentary conforms the Special Issue on alternate cultural paradigms in psychology in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Kirkuk University Humanity Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it seemed the United States was the only global Power able to influence the geo-political outlook and aimed at exporting the values of democracy and free market. However, Moscow and Beijing did not accept what they called hegemonism, since both claimed a first-class role in the global scenario; therefore, they started working together for a multilateral world, establishing quite a close relationship within the frame of the so-called Shanghai Five, involving also four former Soviet republics of Central Asia. This area had become pivotal for access to energy sources and saw conflicting interests at stake. While the Russians wanted to safeguard their monopoly market and pipeline facility network, the Chinese pursued diversification of their oil and gas supplies. On the other hand, Washington aimed at keeping the door open to American companies. The scenario closing the millennium was very different from what had occurred ten years previously. Apart from economic contrasts, there was the ideological challenge dominating the international debate. The White House spoke about democracy and human rights, thus making such values one of its foreign policy aims. On the other side of the Pacific, China and Russia promoted stability, territorial integrity and national sovereignty as main pillars of the new XXI century challenges, to which the struggle against separatism and terrorism was added. In a few words, though not described as an alliance oriented against any country, the 2001 Shanghai Cooperation Organisation seemed to portray a world once again divided into two blocs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]