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Chinese cultural conservatism used to participate in shaping the course of modernization to a large extent. In this paper, I aim to describe a hidden lineage of Chinese cultural conservatism of the twentieth century that is still alive and appears to be more and more influential in mainland China. Relying on several ideas developed by Neo-Confucians of the early twentieth century, Gan Yang's paper in 2007 represented a contemporary revival of Chinese cultural conservatism. More importantly, in recent years, this kind of revival of conservative discourse went through another big change, which not only matters to the self-underpinning of the legitimate basis of the current regime, but also combined with the political conservations related to the Hong Kong protest of 2019–2020 explains why this country is so ideologically different from the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese national legislature has enacted a national security law (NSL) for Hong Kong. This paper applies the theory of national security constitution as developed by Professor Koh to examine the impact of the NSL upon four core constitutional principles in Hong Kong's mini-constitution which underly its national security constitution and to evaluate the nature of the impact. The paper argues that the NSL has, instead of applying and supplementing the existing underlying constitutional principles in the mini-constitution, changed them to various degrees, and the pre-NSL bifurcated national security system for Hong Kong and mainland China has been replaced by an integrated national security system under the NSL. The impact caused by the NSL is so significant as to amount to a permanent paradigm shift to a new post-NSL national security constitution. The paper also argues that the theory of national security constitution has its limitation in its application to subnational Hong Kong because its mini-constitution and the underlying principles therein can be modified by national legislation, such as the NSL, of its sovereign, China. Through a comparative study with the USA, the paper proposes that the theory of national security constitution needs to be modified by adding that different effects may occur to a sub-national national security constitution depending on the source of the framework national security legislation. Hong Kong's failure in its constitutional duty to enact national security legislation under Article 23 of the Basic Law has led to the enactment of the NSL by China. Such legislation from the sovereign has changed the underlying constitutional principles and is fundamentally different from sub-national framework legislation that only implements and supplements those principles. However, a comparative study with Macau indicates that the theory of national security constitution is still applicable to a sub-national entity such as Macau so long as China as sovereign exercises self-restraint and any framework national security legislation is enacted at the sub-national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research involving international research communities has been advocated in the field of behavior analysis (Dymond et al., 2000; Martin et al., 2016). The purpose of the present study was to report the status of behavioral research in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, in terms of number of publications, types of research, and frequency of collaboration with international researchers. Fifteen behavioral journals were selected from the list by Cooper et al. (2020). These were searched by hand to find publications conducted in or authored by researchers from mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan dating from each journal's inception to December 2021. The earliest publication we found appeared in 1980 in The Psychological Record. Over the following four decades (1980–1989; 1990–1999; 2000–2009; 2010–2021), the number of publications per decade increased dramatically and continues in recent years to rise. Publications include research reports, review papers, and conceptual articles, with the majority being basic research reports published in Behavioral Processes. Approximately half the publications involve collaboration with international researchers, mostly in North America. Implications for behavioral research, practice, and policy in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As social media becomes a major channel of news access, emotions have emerged as a significant factor of news distribution. However, the influence of cultural differences on the relationship between emotions and news sharing remains understudied. This paper investigates the impact of cultural disparities on emotional responses to political news in Hong Kong. We introduce the notion of "emotional profile" to capture cultural differences in the level and structure of audiences' emotional responses to political topics on Facebook news pages. The study was conducted at a highly significant political moment in the former British colony when the National Security Law (NSL) was passed. The study found that readers of China-critical news pages on Facebook express the highest emotional intensity while readers of China's media in Hong Kong express the lowest emotional intensity, and readers of China-supporting media fall in between. Readers of China-critical Facebook news pages express the most anger, but their political news sharing is correlated the most with "wow" and "sad" reactions. In contrast, readers of Facebook pages of China's media in Hong Kong are more likely to react with "love", which is also the emotion most associated with their political news sharing. The notion of "emotional profile" helps discover similarities within and differences across political boundaries of the news ecosystem. We interpret the results with the help of recent scholarly understanding of emotional expression on social media within Hong Kong's political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The People's Republic of China has increasingly become an attractive location for foreign capital. The flow of foreign capital into mainland China includes the so-called northbound cash flow which is a colorful term that is often used to describe capital flowing into the mainland from Hong Kong. Two markets that have become an attractive destination for northbound cash flow is the Shanghai stock exchange and the Shenzhen stock exchange. This paper investigates the impact, if any, of northbound cash flows on investor sentiment for investors residing in mainland China. In other words, the paper attempts to ascertain whether the extent of northbound cash flows influences the extent to which mainland investors feel either bullish or bearish about the market. The research objective is addressed using quantitative models and focuses on the Shanghai and Shenzhen stock exchange. Research results indicate that northbound cash flows from Hong Kong significantly impacts investor sentiment in mainland China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence of an uncovered liability has historically benefited foreign banks and lead currencies. Using the case of China's efforts to fund its foreign exchange needs by exploiting loopholes in the international financial architecture, the paper examines whether using state-owned settlement banks as a means of intermediating a specialised 'non-deliverable' financial asset in offshore markets can substitute the institutional and technical prerequisites that developing economies typically lack. The findings show that while offshore money markets can reduce US dollar dependency in areas such as trade invoicing that do not depend on currency delivery, increasing the offshore holdings of RMB is more challenging. The reasons for this are to be found in the way the governance, geographic and credit generating limitations of state settlement banks reinforce the constraints imposed by the uncovered liability problem. The findings distinguish the historical evolution of the RMB's offshore use from other offshore markets and reinforce the impossibility of separating issues related to trade infrastructures from those related to the structure of the international financial system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a prosperous Special Administrative Region of China, Hong Kong has been ranked as the world's freest economy for 22 consecutive years. In addition to being ranked first in the Economic Freedom of the World 2022 Annual Report, Hong Kong continues to rank first in the five major assessment categories of "freedom of international trade" and "regulation". "This is attributed to Hong Kong's focus on optimising the business environment and the increasing efficiency of the market, which has enabled the economy to grow dynamically. In an era where the role of financial technology is widespread, Hong Kong has also kept pace with Internet finance, and the rapid development of e-banking has been instrumental in driving Hong Kong's economic prosperity and leveraging the advantages of a free market. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the basic situation of e-banking in Hong Kong, compare the strengths of e-banking in Hong Kong and then explore the development trends of e-banking in Hong Kong under these operating models for insights. The study shows that Hong Kong's rapid growth and prosperous economy cannot be achieved without continuous innovation and self-management. With the strong development of Internet finance, ebanking in the Greater Bay Area and e-banking in the Mainland need to work together to innovate, meet the challenges and promote the development of China's financial industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Air connectivity is a crucial factor for economic development, especially for a free port city such as Hong Kong. This paper examines the role changes of Hong Kong in providing connectivity for the international market that originates from regional airports in Mainland China. The time-dependent earliest arrival time method is employed to assess its connectivity levels compared with other Chinese air gateways in 1998 and 2018, with measurement of three indicators: accessibility, dependency, and centrality. Empirical evidence demonstrates that extensive progress of accessibility and dependency has been presented in both Hong Kong and other Chinese gateways as for liberal arrangements after 2001, while foreign transfers are still an inescapable theme to strengthen air connections. In addition, Hong Kong retained its hub status even while deemed inferior to Beijing and Shanghai in the international market of Mainland China, especially for the Northeast and East Coastal region and air travel to Asia-Pacific, Europe, Middle East, and Africa. What is more, although Hong Kong benefited from its massive traffic generation, major air gateways would be dispersedly located across Mainland China with the rise of central China, geographical proximity effect, and differential market cultivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores teachers' endorsement of pastoral care, based on their socially and historically developed and interactively shaped understandings of teacher care, and how it surfaces in their practices. Participants are 25 academics in a self-financing teaching-oriented college in Hong Kong, in which teachers are also academic advisors for an assigned number of students and professional counselling is provided as another form of student support. The study identified three groups of teachers regarding their endorsement and enactment of pastoral care, namely, the supporters who are the overwhelming majority, the opponents and the bystanders. The author suggests that the relatively high level of endorsement and enactment of pastoral care found among the participants can be explained by its institutional, societal and cultural contexts. Implications of encouraging and facilitating teachers taking pastoral care as shared responsibility with professional counsellors in higher education are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the notion of voice, this study examines both textual and contextual voices of translated news narratives relating to the 2014 Hong Kong protests. It analyses narrative voices, including those of primary, secondary and tertiary narrators, comparing the original and translated news texts and discusses the socio-cultural context in which these narrative voices are produced. The analysis draws on translated news reports published between 28 September and 16 December 2014 from three media outlets: Reference News, BBC Chinese and New York Times Chinese, together with their source texts from a range of mainstream global media. The findings show how the media outlets employ a complex interplay of narrative voices in their translated news texts and the extent to which the narrative voices of certain groups have been emphasised or suppressed. This sheds light on the shifts in voice within and between media outlets and the contextual factors which might have contributed to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on social movements suggests that when protesters use violence, public opinion often turns against them, unless the observers already view the protesters as extremists. This creates what we refer to as an "asymmetric liability," where by moderate protest movements are held to a higher standard of civility than more extreme ones. Based on a survey experiment surrounding the 2019 protests in Hong Kong, we show that violence undercuts Chinese public sympathy when movements are framed around rights-based agendas but has little impact when protesters are portrayed as separatists. Pairing our survey results alongside media trends offers suggestive evidence that mainland respondents became less sympathetic to anti-government protesters and slightly less sensitive to protest violence as state media began depicting protesters as radical separatists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are global neoliberal pressures on the academy that are more or less faced by anthropologists around the world. To what extent are anthropologists required to publish in English in SSCI-ranked journals to keep their jobs and get promoted? But there are also distinctly national and local pressures to some extent counteracting or eclipsing these global pressures. In this article I explore these counteracting pressures in the context of Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, my home society, neoliberalism has reigned supreme, with a remarkably short-term mentality. Yet despite this, anthropology has been flourishing, and has operated with great freedom and generous funding that is quite exceptional by global standards. However, this may be coming to an end. In China there is direct government control over anthropology. Hong Kong, following the protests of 2019 and the advent of the national security law in 2020, may be following suit, with many democratic political figures and some journalists now in jail. In light of this ongoing narrowing of room for freedom of inquiry, what will happen to Hong Kong academics and to anthropology? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Financially distressed companies may have a better chance of survival should they have access to trusted and effective debt restructuring. However, Hong Kong lacks a statutory corporate rescue scheme despite promoting a rescue culture for struggling companies. Discussions on reforming Hong Kong's formal corporate rescue regime began in the 1990s, in which several attempts to introduce a provisional supervision scheme were made. However, due to challenges in satisfying employees' entitlements, no legislative proposal on provisional supervision was enacted. This article proposes a novel solution to this problem by reforming Hong Kong's unemployment insurance regime to better protect unemployed individuals and address the ongoing challenge of balancing the interests of employees and creditors. Additionally, the feasibility of introducing a debtor-in-possession option to Hong Kong's provisional supervision regime is examined to enhance the attractiveness and practicality of the corporate rescue rule for businesses in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hong Kong presents a test case of China's willingness to adapt Western liberal values of individual freedom and the rule of law in a corner of China. The Western model of governance, along with its common law system and capitalist economic system, has been permitted to operate side by side with the Chinese socialist system within the framework of Chinese sovereignty and the People's Republic of China's (PRC) political and legal system. The formation and implementation of the policy of 'one country, two systems' (OCTS) entail Chinese law-makers' selective integration of international and Western rules of governance into the Hong Kong and China context to serve the interests of the PRC party regime. This article explores the approaches taken by the PRC to the governance of Hong Kong in light of the regime's political and economic goals and how the Western concept of rule of law and autonomy is perceived and substantiated in terms of the communist ideology. The author argues that the intrinsic value of OCTS lies in seeking complementarity and coexistence between the Western liberal norms of governance and Chinese communist ideology, and that this intrinsic value should be upheld and remain in full force to serve as a normative consensus between China and the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this research was to investigate the synergistic effects of peer collaboration and graphic organisers (i.e. mind maps) in Hong Kong science classrooms. Over two hundred Grade Four (i.e. Primary Four) students were assigned to different pedagogical groups, namely, 'individualised learning with mind mapping', 'collaborative learning without mind mapping' and 'collaborative mind mapping', in which they learned a number of science concepts (e.g. living organisms) through such classroom activities as brainstorming tasks and self-reflection exercises. Whilst the quantitative results (i.e. one-way ANOVA) on the elementary science questions revealed that collaborative mind mapping markedly enhanced students' academic achievement, the qualitative findings elicited from their collected mind maps, triangulated by interview data, highlighted the advantages of this integrative learning approach for boosting students' joint construction of conceptual knowledge in science. Valuable insights on the employment of mind maps as peer diagnostic instruments to identify science misconceptions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are ongoing debates regarding the causes of social movements in recent decades in Hong Kong. Whether economic frustration or political discontent promotes Hong Kong residents' non-institutional political participation (NiPP) remains an unanswered but important question. This study is an investigation of how perceived relative deprivation, democratic values, and attitudes toward Mainland China may influence Hong Kong residents' participation in collective action. The analysis of a random sampling survey in 2017 (N = 919) showed that 35.4% of the respondents had participated in protests, strikes, or online collective actions. Young, single and male respondents, and those with higher education levels and incomes were more likely to engage in NiPP. Our results reveal a mixed impact of relative deprivation on NiPP: while perceived unfairness contributed to NiPP, perceived social status was positively associated with NiPP. In contrast, perceived mobility had no significant effect on NiPP. Moreover, respondents scoring higher in democratic values were more likely to participate in non-institutional political movements. However, the attitude toward Mainland China, serving as a system-justification mechanism, affected the possibility of collective actions and moderated the effect of democratic values. These empirical findings offer nuance to understandings of the social and political turbulence in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The title of a movie is the first to attract the audience's attention. Poorly translated movie titles may result in a "low box office", as translators in different countries have their styles and preferences in translating film titles, which might eventually result in different translations of the same movie title and cause confusion to the audience. This qualitative research used exploratory induction to investigate the influence of genre and translation style on the Chinese translation of Hollywood blockbuster movie titles in Mainland China and Hong Kong. Titles of 300 Chinese movies produced between 2001 and 2020 were purposefully selected from the top 50 Hollywood movies in the adventure, horror, and action genres. Genre was found to be slightly effective in the choice of translation style and strategies. Among the three genres, horror was found to have the greatest influence on the choice of translation strategy. It was concluded that translators from Mainland China were more conservative in title translation compared to translators from Hong Kong, whose attempt was to create innovative translations. The findings may have some theoretical and practical implications for film translators, book translators, advertising translators, translation trainers, and trainees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currency boards have had an enduring attraction as a solution to exchange rate and monetary credibility for small open economies, despite few successful examples. In this context, the case of Hong Kong stands out for its longevity; it survived the handover to China, the Asian financial crises in 1997, and the global crises in 2007–8 and 2020. The 1983 currency crisis and the decision to link the exchange rate to the US$ is usually treated as an outcome of local political uncertainty due to the Sino‐British negotiations which set the framework for how Hong Kong would fit with the rest of China after 1997. We present fresh archival evidence from Hong Kong and London to reveal the year‐long debates over Hong Kong's monetary system after a drop in the exchange rate in September 1982 and to demonstrate how most of the protagonists in Hong Kong and London came only reluctantly to accept the idea of re‐pegging the dollar once public expectations had been raised. We also show how the mixture of currency and banking instability affected the terms of the negotiations in 1982 and 1983 and set the framework for the one country, two currencies system that prevails today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese central government has been running an intensive exchange program called the Mainland China--Hong Kong Ten Thousand Student Exchange Program since 2012 to support local Hong Kong university students' visits to mainland China, with the aim of promoting exchange and regional cooperation between Hong Kong and mainland China. However, little is known about local Hong Kong university students' views on regional cooperation and whether the program is effective in changing their views. Using a randomized experimental design, we find that most students hold positive views on regional cooperation between Hong Kong and mainland China, but a considerable percentage of students oppose integration with mainland China. We also find that the program is effective in positively changing students' views on certain aspects of regional cooperation related to the free trade zones and the Hong Kong--Zhuhai--Macau Bridge, but is not significantly effective on other aspects of regional cooperation. This study provides the first causal quantitative evidence regarding the impact of the mainland China--Hong Kong exchange program on local university students' views regarding regional cooperation. The findings help inform the public about the prospect of regional cooperation and offer policy implications on youth exchange between mainland China and Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nature of the legal system in Hong Kong and its process of autocratisation under the Chinese sovereign. This article suggests that, in colonial and post-colonial times, Hong Kong's legal system follows the global trend of autocratic legalism that empowers the executive branch to use laws and courts to achieve the government's political goals. With the recent imposition of the national security law, the political and legal systems of Hong Kong are further autocratised beneath the veil of securitisation, facilitating China's authoritarian governance in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US is currently pursuing a cold war strategy against China, having initiated a trade war and delisted Chinese companies to restrict China's development. Although China interacts with other countries through foreign direct investment, it prevents the circulation of speculative monies from the international market by enclosing its national capital account. As many Chinese companies have a variable interest entity structure, their delisting from the US will motivate relisting in Hong Kong. The US and China need to conceive a coevolution strategy to generate a better world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of US–China geopolitical tensions on Hong Kong as an IFC, and how Hong Kong is coping. Utilizing a dynamic IPE perspective, it details how Hong Kong officials, financial market actors and corporations have responded to the punitive US measures against Hong Kong and China in 2020 and 2021, measures that are tantamount to commercial and financial warfare on China and the city, but also that work against the interests of US corporates in Hong Kong. The analysis highlights Hong Kong's competitive resiliency as an IFC, from 2019 to early-2022, and the sources of its resiliency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Staff members' views can have a significant impact on sexuality issues of people with intellectual disabilities. Research on the impact of sociocultural factors in this area in the Chinese context is sparse. Methods: Semi‐structured interviews were conducted with seven professionals (social worker, nurse, life skills trainer and manager) to explore their experiences of and attitudes towards the sexual needs of people with intellectual disabilities by applying interpretative phenomenological analysis. Results: The study identified two major themes, each with two sub‐themes: 1. Professional handling of the sexual needs of people with intellectual disabilities (sex education and intervention); 2. Barriers (incompatible approaches and parental resistance). Participants also experienced feelings of resignation facing the barriers they encountered. Collectivism and cultural view about sex are potentially the influencing factors. Conclusion: This study highlights the need to adopt an evidence‐based sex education programme whose content and delivery should take account of cultural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The price-to-rent (PtR) ratio is one of the most commonly used indicators to assess housing market conditions by policy makers and real estate practitioners. It is often employed as an economic barometer to detect whether a housing bubble exists and determine whether the property market has become unaffordable relative to historical trends. Despite a plethora of research studies on the PtR ratio in the housing literature, relatively little is known about its long-term dynamics with macroeconomic and financial determinants. By utilising time series data on the Hong Kong residential property market, this study examines the cointegration and causal relationships between a wide spectrum of macroeconomic indicators and the PtR ratios of housing segments of different tiers which comprise different socioeconomic groups of homebuyers and investors. The results point towards market compartmentalisation, in the sense that the PtR ratios of the housing submarkets respond to changes in macroeconomic fundamentals in a differential manner. For instance, the PtR ratios of housing segments with a greater proportion of owner-occupiers are statistically less y correlated with investment-related macroeconomic attributes, such as foreign direct investment and equity market performance. On the other hand, the pricing of large-sized housing units in prime locations, generally favoured by investors from mainland China, are found to be Granger-caused by the exchange rate of the Chinese Yuan to the Hong Kong dollar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares the findings of two qualitative research studies on meanings of divorce endorsed by Chinese divorced women in Hong Kong conducted in 1998–2002 and 2016–2018, respectively. It is clearly shown that ideas about divorce have changed enormously in the past two decades. While the ideas that divorce is not acceptable and divorced women are failures were still prevalent, particularly in the divorce decision-making process, there has been a move towards a more dominant modern stance on divorce, although two powerful obstacles, the welfare of children and social stigmatisation, have persisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose : Despite the growing interest in program evaluation capacity building (PECB), its impacts have been rarely studied in the existing literature. This study aims to evaluate a PECB initiative in Hong Kong called the Jockey Club MEL Institute Project. Methods : A pretest–posttest quasi-experimental design was adopted to compare the changes between the training (N = 226) and comparison groups (N = 213). Focus groups with training participants, mentors, and trainers were also conducted. Results : The quantitative results reported that the training group showed greater improvements in all three core aspects of program evaluation capacity—evaluation mindset, evaluation implementation, and evaluation communication—than the comparison group. The qualitative findings further indicated how NGO practitioners benefited from the project. Discussion : The findings provide support for the positive impacts of PECB on NGO practitioners. As such, implications for researchers and evaluators in effectively conducting PECB activities are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tin Shui Wai new town in Hong Kong, known as the "city of sadness," has been narrated by the "Tin Shui Wai Myth" that attributes its urban problems to the planning failures after the colonial government rescued the developers, including a Chinese red capital, from a market slump in the early 1980s. This myth creates misunderstandings, which confuse recent debates about new town development and regional integration with China. To debunk this myth, this article, based on archival research, analyzes the scalar politics of new town planning and explains why the government decided to purchase the land and develop it in a partnership with the developers. It sheds new light on how the regional dynamics in South China after the economic reforms prompted China and Britain to react to the new town proposal at interconnected and contested spatial scales, before the diplomatic negotiations about this British colony's future officially started. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the New Taiwan Series (NTS), a journal published between 1947 and 1948 in Hong Kong by Taiwanese socialists who fled the island following the 228 Uprising. It does so to intervene in ongoing debates in the field of Sinophone studies. While two major theorizations of the Sinophone exist—one that sees the field as a network of minoritized sites that operate against China-centrism, and the other grounding the Sinophone in a lyrical negotiation with cultural China—neither framework is sufficient for understanding the complex subject positions taken by Taiwanese socialists during these years. For the NTS, social activism was not a flattened binary of either ethnic identification with or resistance to a "China" articulated in terms devoid of political-economic analysis. Rather, politics had to dialectically integrate minoritarian aspirations (Taiwanese sovereignty) with majoritarian projects (the Chinese Revolution). The NTS thus encourages us to reimagine the Sinophone in socialist terms, where two analytical lenses—one grounded in the endogenous local and the other in the exogenous revolutionary center—are dialectically intertwined. The NTS navigated the resulting tensions of such a dialectical stance, making it a critical archive of Taiwanese socialist thought before the 1949 rupture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic, an exceptional crisis, sparked the introduction of new digital infrastructure to halt the novel coronavirus's spread. This paper explores how such digital infrastructure's impact might reverberate over the long term, by comparing Singapore, Hong Kong, and mainland China's utilization of digital technology in response to the 2003 SARS outbreak, and their responses to the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic. We find that advancements in digital technology since 2003 have boosted governments' surveillance and segregation abilities substantially—most dramatically so in China. Even though some of these new digital interventions are ostensibly designed to be temporary ones to address the needs of the immediate crisis, we argue that the resultant extensions of state power experienced during COVID-19 are likely to have profound long-term effects because they fundamentally affect sociopolitical contexts, institutional capabilities, and digital cultures. We also find that the extent to which governments can extend digital surveillance and segregation abilities during the pandemic is contingent on their respective sociopolitical, institutional, and digital cultural contexts. • COVID-19 pandemic sparked calls for a new digital infrastructure. • We compare 2003 SARS outbreak to COVID-19 pandemic. • New digital technologies increased governments' ability to surveil and segregate. • Their impact on surveillance and segregation will persist post COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the 'one country, two systems' policy, the surrender of fugitive offenders between Mainland China and Hong Kong has been debated. This article will frame the debate on the application of traditional extradition rules in Mainland China and Hong Kong by exploring the more recent 'European Arrest Warrant' system and the long-standing US interstate rendition system. It thus aims to find a suitable model for Mainland China and Hong Kong. The US interstate rendition system is one domestic system, which seems most appropriate for application to Mainland China and Hong Kong as two regions of the same country. However, this article finds that the US interstate rendition system is too direct and inflexible to be enacted by Mainland China and Hong Kong where the legal situation is more complicated and human rights protection differs. This article argues that the European Arrest Warrant can better address the 'one country, two systems' situation of Mainland China and Hong Kong. Mainland China and Hong Kong can learn from the European Arrest Warrant to apply the 'mutual recognition principle' and other concrete extradition principles to their own surrender system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]