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Long examined by the academic literature as a challenging technical-legal fiction with a strong geopolitical impact, border carbon adjustment is on its way to becoming a European reality. This Article provides an overview of the European legislative process with a comparison of the initial Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism ('CBAM') project presented by the Commission in July 2021 with the positions formalised by the European Parliament and the Council in 2022. With a detour through the doctrine of international law and building upon the work of Professor Thomas Cottier on the concept of Common Concern of Humankind ('CCH') in international law, the Article examines the European CBAM, and more broadly, the recent multiplication of unilateral environmental initiatives with extraterritorial impacts, as a contextual transition from a logic of coexistence to a logic of cooperation in the field of environmental policies. It concludes on the necessity to design the European CBAM accordingly, by redistributing its direct revenues and developing open and inclusive cooperation frameworks, to accelerate this transition in the field of industrial decarbonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on insights from studies of environmental politics, the policy process, and the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF), this study examines the Trump administration's influence on how the United States is characterized by Chinese environmental policy scholars. Using an NPF approach and policy narratives on the topic of global environmental governance, our empirical results suggest that the Trump administration has shifted Chinese environmental policy scholars' constructed role of the US but not China's relationship with the US in these narratives. Specifically, there was a widening polarization of the US being portrayed as hero and villain over the sampled time frame (2010–2020) yet the portrayal of the US as an ally remained stable. These portrayals of the US also do not vary across narrators' knowledge and professional backgrounds. Our findings help confirm previous arguments that the Trump Administration's influence on environmental policy and politics in China is more rhetorical than substantive, and indicate that, despite the escalating rivalry between the two countries, Chinese environmental policy scholars continue viewing the US as an ally in global environmental governance. The findings likewise provide insights for rebuilding international climate cooperation and global climate governance leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study how informing the public about the views of international policy experts shapes public support for international cooperation. Using survey experiments, we test whether variation in levels of support among experts with differing types of domain-specific knowledge can shape public support for a recent and politically salient international treaty: the UNFCCC COP21 Paris Climate Agreement. Our results show that the public is, under certain conditions, deferential to the views of experts, with respondents reporting increasingly higher levels of support for the COP21 agreement as support among experts increased. In addition, we provide suggestive evidence that domain-specific expertise matters: When it comes to support for the COP21 agreement, the public is most sensitive to the views of climate scientists, while exposure to the views of international relations and international economics experts have less dramatic and less consistent effects. Despite these results, we find that it is exposing the public to information about opposition to a proposed treaty among members of relevant epistemic communities that has greatest and most consistent effects. Our findings thus provide new insight into the conditions under which epistemic communities can shape public support for particular policy alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The governance dimension of global digital cooperation is underdeveloped. • Environmental policy and governance literature offers insights that help to address digital cooperation challenges. • Policy leaders, knowledge-based expertise and polycentric governance arrangements can help to improve digital cooperation. • The UN can model processes and institutions for digital cooperation based on successful environmental governance arrangements. The digital age brings great promise for human development. Yet, the benefits of digital technology can only be realised by mobilising global cooperation to close persistent digital divides and address the harms, risks, and uncertainties of digitalisation. To date, the global digital landscape is dominated by private technology companies and a few governments of technologically advanced countries, while less developed countries and civil society actors effectively have no voice. The goal of the United Nations's (UN) Digital Cooperation initiative is to maximise the benefits and minimise the costs of digital transformation while ensuring that no-one is left behind. The UN's Digital Cooperation identifies the main directions for action but also acknowledges that persistent governance gaps undermine its cooperation efforts. This paper argues that we can learn how to improve global cooperation to govern the digital space by drawing on experiences from global environmental governance. Based on an extensive literature review, I show how existing governance gaps in global digital cooperation can be analysed and addressed. Specifically, I focus on the implications for the UN and identify which roles and functions it could take. Online misinformation is used as a compelling illustration of how lessons derived from environmental governance can inform responses to digital problems. The paper outlines an agenda that can set UN Digital Cooperation on a path towards success in mitigating the uncertainties the digital future will bring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the determinants of participation in environmental agreements, with a special focus on lobbying and regional agreements. To this end, we collated the largest ratification dataset in the literature and identified all countries eligible for membership in each agreement. This feature allows to correct the identification bias associated with the misidentification of the risk set when regional agreements are included in the regression sample. We also improve the treatment of unobserved heterogeneity by using a multilevel survival approach and Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) estimator. Overall, we find that countries' participation choices are interrelated and primarily driven by the agreements' characteristics. Our findings indicate that regional agreements are two and half times more likely to be ratified than global agreements and that environmental lobbying positively affects participation in environmental agreements, while the effect of industrial lobbying is statistically insignificant. This result is robust to changes in specification and proxies used. Our results motivate several policy suggestions. We emphasise regional agreements' capacity to deliver higher participation than global agreements and the importance of securing the early ratification of key players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]