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Food has become a privileged space for analyzing different forms of citizen participation. This paper reviews typologies of political participation to determine which of them is more useful to classify the strategies of food-based engagement. We propose a taxonomy of civic and political food actions, with particular reference to Spain, integrating traditional and modern actions as well as and collective, online and offline dimensions. We applied a mixed methodology, based on primary sources – a survey of 1,0005 people and 22 in-depth interviews with different profiles of food activists- and secondary sources. The proposed taxonomy of food political participation is useful to map different forms of (non-) participation, latent participation and political participation in food issues that are currently being developed. This classification, by including civic and latent forms of involvement, can serve to guide future empirical studies about food participation that consider not only formal participation, but also factors as: showing propensity to search for information about food issues from an ethical, political, or environmental perspective; identifying with an ideology that promotes ethical, politically and socially responsible food decisions; or developing a political food lifestyle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Petitioning provided a flexible repertoire for women’s political activity in the decades after 1945. Petitioning was a popular, widespread practice: aside from voting, signing a petition was one of the few political activities that engaged a majority of women. Building on a long tradition of British women as active petitioners, petitioning was used by a variety of different groups—local action groups, voluntary associations, political parties, pressure groups, and radical social movements, including those associated with the Women’s Liberation Movement. Connecting formal and informal politics, petitioning was a relatively cheap, accessible form of political activity that enabled activism. In particular, the practices associated with name-signing created informal, temporary political spaces for women. Petitioning also provided a mechanism for representation and making representative claims to authority on behalf of women. The media-friendly spectacle of presenting petitions to authority was useful for attracting publicity as a range of activists, including conservative moral campaigners like Mary Whitehouse realised. The flexibility of petitioning explain its popularity as a form of political participation for women, particularly in facilitating local, informal activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of insurgency in scaling up the co‐production of housing. Co‐production has gained in popularity in the past 15 years as both a set of practices and an intellectual framing for analyzing urbanization in the global South. Discussions of co‐production have largely emphasized the cooperative nature of the approach, asserting that a mostly non‐confrontational politics has proven effective at reshaping urban governance in ways that better meet the needs of the urban poor. However, recent analyses have identified conflict versus confrontation as a key tension in co‐production, especially as co‐productive programs seek to go to scale. I contribute to these discussions by analyzing a well‐known case of large‐scale co‐production, Thailand's Baan Mankong program, to understand the roles of insurgent versus cooperative community networks in the program's trajectory. I conclude that a more insurgent network opens up new land, resources and avenues for political participation. A more cooperative network then renders many of these interventions broadly politically acceptable to those in power. The two networks thus exist in a dialectic that has enabled the program's scaling up. I argue that research into co‐production should pay more attention to the importance of confrontational tactics by community networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Universum is the property of Instituto de Estudios Humanisticos Juan Ignacio Molina, Universidad de Talca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Agora (0211-6642) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Çiğdem Çidam's book "In the Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship" explores the significance of contemporary social movements, such as the Occupy movement and the Gezi Park protests, for political theory. The book argues that political theorists often fail to appreciate the democratic features of protest politics and emphasizes the importance of understanding the working existence of democracy within these movements. Çidam examines the ideas of philosophers like Rousseau, Negri, Habermas, and Rancière to demonstrate how they either overlook or misinterpret the democratic potential of spontaneous action. The book also delves into the case of the Gezi Park movement, highlighting the intermediating practices and political friendships that shaped the movement's dynamics. Overall, "In the Street" challenges traditional evaluations of protest movements based on their success or failure and calls for a reorientation towards democratic intersubjectivity in understanding contemporary protest. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Diasporas are often viewed as mirrors for their homeland's politics. The Lebanese diaspora's involvement in the 2019 Thawra , however, established the diaspora as a locus for autonomous and disruptive political action. Through an analysis of the spatialities of protest, this paper analyses the diaspora's involvement in the Thawra , its implications for the protest movement, and for the diaspora itself. It argues that diaspora protests gave rise to new tactics and protest repertoires. These mirrored protest activity on the ground, supported protestors in Lebanon, and constituted the diaspora as a locus for contestation and claims-making. Moreover, the diaspora's mobilization in the Thawra contributed to the consolidation of diasporic identity and the construction of alternative societal imaginaries and conceptions of citizenship that challenge Lebanon's state-centric and sectarian citizenship regime. This paper thus makes the case for reassessing the autonomous political role of diasporas to gain a fuller understanding of transnational protest dynamics, solidarities, and citizenship beyond the boundaries of the nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the multiple and shifting meanings of children's activism and addresses some of the potential benefits and disadvantages of framing a given set of practices as children's activism. After recognizing the potential dangers of overuse of the term, we offer our own conceptual understanding of children's activism, focusing on collectivity, challenging expectations and transforming power. Further, in questioning what is new and old in theory and practice on children's activism, we illustrate how scholars and practitioners supporting children's participation can benefit from established literature, strategies and tools from youth activism and broader work on social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data has increased currency in contemporary activism and has become an integral part of the action repertoire of today's social movements. But data and data infrastructure are not only tools to support a movement's struggle: they are constitutive parts of the environment in which movements operate, and objects of contention in their own right. These developments challenge scholars of social movements and collective action. How are movements changing under the pressure of datafication? What 'new' mechanisms, actors and tactics meet the growing demand for citizen participation in an increasingly datafied society? Is social movement scholarship 'fit' to capture and interpret this evolution? This theoretical article puts social movement studies in dialogue with critical data studies with the aim of encouraging a much-needed cross-pollination. It advances the notion of 'datafied movements' to address the novel structural condition of contentious politics in the age of datafication and to explore the socio-technical, systemic effects of data and data infrastructure on movement dynamics. It reflects on how five key social movement dynamics, and the related elements in the conceptual toolbox of social movement studies – group formation, opportunity structures, action repertoires, meaning work, and collective identity – are altered by datafication and the advance of intelligent systems in society. In so doing, this article charts the building blocks of a future-proof research program in social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Group identification has been proven to be one of the best predictors of social protest, as it seems to influence the relationship between mobilization and radicalism, an issue that has scarcely been researched to date. The purpose of this study, within the framework of the new dynamics of proactive mobilization, is to analyse the mediating role of group identification in the intention of radicalism, comparing social movements with a power orientation (political) and with a cultural orientation (ecofeminisms). Causal models were used to evaluate the mediating role of group identification in the relationship between social participation and radicalism in 920 participants from the general population. We found the existence of two action models in the relationship between participation and radicalism. In the case of political participation, the direct effects between the two variables are higher. However, in the case of ecofeminisms, the indirect effects are higher via self-categorization with the group. Group identification appears as a mediating variable in radicalization processes, especially in movements with a cultural orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professional athletes increasingly use their popularity to speak out about political topics off and on the field. However, only few studies explore how audiences react to political speech in elite sports. Existing research has tended to focus on very few high-profile cases, usually in the United States, such as Colin Kaepernick's anthem protest. Going beyond single cases, this paper investigates factors that systematically influence public support for elite athletes' political activism. We integrated a vignette experiment into a survey of the German population (N = 1002). Using multi-level regression models, we analyze how public support for athlete's political acts varies with political topics, the specific political action carried out as well as the local reference of the issue in question. Moreover, we also compare the level of public support for political actions between athletes and non-athlete celebrities. Findings indicate that support is subject to conditions: Athletes receive more support when their critique refers to political topics abroad (as opposed to domestic topics) and when non-disruptive actions are chosen, for example, expressions of opinion instead of boycotts. The specific message has the strongest influence on support: actions and statements that express a progressive political claim for stricter environmental protection receive more support compared to a rather conservative claim for border security. Findings add to the state of knowledge by showing which forms of political activism meet with broad acceptance and which are likely to polarize audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers are increasingly recognizing that social movements are crucial for realizing deliberative democratic values. However, this raises two important questions: (1) what actions should count as deliberation and (2) whether we should demand more from activists than merely provoking or encouraging deliberation in a society. Building on current research on activists' actual engagement with deliberation, we argue that the standard of taking a "deliberative stance" (being respectful, sincere, and public-minded) is a good starting point for addressing both questions. By taking a deliberative stance, movements benefit from deliberation themselves and contribute to deliberative systems. However, we should also acknowledge that forms of deliberation change, and discovering new forms is a crucial part of what movements do for democracy. We propose to adopt a principle we call "reflective inclusion," which allows us to engage abductively with new actions that might expand and deepen our understanding of what deliberation may look like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent can apolitical civic engagement cultivate resistance against authoritarian rule? Building upon the "community pantries" phenomenon which sprung up between April and May 2021 across the Philippines, I test whether this jolt of civic engagement – decentralized, donation-driven and volunteer-managed food pantry sites – impacted the May 2022 presidential election. I find that areas with more community pantries relative to population were more likely to vote for Robredo, the candidate that most closely represented the democratic opposition. These findings suggest that civic engagement, even that which is not explicitly political or partisan in nature, can be an effective form of democratic resistance in autocratizing settings. This article seeks to contribute to the literature on civic engagement and democratization, strategies of autocratic backlash, and social movement repertoires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-1994 South African government has seen a rise in grassroots social movements in the form of social protests, mostly related to service delivery. Such protests are directed at the local government’s inability to deliver basic services such as housing, clean running water, and proper sanitation to its constituencies. The literature highlights that local people believe that protesting gives them an opportunity for their voices to be heard, influence decisionmaking processes, and contribute toward the progressive agenda of social change from below. Despite that protesting has a significant influence on policy review, the violent tactics that are usually deployed have been identified as counter-productive to community development. Therefore, my paper explores violent service delivery protests as a double-edged sword—empowerment or disempowerment—in the lives of the people in post-1994 Cato Manor. My paper was guided by the qualitative research method. I used Arnstein’s ladder of citizen participation as a lens and framework to interpret the findings. I used purposive and snowball sampling methods to recruit the 33 participants. For analysis purposes, I employed a thematic analysis facilitated by Nvivo. The findings reaffirm that protesting is one of the significant tools that empower alienated citizens to stimulate social change from below. Nonetheless, the violent tactics during service delivery protests that are accompanied by the destruction of infrastructure leaving communities in a state of despair, are a form of self-inflicted disempowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resource mobilization (RM) theory has long discovered the significance of money for protests; yet can this insight be applied to nowadays' decentralized movements, characterized by the absence of organizational leadership and more creative and spontaneous participation from below? While the RM perspective is anchored in a political economy of organizational fundraising, it is time to bring in Viviana Zelizer's economic sociology to understand how participants utilize the role of donors, consumers, savers, and investors for the movement purpose. Focusing on Hong Kong's prodemocracy movement, this article theorizes the full panoply of 'monetary mobilization' to revise RM's narrow conception. By offering a safer and anonymous channel of expression, monetary mobilization emerges as a substitute for in-person participation for risk-averse citizens with financial means. Money is always loaded with symbolic meanings and ethical considerations so that it also functions as a vehicle of the moral outrage and utopian aspirations. Participants are keen to establish a proper relationship between sponsors and beneficiaries by exercising diligent oversight to prevent its corruption. Contrary to the instrumentalist conception, money is per se not a fully fungible and all-purpose resource. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates the mutually constitutive nature of activism and family life in the context of a high-risk protest movement, by focusing on the 2019 Anti-Extradition Bill Movement in Hong Kong. Drawing on data collected through in-depth interviews with individuals who participated in the 2019 Movement, this article captures how politics penetrated individuals' private lives through everyday family practices, and depicts the ways in which the protest movement undermined or fostered family cohesion. The findings illustrate the heterogeneity of family political interactions during political upheaval: while families were often sites of conflict and repression, which amplified political dissonance and reinforced hegemonic power relations within the domestic sphere, they could also become spaces of activism where individuals exchange political ideas and muster resources for collective actions. This study bridges the literature of family and social movement, by demonstrating how family lives and political participation are interwoven, and simultaneously structure protest participants' biographical and social movement trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Authoritarian regimes are known to repress the political activity of their diasporas transnationally by threatening harsh sanctions. But is this their only mode of transnational repression? This article builds on scholarship on social control to explore whether migrants bring internalized forms of political repression from their authoritarian home country to their democratic country of settlement—and if so, how it shapes their transnational political activity. In‐depth life‐history interviews with 29 U.S.‐citizen and permanent‐resident Syrian immigrants living in Los Angeles, California and Louisville, Kentucky reveal that for many U.S.‐based Syrians, demobilizing emotions, interpretive frames, and habits learned in Syria depressed their transnational political activity during the Arab Spring. Four internalized mechanisms of transnational political repression are conceptualized: learned helplessness, chronic fear of politics and the State, political trauma, and disciplined aversion to political expression. Leveraging comparisons between activists, demobilized activists, and non‐activists, this article demonstrates the connections between specific political socialization experiences, internalized political repression, and transnational political (in)activity. This article contributes to the growing literature on constraints and barriers to transnational mobilization, and to the debate over the role of pre‐migration political experience on immigrants' political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars often point to the importance of network ties and biographical characteristics for political participation. These approaches emphasize the features that increase individuals' likelihood to participate rather than organizational efforts to foster engagement. This article advances a strategic, relational, and dynamic view of mobilization approaching this process from the perspective of empowerment. While organizations need to operate within the structural conditions they face, their members also strategize to make the most of their capacity to mobilize new recruits and empower their bases. One year of engaged participant observation and 71 semi-structured interviews with members of the Platform of Those Affected by Mortgages, the biggest housing organization in Spain, serve to illustrate these dynamics. An empowerment approach to mobilization encourages scholars to focus both on the characteristics of individuals that explain their mobilization, as well as the organizational strategies to achieve this objective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most successful and influential contributions to examining the intersection between society and its effect on public action is Jurgen Habermas's landmark The structural transformation of the public space (1962). But as subsequent scholars pointed out, the Habermasian definition of "public sphere" needed to be expanded beyond its original historical context. This article contributes to that ongoing expansion by arguing that a social movement in the United States, social justice feminism, created an alternative public space in the United States by 1907 to the mainstream discourse championed by patriarchal political and social leaders about the effects of the Second Industrial Revolution. The alternative social justice feminist public space differed from Habermas's original conception in three important ways: it involved a more ideological viewpoint; it encompassed a myriad of cross-class and cross-gender coalitions; and the movement embraced direct political action, promoting and passing women's labor legislation as an "entering wedge" for the eventual inclusion of all workers under state protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The teachers of the Movimiento Cooperativo de Escuela Popular (MCEP) used cooperation to achieve a pedagogical renewal of the school that, over the time, would lead to a transformation of society. Consequently, the cooperation was present in the daily life of the MCEP and was applied transversally. Thus, the MCEP was structured cooperatively, organized frequent coordination meetings, held annual conferences and other events, and worked hand in hand with other Movimientos de Renovación Pedagógica (MRPs), the community, neighborhood associations, and related groups, organizations, and social movements interested in the popular school project. At times, the MCEP also collaborated with the Administration. More intimate or more heterogeneous, the cooperation spaces stimulated the political participation of the MCEP and, in general, made it possible to build an emancipatory school and outline revolutionary alternatives that gave rise to a different school and society. This article dialogues with the different scenarios of cooperation in which the MCEP participated during the period 1970-1990 and proposes two things: (1) delve into the idea of cooperation that the MCEP managed and analyze the impact it had on the popular school project; and (2) identify the political debates that arose within the MCEP regarding the educational reforms, as well as list the different alternatives that were formulated to respond to specific questions related to the educational reforms. The main bibliographical source has been the bulletin Colaboración. Likewise, other original and unpublished materials from the MCEP internal archive have been consulted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil disobedience is one of the most drastic and significant forms of political participation that a social movement can resort to in order to assert its claims to justice in the public arena. However, classical conceptualizations of civil disobedience, insofar as they consider the use of violence to be radically incompatible with this form of protest, have limited the scope of this phenomenon exclusively to the context of Western democracies. Thus, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between civil disobedience and violence, trying to determine in what contexts and under what circumstances the use of violence by the disobedient is justified, arguing that its justification depends on the sense of justice of the majority and the type of violence perceived as acceptable in a given society. It also discusses the use of violence by political authority, examining the role of punishment and repression in determining how civil disobedience, as a form of political participation, must show fidelity to the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Movements by indigenous peoples against neoliberal extractivist processes in Latin America have traditionally employed strategies focused on territorial recognition of their identity and culture. The issue under investigation is the recent resurgence of post-extractivist territorial-based social movements that are using strategies based on innovative economic models and creative development. The objective is to study these territorial social movements and socioecological conflicts by analyzing cases in the Andean-Amazonian region in Bolivia and Colombia. The methodology is qualitative and ethnographic, based on interviews and documentary analysis. In the case of the Rositas River in Bolivia, indigenous communities and producers have organized to oppose the construction of a dam and hydroelectric project. In the Colombian region of Cauca, the dispute is over 20,000 hectares of sugarcane monoculture where the local community is fighting to grow corn, beans and yucca. The common characteristics of these movements are ecofeminist involvement, autonomous forms of collective action and political experimentation, new languages, and patterns of struggle and mobilization including the deployment of international alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia's 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates' selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources. The 2019 election was the first national legislative election to be held after Indonesia's new disability law was passed in 2016, and many more people with a disability competed than in it compared to previous elections. Most candidates who ran did not have any previous experience running for public office, but the majority did have experience with disability activism. Candidates were motivated to run for office to build on the previous successes of the disability movement, to make sure people with disability had a voice within parliament and to use the electoral campaign to raise awareness about disability rights within the community. Candidates with a disability struggled with physical accessibility, social stigma, and costs during campaigning. Ultimately, it was the skills, networks and resources that candidates previously acquired through their links with the disability movement that helped them to negotiate these limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nationwide prominence of Russian oppositional artists has inspired a fair number of studies analyzing the political aspects of their creative output. We argue that the new generation of Russian musicians, whose art became popular in the end of 2010s, brings political engagement to a qualitatively new level. Following Jacques Rancière, we reject the assumption that critical art can bring about political mobilization by exposing social evils. Instead, we juxtapose politics and police, distinguishing between transformative moments of discursive confrontation and the mundane activity centered on distributing places and roles. In this article, we look at three popular Russian musical collectives – IC3PEAK, Shortparis, and Monetochka – whose art disrupts the police order in a novel and subversive manner. Some of their works became even more timely with the outbreak of Russia's large-scale aggression against Ukraine. We have performed multimodal discourse analysis of their audio and video clips, aimed at identifying the ways in which these artworks create the conditions of possibility for new politics by re-articulating the connection between the political and the universal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When investigating social outbursts, the analysis tends to focus on social mobilization. Taking the case of the social outburst in Bolivia in 2019, this article instead explores the links between social movements and political parties, and their effect on electoral performance. Social movements played an important role in setting the scene for the outburst and in bringing the subsequent crisis to an end. Given their proximity in time, the 2019 and 2020 elections offer a singular opportunity to examine the electoral effect of social movements-political parties links in the context of social outburst. The article analyses four connections between social movements and political parties: Movimiento al Socialismo, Comunidad Ciudadana, Bolivia dice No and Creemos. It identifies and explores the qualitative differences among the linkages built in these four cases, which range from organic party, movement party to circumstantial alliances. These are related to the dissimilar electoral results while considering the political scenario in which they operate. The analysis suggests that the linking of political parties with social movements and civil society organizations has become a condition for electoral success in Bolivia, in a scenario in which social protest constitutes a conventional channel for political participation and articulation of citizen demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the gendered politics of care in global environmental activism. Drawing on interviews with 96 Extinction Rebellion activists worldwide and a close analysis of 10 older women within this dataset, we contend that 'care' both replicated and contradicted the patriarchal order. Older women in Extinction Rebellion have often been relied upon to take on much of the caring labour involved in the maintenance of the movement at local and national levels. However, care also involved these women undertaking powerful—and empowering—forms of political action, often grounded in their knowledge and experience of organising social justice movements over decades. In contrast to prior research in the area, we found that women's participation in leadership roles within the movement against climate change appears to have increased over time. Using Sara Ahmed's (2004) concept of affective economies, we argue that the emotion of care came to be accumulated and attached to older women within Extinction Rebellion, producing inequalities in expectations for who would 'care for the movement' while also opening up opportunities for empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Raffaele Romanelli's extensive analysis of the formal and material constitution of the Italian Republic, highlighting the limited attention given to collective movements within the sociopolitical landscape. Topics include the emergence of a "society of movements," the debate surrounding participatory democracy, and the impact of the "counter-democracy" concept, exploring the complexities of democratic progress and reform in contemporary Western societies.

'System change not climate change!' has been one of the prominent slogans the climate movement used during its ever growing campaigning against coal mining and the causally linked climate change. This article traces climate camps as a form of protest for a social movement and investigates its concepts. In analysing its intertwinement with particular sites of pollution, the environmental and the left movement, it demonstrates that the movement's broader aims of changing the system and reaching a better life for all might not always be reached, not even in the small scale of its own practices. Yet, as the juxtaposition of concurrent protest action and political, cultural and industrial development shows, climate camps in Germany, at least, have been making an impact, even if the impact is not unanimously called a success or recognized by all stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the understudied intersection between migration and contentious politics, focusing specifically on immigrant participation in social movements within their host societies. Drawing upon data from the Anti‐Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti‐ELAB) Movement in Hong Kong, it illuminates the process through which Chinese immigrants become politicized, evolve collective identities, and mobilize against civil dominance. Further, it underscores the transformative potential of social movements in facilitating immigrant political incorporation. However, it also recognizes the unilateral acceptance determined by mainstream society, which often leaves immigrants sidelined in discussions regarding their qualifications for unconventional political participation. To address civil inequality, immigrants establish their civil identities, challenge dominance, and amass political capital for future incorporation. This study extends the migration and social movements literature by shedding light on the political dynamics of immigrant participation and the hurdles they encounter during their journey toward political incorporation. It also underscores the significant role of progressive social movements in fostering immigrant political participation. Furthermore, the research highlights the unique immigrant political identity that emerges and evolves through participation in social movements, contesting exclusion and monopolistic dominance over democratic realization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Subversive Seventies" by Michael Hardt is a book that explores revolutionary forms of political action during the 1970s. Hardt argues that the radicalism of the 1960s was largely defeated, leading to a shift towards more subversive and revolutionary initiatives in response to state repression. He suggests that divisions of gender, race, sexuality, and colonization became the primary sources of opposition to the ruling order. While some advances were made in the 1960s and 1970s, Hardt fails to recognize the potential consequences of violent actions and the need for representation and delegation in large societies. Overall, the book advocates for subversive political action in the face of oppressive systems. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the constraints on women's political participation in Sudan and the lack of a unified feminist agenda due to the performative involvement of elite female politicians. It focuses on the No to Women's Oppression Initiative (NtoWRI), a civil society group that utilized both digital and traditional communication methods to advance a more inclusive women's rights agenda. NtoWRI's successful campaign for the ratification of CEDAW and the Maputo Protocol was attributed, in part, to the group's radical inclusivity towards marginalized women. The involvement of grassroots women's groups with the margins provides an opportunity for social justice, amplifying the voices of marginalized communities and linking their struggles to broader social movements. The article emphasizes the need to confront the male-dominated power structures in Sudan with a feminist perspective to establish a genuine feminist collective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to highlight forms of resistance, struggles, organizations, and political actions of black social movements in the face of structural racism. It points to the urgency of anti-racist calls for Brazilian social work in the current conjuncture of execution of necropolitics in the neoliberal context, knowing that the state is an active mechanism in the propagation of violations of rights and modern colonial violence coined in the oppressions of racism, sexism, and class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Oslo agreements, in fact, have made the PA co-responsible of Israel's security, meaning that Palestinian activists and movements are under the Israeli and PA's often repressive control. B Books reviewed: b B The Palestinian Prisoners Movement: Resistance and Disobedience b Norman, Julie M. (London, Routledge, 2021), 146 pp. [Extracted from the article]

Even in Marx's and Engels' writings, the strive for popular legislation in the political sphere increasingly became a focal point - be it that Marx lauded the laws that limited the working day as "magna carta" (Marx, [56], 306 f.) or that Engels argued that the "rebellions of the old-style" should be replaced by new-style ones. Marx and Engels argued that the French insurrectionist circles undermined the "process of revolutionary development" because they envisaged launching "a revolution on the spur of the moment, without the conditions for a revolution" (Marx & Engels, [61], p. 318). One can say that Luxemburg proceeded from a left-populism - understood as invoking the people in order to further certain political objectives and advance in the struggle for political power - to a transformative populism: it should establish a process of collective learning "from below" and overcome the Jacobin flaws that Luxemburg saw - again - resurfacing in the Russian Revolution of 1917: "The Bolsheviks are the historical heirs of the English Levelers and the French Jacobins" (Luxemburg, [51], p. 342). In the established landscape of research in the social sciences, populism is seen as a type of politics that chiefly revolves around the distinction between the "people" and the "elite".[1] Within this, different forms of populism can be distinguished - ranging from right-wing and authoritarian to liberal-centrist and religious varieties. This was the unifying thread of European Social Democracy that spread from the works of Marx and Engels to very different activists and intellectuals, such as Eduard Bernstein, Karl Kautsky, Vladimir Ilych Lenin, and Rosa Luxemburg.[6] It needs to be noted that the Second International was a broad political movement. [Extracted from the article]

Indeed, it is well worth asking whether this authoritarian regional regime, that operated as an enclave within national political system (and as a powerful minority in the Democratic Party), so distorted national politics as to make the United States itself a hybrid regime or as a recent book puts it, a "Southern Nation" (Bateman et al., [4])? Instead of viewing the political form constructed by populist government as a qualified democracy or as a qualified authoritarian regime, I argue that populist governments when fully in control constitute a distinct hybrid regime that wields together elements from democracy and authoritarianism but is neither one nor the other. Descriptively, some populist regimes may fit the competitive authoritarian label insofar as they are hybrid regimes; they are not subtypes of authoritarian regimes. I disagree with those who want to situate the regime type populist governments erect as "qualified" - illiberal, "semi", or "delegative" democracy - but also with those who see populism in government as a subtype of authoritarianism (competitive or electoral) or populism as "the government" as outright autocracy. [Extracted from the article]

In the last decade, emerging digital technologies have created spaces for youth-led activism to flourish across the world. These spaces have facilitated civic engagement and bottom-up political participation from children and young people that are grounded in their specific interests and needs. Since the participatory practices granted by digital activism have been at the core of how younger generations are fighting for and advancing social change, it is essential for development education (DE) to explore the pedagogical possibilities of this particular type of participation. This article analyses youth-led mobilisations in Brazil connected to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and their corresponding social media activity as a way to explore digital activism experiences and practices. The mobilisation is the Brazilian school occupations under the hashtag #OccupaTudo and #EscolasEmLuta that address SDG 4 Quality Education. Through a digital ethnography that explores the social media discussions associated with this movement and what can be perceived as the lack of long term impact, the article demonstrates the relevance of political action as a pedagogy and a tool for teaching children and young people about their rights, how to uphold them and how to overcome existing barriers for their civic engagement and participation. Building upon Hannah Arendt's theory of action, the article proposes an approach to digital political action as pedagogy and not only as an expected outcome for development education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last decades in Brazil, two societal projects strived for hegemony: a democratic and participatory project disputed against an alliance of the emerging bourgeoisie with traditional political forces. The PT-led government, driven by Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016), representative of the democratic and participatory line, implemented many innovative policies concerning notably social citizenship rights and industrialization. Perhaps, like many other Latin American countries during the first pink tide, it was unsuccessful in transforming the old economic, political, and social frameworks to provide a suitable environment for new politics. The text examines this period, emphasizing improvements in political participation, inclusive social policies, and the relationship between the government and social movements, as well as some flaws that hastened its demise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the ways in which changes and experimentations in the realm of aesthetics,as well as in the new forms of political participation and representation in an era of global revolt, have resulted in a deep connection between the aesthetics and politics of civil disobedience, political activism and artistic representation. Specifically, the discussion is based on a comparative analysis of the urban activism of the Carnival Against Capital protests in London and Seattle, the Occupy Movement in New York, and the Gezi Park Movement in Turkey where the aesthetics of active participation represents a new kind of politicization--collective memory and language, sensual festivity and the forming of communitas--that goes beyond the conventional understanding of the convergence of politics and art. The author focuses on the notable carnivalesque character in those protests--the costumes, the masks, the performances, the interventional tactics and the aesthetics of community building. Based on the theories of aesthetics and rebellion the paper proposes the concept of carnival aesthetics as the study of the sensuous and subversive experience of the multitude when marching, throwing slogans, battling with police forces behind the barricades, performing and dancing together on the streets. Here carnivalesque aesthetics are employed as a means to create diversity, creativity, decentralization, horizontality, egalitarianism and direct action--the political principles that are at the heart of the recent protests. The discussion demonstrates that while thriving authoritarianism depends on disciplined individuals and the crisis in democracy, carnival aesthetics during protests present radicalized social relations that are increasingly becoming the core of the current social, cultural and environmental struggles around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Ecocentrists: A History of Radical Environmentalism" by Keith Makoto Woodhouse is a book that explores the origins and development of the ecocentric approach to environmental activism, with a focus on the organization Earth First! (EF!). The author examines the philosophical origins of ecocentrism, the tensions it generates within the environmental movement, and how it is interpreted in different contexts. The book also delves into the controversial and internally divided nature of the ecocentric movement, as well as its influence on the mainstream environmental movement. Overall, this book provides a nuanced and illuminating history of ecocentrism and its impact on environmentalism in the United States. [Extracted from the article]

Yoonkyung Lee's book, "Between the Streets and the Assembly: Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democracy in South Korea," explores the gap between strong social movements and weak political parties in South Korean politics. Lee argues that the capacity for collective action among political actors in different organizations has shaped the outcomes of social movements and political parties. The book examines the post-1987 political developments in South Korea, particularly the roles played by former student activists and revolutionaries. It also challenges the assumption that weak party politics indicates underdeveloped democracy and provides a balanced perspective on the challenges and achievements of the 586 generation. The book suggests that multiple pathways exist for democratic politics and that South Korea's case should not be evaluated from a Western-centric view. However, the analysis could be extended to include the role of conservative conversions in undermining progressive political reforms. The book emphasizes the importance of expanding the capacity for collective action and building solidarity infrastructures to strengthen democracy. Overall, "Between the Streets and the Assembly" provides valuable insights into the legacies of the democracy movement, the interactions between political parties and social movement organizations, and postauthoritarian developments in South Korea. [Extracted from the article]

"Chairman Mao's Children: Generation and the Politics of Memory in China" by Bin Xu is a book that explores the experiences and memories of the zhiqing, or "sent-down youth," who were part of the Up to the Mountain and Down to the Countryside Movement in China from the 1950s to the 1970s. The author uses qualitative and quantitative data from interviews with zhiqing participants to analyze their diverse life patterns and classifies them into four groups based on their political activities and status. The book also examines how public memories of the movement have been portrayed in literature, exhibitions, and museums, and explores the intergroup dynamics and memories of the zhiqing. While the book offers valuable insights into the experiences of the zhiqing, some aspects could be improved, such as providing more detail on the political context and engaging with existing literature on contemporary political histories in China. Overall, the book provides a new framework for exploring class-related issues in Chinese society and is recommended for those interested in social movements and the dynamics of memory. [Extracted from the article]

Working towards social transformation through forms of participatory and economic democracy is a core element of the new municipalist agenda. While utilising a 'politics of proximity' to develop citizen-led collectives in various forms and at various scales, these projects reimagine and reclaim the local state for social and ecological justice. However, much of the empirical literature that has fed into the development of this conceptualisation of new municipalism, while having a global ambition, has been based on European experiences. Thus, there are key questions around its applicability to other places, particularly in the Global South. South America has generated some of the emblematic cases of struggles against neoliberalism through reclaiming public services, from important interventions in reversing privatisations in the region to influential municipalist innovations, including participatory public policies such as participatory budgeting. This article seeks to critically interrogate new municipalism through an engagement with key social and political changes, state–civil society dynamics and political concepts in South America, illustrated with examples from municipal grassroots initiatives in Argentina and Chile. It argues that municipalism can be more extensively theorised by, first, engaging with a broader temporality than just moments of crisis; second, being attentive to the longer history of diverse participatory municipal initiatives in the region; and finally, incorporating the concept of territory (territorio in Spanish), which has emerged as a key dimension for understanding social transformations in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the politics of new municipalism in Naples in relation to the constellation of 'new institutions' that has arisen from this politics. These 'new institutions' are illustrative of a politics of the interstices as a distinctive trait of the convergence between city government and social movements in Naples, as the latter have opted for staying neither outside nor inside official institutions and the city government has adapted its conduct to this strategy. To illustrate this point, the article explores the emerging constellation of 'new institutions' in Naples, which is understood as an embryonic form of radical 'face-to-face democracy' (in Murray Bookchin's terms) at the municipal level, that departs from mainstream conceptions of participatory democracy and commons-based democracy. Through this analysis, the article argues that the experience of new municipalism in Naples offers evidence of a kind of participatory urban democracy understood not in a procedural sense but in a genuinely political vein, where civic participation and political conflict productively coexist with institutional creativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In environmental politics, social movements play a crucial role, promoting participatory rights and confronting injustice, inequality, and the interests of the powerful. This article examines an underexplored topic in the literature on social movements, especially in Latin America: the use of litigation to force decisionmakers to comply with participatory formats, specifically in the course of opposition to hydroelectric dams. These projects often are destructive to the local environment and communities. This study examines four cases of environmental litigation that halted dam construction in Brazil and Chile, singling out causal pathways for successful collective action. It focuses on two dimensions of movement success: the implementation of participatory formats and the resulting cancellation of dam projects. In line with the joint effect model of social movement theory, the cross-case comparison of legal disputes shows that pursuing legal strategies in parallel to broad social mobilization and the support of institutional allies, can lead to successful outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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