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This essay brings together different voices to reflect on several participatory research projects carried out in Colombia, based on human rights, 'empowerment', harm reduction, (im)mobility and forced migration, gendered and political violence, armed conflict, and the right to health of people in the social margins. We look back on nine years of activism to explore the foundations of what our friendships and relationships have come to know as a revolutionary ethos. We critically re-visit and reflect on the concept of 'the activist' in the realms of the human rights apparatus in Colombia, the academy and the Non-Profit Industrial Complex (NPIC). We look back on what was forged and what was lost to propose the critical concept of 'radical honesty and self-care' as the basis for a revolution that supports processes of healing and social justice. Finally, we imagine what 'healing' can look like, as committed activists despite our differences and positionalities. We engage with and problematise the different forms of activism that emerge in social struggles and we address self-criticisms, constant reflection, radical honesty and uncomfortableness as powerful tools in joining forces to continue social justice work and caring.

Young Americans are coming of age immersed in daily news and controversy about rising perils like climate change, and emerging ones like artificial intelligence. Generation Z has produced and embraced movements for climate action like the school strikes led by Greta Thunberg that connect to other social justice movements. But the threat posed by nuclear weapons remains a disconnected abstraction to many young people, even as tensions between nuclear-armed states over conflicts like the invasions of Ukraine and Gaza renew fears of a nuclear confrontation that were more common decades ago. In this personal essay, a life-long opponent of nuclear weapons raised during the Cold War reflects on intergenerational lessons about activism, and teaching college students to embrace their curiosity, and their fear, on the way to saving the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hacktivists oftentimes challenge or subvert existing power relations or structures and attempt to promote reform. How the public perceives occurrences of hacktivism can influence the direction and impact of operations, including their potential success. Public support can encompass person power, computational ability, resources and solidarity, among other things. This study examines socio-legal contexts in which an individual is embedded and personal perceptions as predictors for support for hacktivism. Using representative survey data from 23 countries (n = 23,140), the study finds that more effective civic participation mechanisms and more positive views toward alternative actors and hacktivists' utilitarianism motives were associated with heightened support. In contrast, greater trust in legal and state authorities promoted opposition. Effective justice was not associated with more support but was with less opposition for hacktivism. Implications for campaigns, social movements, and desistance of activity are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social justice movements, protests, marches, and direct action are collective events including many people. Although organizers should carefully plan the goals and strategies of these actions broadly, and behavior analysts have made significant progress to systems level analyses of social and cultural practices, it is important to continue to include analyses of the individuals involved and how the contingencies of protest may encourage or discourage continued involvement. One critical aspect of these contingencies, I argue, is how the action ends. Two protest actions are analyzed as a participant with a focus on how the protest ended and if the operant "attending a protest" was reinforced or punished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement fights to build an alternate future characterized by racial equality and justice, a priority is studying this projected image of what society could look like and how oppressed groups and activists who fight on their behalf feel this might be achieved. This article integrates knowledge from social movement studies, critical race theory, and futures research to add to this critical discussion. Specifically, I use the concept of social movement prospectus to investigate perspectives on future social change in relation to racial justice activism. Through analysis of interviews with 36 U.S. Black millennials about BLM and its potential impact on race relations in the United States, I examine the varied conceptualizations within this group of what success would look like for this movement and whether that success is likely to occur. Broadly, I find that Black millennials are skeptical about BLM's ability to effect social change, but are more optimistic when change is viewed in terms of cultural outcomes than structural ones. I consider the implications of these perspectives for the future of the movement, as well as for scholarship that investigates how social movements produce social change and shape the future of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging from a confluence of events – including Black Lives Matter Movement (BLM) – racial consciousness has intensified in recent years. In the wake of a long declining labor movement, there has also been a surprising upsurge in labor militancy. Are these two currents systematically related? Situating our analysis in the sociological literature on social movement spillover, we ask if there is evidence of racial justice spillover into and stimulating workplace militancy. Employing all known strikes and worker protests during 2021 and 2022, we find: (a) racial justice demands did, indeed, appear as part of workplace militancy during this period; (b) racial justice demands were voiced in both worker protests and strikes launched most heavily by unions but also by alt-labor/SMOs and by unorganized workers; (c) weekly time-series regression models indicate that BLM demonstrations stimulated the frequency of workplace protests and strikes with racial justice demands which, in turn, stimulated wider worker militancy over other issues; and (d) interdependency analysis of worker actions reveals that unionized worker protests served as a key catalyst driving other forms of worker militancy with racial justice demands. We discuss the implications of our findings for social movement spillover theory and for moving racial justice and labor movements forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing research on state‐organized mobilizations (SOMs) has yet to establish a clear connection between cultural backlash movements in authoritarian regimes and a broad range of state‐led contentions, especially SOMs. The case of SOMs in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IR), exemplified by cultural backlash from 1995 until 2010, considerably enriches our understanding of various forms of state‐led contentions. Pro‐regime cultural contentions in Iran also give insights into how states upgrade their actions and rhetorical repertoires in response to a wide variety of perceived and real threats. Drawing on a unique longitudinal newspaper data set and analysing street rallies, policies and rhetoric of pro‐regime actors and factions, I show how culturally motivated social justice contentions by revolutionary rightist (RR) groups in Iran evolved into a long cultural movement, giving rise to a new type of SOMs – theorized as proactive performative ideological mobilizations – in the context of the IR. Further, this long cultural movement paved the way for Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's ascent to power in 2005, resulting in salient policy outcomes. Moreover, my findings suggest that pro‐regime RR actors exercise their agency by not only countering anti‐regime contentions but also by challenging the IR's various governing bodies. Finally, I propose that SOMs should be understood as enduring cultural movements in order to better make sense of their emergence and material consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider two local reparations cases--the Evanston Restorative Housing Program and Chicago reparations for police torture survivors. We argue that the programs are shaped by the differing political opportunities, the local context, and the social location of their advocates given that one was constructed within government systems in Evanston and the other largely by grassroots organizers in Chicago. Furthermore, both programs are criticized to varying degrees as being exclusive in their design and implementation. We term this exclusion a process of deliberative marginalization, whereby some of the most vulnerable and most directly affected beneficiaries of a redress initiative are left out of deliberations and implementation decisions about the initiative's design. Subsequently, this study shows both the promise and constraints of reparations policy at the level of local government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the “people’s spring,” the period of unprecedented social mobilization in Argentina in the early 1970s, frequently omit rural women even though they were among the sectors that rallied for social justice. In most of Latin America at the time, rural women were prevented from equal participation in social movements; in contrast, rural women in northeastern Argentina actively participated in the Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). This article uses letters and newspaper articles in Amanecer agrario to answer two questions: First, what did womanhood mean for rural women in northeastern Argentina during the early 1970s? Second, what did the “people’s spring” mean for these same women? Although the movement split, with women from small farms generally wanting MAM to expand its efforts to broader societal problems and women from medium farms generally wanting MAM to stay focused on the concerns of Misiones farmers, throughout it all, rural women communicated their hopes, desires, and concerns for themselves, their families, and their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The confluence of the COVID-19 pandemic, the murder of George Floyd in America and a global Black Lives Matter response triggered anew the global struggle for racial justice. Using cyber, remote, and in-person ethnographic methods, this paper explores racial identity, allyship and processes of becoming during the spring and summer of 2020. Building on theories of 'the struggle for recognition', I situate becoming within the interplay of what I call epistemic, affective and reciprocal authenticity. Within this project, I address identity, redistribution and the reconfiguration of conceptual distinctions between justice and dignity. The analysis reflects a time of racial tension in a provincial Northeastern town in England, UK – a predominantly white and marginalised location. I amplify the personal testimonies, conversations and written words of three quite different activists to highlight the nuanced refractions of lived experience and a developing antiracism. These collaborators reveal how their antiracist becomings, in the light of 2020 events, incorporate affective, epistemic and reciprocal authenticities that bring to the fore new potentialities for racial justice, white allyship and recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a larger ethnographic project in San Francisco, this essay illustrates the housing justice work of youth participants in San Francisco's Mission Roots youth organizing program. I introduce the concept of movement vulnerability to describe how developing ideology and political vision was central to their activism. This article draws from abolitionist political thoughtto highlight the carceral dimensions of displacement and gentrification in San Francisco. More importantly, an abolitionist lens allows us to recognize the creative and visionary dimensions of Mission Roots youth organizers' work. Furthermore, this article offers a reminder to youth studies and education scholars that organizing is a method of transforming material conditions and pursuing social justice projects, rather than a mere 'intervention' to promote conventional notions of academic and youth development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Education / Revue Canadienne de l'Éducation is the property of Canadian Society for the Study of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Comportamentalia is the property of Instituto de Psicologia y Educacion de la Universidad Veracruzana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Unequal exchange in international trade lies at the crossroads of all the major contradictions of the current global capitalist system: class, spatial and ecological. Countering unequal exchange can offer the basis for a broad global social coalition demanding a new international economic and ecological order. It can unite the claims of social and ecological movements around a common agenda where global social justice meets global environmental justice. The objective conditions are provided by the common ground of concrete interests that binds together various political and social actors in the global South and North who are harmed by corporate neoliberal globalisation. Building the subjective conditions, however, requires overcoming theoretical reductionisms and political sectarianisms that contribute to the fragmentation of social struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general body of literature on the theology of liberation tends to focus either on ecclesiastical debate, theological intricacies, or discussion within the church. Not much attention is paid to the empirical investigation of how civil society members might be influencing the rhetoric of the local church. This article takes a different approach and explores how liberation movements in Ukraine and Hong Kong inform and inspire elements of the theology of social justice within local Catholic communities through bringing to life their social dreams and engaging the churches in action. Looking at how churches and activists interact in the aftermath of the Euromaidan and the Umbrella Movement, we explore how grassroots activists approach religious hierarchies and how, in these circumstances, the clergy of the churches might be pressured into maneuvering between the social dreams of civil society and the Vatican. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the multiple and shifting meanings of children's activism and addresses some of the potential benefits and disadvantages of framing a given set of practices as children's activism. After recognizing the potential dangers of overuse of the term, we offer our own conceptual understanding of children's activism, focusing on collectivity, challenging expectations and transforming power. Further, in questioning what is new and old in theory and practice on children's activism, we illustrate how scholars and practitioners supporting children's participation can benefit from established literature, strategies and tools from youth activism and broader work on social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights often fall short of challenging oppression because they are enmeshed with conservative institutions, such as the law and the state. Despite these shortcomings, grassroots organisations contesting border regimes in Berlin often make use of human rights in their everyday mobilisation. They engage in autonomous forms of mobilisation outside the state and construct non-legal notions of human rights that are emancipatory for racialised migrants. However, these same organisations also address demands to state authorities by using legal notions of human rights. In this article, I draw on the framework focusing on abolition and non-reformist reforms, which have been developed by activists and scholars in their resistance to policing and the Prison-Industrial Complex. I innovatively extend its use to propose a nuanced understanding of grassroots approaches to human rights. Specifically, I argue that these approaches entail the concurrent pursuit of short-term reformist reforms and border abolition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I analyze the C4C campaign for insights about the multiscalar and multidirectional human rights activism and their consequences for gender justice. I find that the C4C campaigns have contributed to gender justice in two important ways. First, the campaigns have succeeded in passing CEDAW resolutions and ordinances at the city, county, and even the state level in the case of California and Oregon, showing the power of legalism from below to promote gender equity; second, it has developed, in collaboration with other local social justice movements, what I call a trans-local, intersectional human rights infrastructure that includes education and socialization of grassroots movements and local elected officials, using CEDAW principles and mechanisms for local and global activism, and coalition building. The campaigns, however, have also faced issues of sustainability, following the passage of the ordinance or resolution, and the lack of funding and follow through by cities that are confronted with budget cuts and other challenges such as the pandemic. Nonetheless, the trans-local, intersectional human rights infrastructure provides hope for the continued glocalization of human rights—that is, local implementation of global human rights standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police violence is a widespread problem in the United States that disproportionately affects Black communities. Social justice movements and the media pressure prosecutors to pursue criminal charges against offending officers. However, convictions are rare, partly because officers can assert a legal defense for using deadly force in effecting arrests. Based on common law or state justification statutes, this available defense permits officers to use deadly force in "reasonable" circumstances, pursuant to the Fourth Amendment. What constitutes "reasonable," however, is a fact-specific, discretionary, and murky question for courts. Pennsylvania's justification statute, 18 PA. CONS. STAT. § 508(a), was at issue in Commonwealth v. Pownall, in which the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office ("DAO") charged Officer Ryan Pownall with third-degree murder for allegedly killing David Jones, a Black man, during a traffic stop. The DAO anticipated that Pownall would rely on section 508(a) at trial and, in a motion in limine, preemptively asked the court not to use the standard suggested jury instructions that summarize the statute. The DAO argued that the statute is unconstitutional because it permits the use of deadly force in categorically unreasonable situations. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court affirmed the lower courts' dismissal of the motion under procedural rules without reaching the issue of section 508(a)'s constitutionality. But, the court strongly suggested that section 508(a) is constitutional and, importantly, reasoned that rewriting the statute is a job reserved solely for the legislature. Pownall highlights the difficulty and necessity of challenging and changing use of force policies and defenses and the way they are explained to juries. Today, the jury instructions are vague and do not reflect the nuances of deadly force, including the systemic biases favoring police. Because jury instructions are critical to reaching accurate verdicts, stakeholders should rewrite the instructions to ensure a fair administration of justice and hold officers accountable, thereby reducing future violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the potential of digital mourning for activists and social movements, enabling them to navigate the injuries inflicted by hegemonic powers and harness these experiences as a meaningful force for social change. Through a literature review of scholarly works on mourning within digital platforms, the article identifies theories and characterizations that foster critical reflections on the significance of these online instances. Moreover, by presenting three examples of digital mourning activism (Black Lives Matter, COVID-19 protests, and the Arab Spring), the paper highlights the significance of digital platforms as spaces for collective mourning, shaping public opinion, building collective memory, and driving activism beyond the digital realm. Overall, this essay aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of digital mourning as an empowering tool for activism, shedding light on its role in facilitating meaning-making processes and fostering the potential for profound social change in the face of systemic challenges and injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high incarceration rate and systemic racism in the United States, along with entrenched social barriers, highlight the need for creative solutions to help formerly incarcerated individuals (FIIs) reintegrate successfully. This paper highlights social entrepreneurial ventures (SEVs) as powerful agents of social change, underscoring the significance of holistic approaches in successful reentry and transformation of FIIs. We delve into the potential of SEVs as catalysts for social justice within the critical HRD (CHRD) framework, examining SEV's role in advancing learning, challenging power dynamics, empowering marginalized communities, and propelling grassroots-led social change. In doing so, we also emphasize the significance of experiential learning and dialog in cultivating collective knowledge and action within these social movements. We analyze the structural, organizational, and individual factors that demonstrate how HRD and social entrepreneurship complement and broaden modes of engagement. Ultimately, we highlight the promising synergy between SEVs and the CHRD perspective, presenting a transformative approach for both HRD scholars and practitioners and argue that by embracing the values of empowerment, equity, and social justice, HRD can play a pivotal role in fostering more inclusive, equitable, and empowering organizational landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most successful and influential contributions to examining the intersection between society and its effect on public action is Jurgen Habermas's landmark The structural transformation of the public space (1962). But as subsequent scholars pointed out, the Habermasian definition of "public sphere" needed to be expanded beyond its original historical context. This article contributes to that ongoing expansion by arguing that a social movement in the United States, social justice feminism, created an alternative public space in the United States by 1907 to the mainstream discourse championed by patriarchal political and social leaders about the effects of the Second Industrial Revolution. The alternative social justice feminist public space differed from Habermas's original conception in three important ways: it involved a more ideological viewpoint; it encompassed a myriad of cross-class and cross-gender coalitions; and the movement embraced direct political action, promoting and passing women's labor legislation as an "entering wedge" for the eventual inclusion of all workers under state protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of dignity is pervasive in political discourse. It is central to human rights theory and practice, and it features regularly in conceptions of social justice as well as in the social movements they seek to understand or orient. However, dignity talk has been criticized for leading to problematic exclusion. Critics challenge it for undermining our recognition of the rights of non-human animals and of many human individuals (such as children, the elderly, and people with disabilities). I argue that, on a plausible articulation of it, the idea of dignity does not lead to these exclusions and that it in fact helps defend an appropriately inclusive moral and political treatment of all individuals. Difficult issues about equality and diversity indeed arise, but a dignitarian approach can provide good answers to them or at least help make them clearer and more tractable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What tactics are high school educators using to teach about socio-political changes in the past and present? Five educators in the province of Alberta (two women, three men; four urban, one rural; four White, one Arab; four without visible religious garb, one Muslim in hijab) explored content they considered to be "radical" and how they teach about (and for) significant sociopolitical changes focused on making society hurt less. Coming from a perspective of symbolic evil, radical love, and radical imagination as inherent to beneficial social movements, the researchers used process and dramaturgical coding to analyze participant insights about decolonial and antiracist education as well as teaching for gender and sexual justice. Participants shared insights about the role of school context and teacher positionality, what might shape an educator to teach for radical change, as well as several tactics: operationalizing positionality, supplementing curriculum, challenging assumptions, subverting school rules, and addressing emotionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with a leading contemporary criticism of social and economic human rights, namely that because such rights are organised around sufficiency norms, they are ill‐equipped to challenge and overturn forms of material inequality. The sufficiency thesis raises issues around the nature of social rights and their capacity to deliver transformative change, and lays a direct challenge to social movements employing human rights talk and practices in campaigns for social justice. This article breaks new ground by taking the right to housing as a case study for assessing the sufficiency thesis. It is argued that while there is some support for the sufficiency thesis in dominant institutionalised legal forms of the right to housing, the wider claim of the thesis, that social rights are incapable of challenging forms of material inequality, does not hold water. This argument is supported by a broad approach to housing rights that engages with the work of the UN Special Rapporteurs on housing and which takes seriously the way in which contemporary social movements in Spain and Scotland employ housing rights in their struggles for housing justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding disabled youth activism is key for improving young disabled people's participation in politics and social change. Young disabled people require opportunities to situate historical and biographical experiences within broader socio-economic contexts. This will lead to a politicised consciousness surrounding disability, emancipation and social justice. This article presents empirical data from the first study on young disabled people's contemporary position within the UK Disabled People's Movement. It critically assesses three areas pertinent to youth activism: activist membership, social movement organisation and future considerations for activism. This allows for an exploration of how young disabled activists navigate collective action, influence activist claims and demands and understand the issues for sustaining a disabled people's social movement. The article illustrates young disabled activists' desire to disrupt their current position within the UK Disabled People's Movement and bring into focus a future where young disabled people's contributions to activism and social movements are accessible, valued and influential. The article argues that a failure to support young disabled people's participation within social movements will have an adverse impact on their political identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (0034-8244) is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tricontinentalism, the radical ideational universe of the Global South so important in the 1960s and 1970s, lost much of its original thrust with the neoliberal turn, and its contribution to global history has long been obscured. Recently, however, historians, political theorists and others have been studying its take on global justice and the multiple impacts of its political strategies, ideological rhetoric, identity formations, as well as its many transnational connections: traces still recognisable in the repertoire of social movements today. By unearthing these strands and constellations of global history, and by sometimes cooperating with activists, these scholars act as Foucauldian genealogists, laying bare sediments of historical agency that the hegemonic memory formation of neoliberalism had all but buried. Such efforts constitute a form of counter-history in the competitive field of political memory. This paper applies elements of mnemonic hegemony theory (MHT) to analyse Tricontinental memory, with a particular focus on Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2008, the call to 'remunicipalise' water resources has become a key strategy for water movements across Europe. Remunicipalisation aimed at opposing the new wave of privatisation programmes and water commodification incentivised under austerity frameworks. However, the water movements' lack of direct engagement with questions of re/commoning resulted in under-explored links, in practitioner and scholarly arenas, between demands for water remunicipalisation and practices of commoning. This article brings into dialogue the bodies of literature on commoning and remunicipalisation. It examines the conditions which enable crossing the paradigm threshold from municipal governance, towards more collective and situated models of water governance rooted in practices of commoning. The article operationalises the concept of recommoning water to capture this process, and proposes an analytical definition grounded in a case study of water remunicipalisation in Terrassa, Spain. In 2019, Terrassa achieved remunicipalisation to create a citizen water observatory. The empirical findings demonstrate that water activists in Terassa's Observatory are reclaiming and reproducing the commons on a daily basis through a process of experimentation with institutional bricolage and (re)negotiation of power and autonomy. This citizen-led observatory is ensuring that resources are shared in common, are used for the common good and are reproducing the commons. The study concludes that water remunicipalisation can act as an important step for enabling processes of recommoning. Nevertheless, the institutionalisation of recommoning water under a public management regime is confronted with multifaceted tensions that merit attention from both activists and policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent developmental state research highlights state-society configurations and contentious politics in shaping industrialization. Still, much of this work focuses on East Asia and tends to sidestep racialized labor exploitation, imperialism, and uneven incorporation into the global capitalist system through the trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonialism as important drivers. Through an historical analysis of Trinidad and Tobago, this paper examines how interventionist industrial policies emerged out of such structures and conditions. It highlights the role of anti-imperial and anti-racist struggles exemplified by the Black Power Movement in Trinidad and Tobago – a social movement comprising workers, marginalized youth, and civic leaders, which sought to overturn a colonial economy, reconfigure hierarchical race relations, address economic injustices, promote democratically negotiated industrialization, and chart a new course for a post-independent, multiracial Trinidad and Tobago. Utilizing archival data, this paper argues that Trinidad and Tobago's government shifted from a passive industrial strategy characteristic of the colonial era to a more active approach from 1970 to 1984 largely in response to forceful demands and demonstrations by the Black Power Movement, which, in turn, led to improved social conditions, nationalization of key industries, the creation of state-owned enterprises, new skills and technological investments, and more. These findings advance developmental state theory by specifying the heretofore largely unacknowledged role of racial justice and anti-imperialist social movements in bringing about a different path from the East Asian model toward industrial and social transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the changing dynamics of urbanization and urbanism in the contemporary US through three lenses. First, it examines economic shifts spurred by the rise of the knowledge economy, which position higher education institutions (HEIs) as drivers of innovation and urban growth. Second, it draws attention to new metropolitan geographies. Gentrifying inner cities and the suburbanization of race, poverty, and risk indicate a need for HEIs to reappraise their institutional structures, pedagogical practices, and responsibilities as urban place‐makers. Third, the article considers (post‐)pandemic futures and calls for racial justice to frame the city as both the setting and stake of social justice movements. The analysis pays particular attention to how these socio‐spatial transformations affect the landscape of post‐secondary urban education. The result is a contradictory portrait of an urban America with diverse futures forged at the intersection of rising inequality, segregation, and a desire for a more inclusive and just future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'aragalaya' or the 'people's struggle' was perhaps one of the most important and successful movements of Sri Lanka's long history of democracy. In 2015, democracy prevailed, unexpectedly and against all odds, when Sri Lankans, unsatisfied with their political representation, 'voted out' a government. In 2022, just as unexpectedly and for the first time in its history, the people of Sri Lanka ousted a government through mass protest and uprising. The protesters, cutting across socio-economic class and arguably many other barriers, came together and marched to Colombo's Galle Face Green, in parallel to each other and to each other's goals. This time, they came to do more than simply oust a government but for an idea of justice, equity, democracy, and system change. This article explores the memories and perspectives of those who 'lived' on the protest site and the relationship between memory, place, and the social construction of space, as they reconvened for a memory-mapping exercise in co-creating public histories of the aragalaya (struggle) and the aragala bhoomiya (site of struggle). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surveying the role of the arts in social movements offers approaches for ways in which art therapists can be collaborators in peacebuilding. A contemporary review of activist and protest art reveals four sources of inspiration for how art therapists can contribute: intentional symbols and metaphors, solidarity, memorializing, and resilience. When integrated with peacebuilding strategies, art therapists can support social movements by visualizing injustices, representing voices, bringing people together, and imagining solutions. By working in collaboration with peacebuilders, art therapists can apply social justice stances to different strands of peacebuilding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many migrant Muslims to "conquistador settler-colonial" U.S./Canada are driven to become good – settlers because of the devastating imperialist conditions reaped upon our original homelands. However, no Muslim political-theological works address Indigenous struggles or seriously engage settler-colonial studies. Migrant Muslims assume that the U.S./Canada are democratic-secular despite their animation by white-supremacist religious doctrines as Manifest Destiny. This contribution addresses the Qur'anic bases for a globally applicable decolonial, anti-statist/capitalist, social justice, Islam or what I refer to as Anarcha-Islam Drawing on the Qur'anic perspective of ethical-political responsibilities of Muslim hijra (migration), I argue how non-Black migrant Muslims in exile must seriously re-examine their ethical-political commitments and construct mutual alliances with Indigenous and Black peoples in their demands for land's repatriation as well as reparations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the theme of numeracy, vulnerability, ethics, and social justice. The choice of this theme highlights its relevance to the processes of teaching and learning among vulnerable youth and adults, as well as its connection to issues of ethics and social justice. The discussion has a theoretical focus, even though its development is supported by episodes extracted from empirical research conducted by the author with the Brazilian Landless Movement in her academic activity, from an ethnomathematics perspective. This perspective draws mainly from the ideas of D'Ambrosio, the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein in his mature period, and Michel Foucault. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to identify the trends of effective reformist social movements in Arab societies. It analyses the nature of this role concerning the value system of Arab societies. It discusses the challenges facing social reform movements to preserve these values. In addition, this study's purpose is to be achieved through the descriptive analysis methodology, whether collecting data or analyzing the content. Moreover, data collection and analysis depended on historical literature, books, and peer-reviewed articles to analyze the reality of reformist social movements in Arab societies. The study case is the Jordanian society. These movements face significant challenges, notably financial issues and encounters with foreign agencies and NGOs. In the end, the study concluded a set of results, most notably the classification of the trends of reform movements in Arab societies into two main categories: Movements with a Western cultural reference and movements with an Arab-Islamic cultural reference. The roles of these movements in preserving the values of Arab societies have been identified, the most prominent of which is demanding the achievement of social justice, concluding alliances to form pressure to enact legislation to protect social values. It creates locally funded civil society institutions to consolidate societal values and morals. It raises general societal awareness concerning its scope of protecting Arab Islamic values and morals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the subjective and individual dimensions of the commitment made by young activists in different contemporary social movements. Two sources are used for its elaboration: case studies in Belgium, France, and Chile; and the analysis of discourses by a young woman from Texas and of Tunisian students mobilized for different causes (ecology, abortion rights, democracy, and social justice). On this basis, we examine how, in this activist way of life, the roots of commitment and the way of “living” social movements are no longer located within organizations or manifestos. Instead, they emerge from the interplay of personal subjectification, seen as the individual’s effort to shape themselves as a person and author of their own life, and the desire to become an active participant in addressing their society’s challenges. In the second section, we highlight three analytical biases that have contributed to an individualistic perspective on this form of activism: (i) the blurring of lines between the processes of subjectification and the (self-) affirmation of an “authentic self,” (ii) the reduction of activism to mere processes of subjectification, when one will combines these processes with another that stives to have an impact on society, and (iii) the consideration that personal dimensions replace the collective dimensions of activism. Far from a selfish individualism or a focus on self-fulfillment, this alter-activist culture encourages the combination of subjectification processes, the desire to become an actor in one’s society, and the personal encounter with others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the life and contributions of Aziz Choudry, a dedicated activist and scholar, highlighting his work in social movement learning, knowledge production, and activism. Topics discussed in the article include Choudry's critical analysis of social movements, his emphasis on the intellectual work within activist communities, and his exploration of nonformal and informal learning in activism and also examine Choudry's influence on various social justice movements globally.

Social movement organisations and unions can be spaces of transformative learning in which organisers research, debate, create, and put into action frameworks for social change. In this article, I engage with themes from Aziz Choudry's writings to explore learning and knowledge-making within and through the United Caucuses of Rank-and-File Educators (UCORE) network. This network has brought together organisers from nearly thirty social justice caucuses from across the United States, fuelling the development of contemporary educator movements. Drawing on over five years of research as a movement ethnographer, I argue that informal and non-formal processes of learning and knowledge production drive the growth of the UCORE network and, with it, broader educator movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do individuals make sense of the specific issues that motivate them when they participate in activism? Are there clear and consistent patterns of motivations among participants and organizers within a movement over time? This paper applies network methods to a unique dataset to understand the relationships and structure formed among the issues that activists cited as motivation for their participation in a series of climate-related demonstrations over a three-year period. We test whether these networks of issue motivations form coherent structures, and whether they reflect the growing emphasis on social justice within the climate movement. Our findings highlight the coherence in the structure of relationships among motivations to participate, especially the centrality of 'Equality' as a motivation within our sampled cycle of contention. • We summarize key findings from 4 surveys of Climate Resistance activists in 2017, 2019, and 2020 events. • We use entailment analysis to look at networks of motivations at each of these events. • We find stable relationships occur within and between samples supporting the notion of a 'relational culture' of motivations. • We discuss what these findings mean in terms of the literature and the future of the environmental movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, social movements have designed and implemented various modalities for the transformation of the state. Some of these modalities have contributed to the various state transformation projects, while others have not. Overall, state transformation projects have had various outcomes, including success, failure and a mixture of successes and failures. Against this backdrop, this article examines the state transformation project that was undertaken by the Movement for Justice in Africa (moja0 in Liberia from 1973–1980. Specifically, the article interrogates the various modalities that moja designed and implemented in its quest to transform the Liberian society. In terms of a "balance sheet," some of the modalities, including the political conscientization campaign, the training of cadres, the assistance to labor movements, and coalition building with other progressive forces succeeded in promoting the state transformation project. On the other hand, however, moja did not succeed in transforming state structures, state policies, and power relations. Two major factors contributed to these challenges: 1) moja's left-wing populist ideology was an obstacle to the organization's diagnosis of the major causes of the multidimensional crises of underdevelopment that enveloped Liberia; and 2) moja prematurely embraced the Doe-led military regime that came to power after the April 12, 1980 coup, thereby jeopardizing the future of the organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A longitudinal study involving 455 Black young adults living in Canada investigated whether gender and autonomous motivation influenced the relationship between perceived racism threat and Black Lives Matter (BLM) activism, and whether BLM activism influenced life satisfaction over time. A moderated mediation analysis using PROCESS Macro Model 58 tested the indirect effect of autonomous motivation on the relationship between perceived racism threat and BLM activism varying by gender. Multiple linear regression assessed how well BLM activism predicted life satisfaction. Black women perceived greater racism threat than Black men related to increases in BLM activism via the influence of autonomous motivation. BLM activism had a positive influence on life satisfaction over time, regardless of gender. This research suggests Black young women are playing pivotal roles in the BLM movement and helps us understand how motivation may be influencing involvement and well‐being in social justice issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new network of over 72 organizations from 12 countries was activated during a convening at ARTIS in Amsterdam on 26–27 September 2022. Representatives are aligned with the transdisciplinary field and social movement of Planetary Health, which analyzes and addresses the impacts of human disruptions to natural systems on human health and all life on Earth. The new European Planetary Health Hub consists of organizations from various sectors, including universities, healthcare, youth, business, and civil society. The Convening, co-organized by the Planetary Health Alliance (PHA), the European Environment and Sustainable Development Advisory Councils Network (EEAC), and Natura Artis Magistra (ARTIS), aimed to develop Planetary Health Working Groups for Education, Policy Engagement, Research, and Movement Building. The Convening resulted in an outline for each of the Working Group's aims, visions, missions, priorities, and activities, and set the framework for sustaining their activities in the future through the establishment of the European Planetary Health Hub Secretariat in the Netherlands. The Hub members shared lessons learned, built relationships, and developed artwork-inspired perspectives on Planetary Health. In conclusion, the Convening led to the establishment of a strong European foundation to contribute to the transformations needed for sustainable, just, and equitable societies that flourish within the limits of our ecosystems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations (IR) scholarship on Global Social Movements (GSMs) has helped usher in post-realist theories, such as constructivism and critical IR. Despite its innovativeness, extant GSM research is limited because it ignores the relevance of the Global Animal Advocacy Movement (GAAM), which seeks to end animal exploitation. The omission of GAAM is emblematic of IR's anthropocentric disregard of the relevance of animals in global politics. An emergent literature recognizes the importance of animals in IR, and this paper contributes to the establishment of this animal-inclusive IR by examining the significance of GAAM. First, it demonstrates that GAAM fits the criteria of a GSM; therefore, it is worthy of study in IR. Additionally, this paper argues that IR should recognize that nonhuman animals also participate in GAAM. Both arguments not only demonstrate GAAM's relevance, but they should also contribute to the development of an animal-inclusive IR. The paper closes by advocating for a methodologically diverse research agenda on GAAM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Kalfou at the Crossroads" explores the intersection of Black culture, colonialism, and neoliberalism. It discusses how neoliberal policies and colonial forms of governance repress liberation movements and perpetuate violence and exploitation. The article also highlights the ways in which opposition to structural oppression is criminalized and marginalized, and how efforts to neutralize the experiences and analyses of aggrieved communities serve to uphold systems of power. The article emphasizes the importance of solidarity, decolonization, and alternative social relations in the pursuit of social justice. Kalfou, the journal in which the article is published, aims to examine the roles of the state, capital, social structures, and social movements in promoting or suppressing social justice, and serves as a space for collaboration between researchers, community organizations, and artistry. [Extracted from the article]