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As mentioned in official reports, the number of scholars migrating from countries with autocratic regimes or/and at war to neighborhoods or Europe is increasing due to continuing attacks on scientists and academic institutions in those countries. This paper studies this phenomenon through the analysis of the data collected through a research project involving interviews with 10 experts and 22 exiled scholars who fled their home countries to Germany after 2015. Within this context, the paper particularly focuses on the experiences of scholars, who were provided by academic humanitarian actors with scholarships/positions at universities or research institutes in Germany to continue their academic work in safety. The paper suggests defining the recently expanding supporting networks for at-risk scholars as 'academic humanitarianism', which refers to a domain of power and a regime of governing that emerged at the intersection of two social fields: higher education and humanitarianism. Analyzing their narratives on their academic experiences in Germany, the paper concludes that despite the target of academic humanitarian actors to integrate this superfluous population of academia into German higher education (GHE), the unintentional result is their 'inclusive-exclusion' due to conflicting social forces (re)producing epistemic and dispositional hierarchies that exist in German universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks how refugees' second‐language learning processes are embedded in their lives in host countries. To address this question, the paper proposes the concept of second‐language learning trajectories. These trajectories explain refugees' second‐language learning as closely intertwined with learners' self‐understanding, experiences and positioning in host countries. Using longitudinal narrative interview data from Syrian refugees in Germany, the paper identifies three different types of second‐language learning trajectories, that is empowerment, accommodation and disinvestment. These trajectories have vastly diverse outcomes, not only in terms of second‐language proficiency but also in terms of learning motivation, self‐views and future prospects. Moreover, second‐language learning trajectories evolve based on self‐reinforcing dynamics that make switching between trajectories increasingly difficult over time. This is particularly detrimental to refugees on the disinvestment trajectory, which entails social decline and exclusion. The paper also identifies institutional regulations in Germany that compound refugees' struggles to gain a foothold in their host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mosques in Europe have long been and are still at the centre of political debates, despite the decades-long presence of migrant Muslim communities in Europe. Scholars within geography and other disciplines have studied mosques extensively with a focus on urban space politics, and examined tensions and conflicts between migrant mosque communities and the broader segments of the local people. In this paper, I focus on DITIB, a Turkish umbrella mosque organization in Germany, and I carry these debates into a transnational terrain, re-theorizing mosques not only as political sites, but also everyday geopolitical spaces where national imaginaries and territorial struggles take place in the daily lives of mosque communities. Through this approach, I draw on the studies of feminist geographers who have provided a renewed perspective to classical geopolitics discussions by revealing how geopolitical relations, struggles, and interactions also operate in everyday spaces, relations, and bodies of ordinary people by reproducing the deep-seated exclusions, discriminations and contestations. This paper contributes to critical geopolitics and geographies of religion literatures as well as to broader discussions on the geopolitics of religion by analysing how a mosque organization is situated at the centre of geopolitical tensions, and how transnational and transregional controversies operate on the walls and properties of mosques and in everyday social/cultural activities of mosque communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there have been several studies on overt forms of marginalization, few have examined benevolent marginalization, where peoplemay unquestioningly participate in their own paternalistic subjugation by following a prescribed identity. How might such individuals end up achieving emancipation from an infantilizing identity? To address this puzzle, we conducted a longitudinal study of a German sheltered workshop, an organization providing employment for disabled people. We observed that workers with disability initially maintained a regulating organizational identity based on paternalistic segregation. However, over time, they constructed their own self-determining identity and coproduced a change in the workshop's identity from "shelter" to "inclusion." First, we show that in order to coconstruct their preferred self-concept, benevolently marginalized individuals need to gain the support of those in power, who change their role from a guardian to an ally. Second, while achieving liberation from overt marginalization is likely to involve confrontation with one's oppressors, we suggest that achieving emancipation from benevolent marginalization is a collaborative process of mutual consciousness raising and sensitization. Third, while changes of identity may occur after exposure to alternative discourses, often involving the contentious performances of external activists, we show how insider activists mobilize collective action for change within a protectionist organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the height of the "refugee reception crisis" in 2015, a large number of forced migrants had to be accommodated in Germany, which led to the transformation of old infrastructures and building of new centres. Based on extensive fieldwork in three centres in the same city, this article seeks to highlight the intersecting forms of socio‐spatial exclusion in refugee accommodations in Germany. First, we unpack how differential internal and external spatial arrangements intersect to aggravate or alleviate social exclusion of forced migrants. Second, we draw attention to the ways in which the regulation of space and social relations inside the accommodation centres intersect with the dominant gendered notions of the refugee label. Despite the potency of power relations that differentially categorizes, controls and excludes, exclusion remains ambivalent as forced migrants consistently claim ownership over the space in and around the centres and build social relationships to maintain a sense of "normalcy". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We discuss the balancing acts of inclusion and exclusion by analysing how Somali migrants in Germany attempt to manoeuvre between various norms, individual interests and various social networks. Building on Glick Schiller and Caglar (2016), whose work on urban sociabilities emphasizes social relations in which people act as equals, we argue that ethnic (self‐)identification is important as it serves as a basis for boundary‐making and for bonding within and bridging and linking between groups. Thus, a focus on sociability and ethnic identification (as a category of praxis) can, in some cases, go hand in hand. Moreover, we argue that inclusion into local Somali communities, which is often discussed in public discourse as leading to exclusion from German society, helps to establish connections. Simultaneously, exclusion through racism can lead to (self‐)isolation of Somalis, but also places pressure on younger Somalis in particular to forge alliances with non‐Somali Germans to stabilize their situation. Balancing social inclusion and exclusion among Somali migrants in Germany therefore can have ambiguous and at times paradoxical outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seasonal migrant agricultural workers were declared 'essential' in Germany at the very outset of the COVID‐19 pandemic. Two harvest seasons later, continuing poor working conditions, infection outbreaks on farms, and a general exclusion from social security schemes show that the recognition of the 'essential' character of the job has not translated into any improvements for workers. Based on interviews with trade union‐affiliated counsellors for migrant workers across Germany and analysis of the policies and legal measures introduced during the pandemic, this article demonstrates how pre‐existing institutional structures of exploitation in relation to seasonal agricultural work have been not only sustained but also reinforced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pre-vaccine SARS-CoV-2 seroprevalence data from Germany are scarce outside hotspots, and socioeconomic disparities remained largely unexplored. The nationwide representative RKI-SOEP study (15,122 participants, 18–99 years, 54% women) investigated seroprevalence and testing in a supplementary wave of the Socio-Economic-Panel conducted predominantly in October–November 2020. Self-collected oral-nasal swabs were PCR-positive in 0.4% and Euroimmun anti-SARS-CoV-2-S1-IgG ELISA from dry-capillary-blood antibody-positive in 1.3% (95% CI 0.9–1.7%, population-weighted, corrected for sensitivity = 0.811, specificity = 0.997). Seroprevalence was 1.7% (95% CI 1.2–2.3%) when additionally correcting for antibody decay. Overall infection prevalence including self-reports was 2.1%. We estimate 45% (95% CI 21–60%) undetected cases and lower detection in socioeconomically deprived districts. Prior SARS-CoV-2 testing was reported by 18% from the lower educational group vs. 25% and 26% from the medium and high educational group (p < 0.001, global test over three categories). Symptom-triggered test frequency was similar across educational groups. Routine testing was more common in low-educated adults, whereas travel-related testing and testing after contact with infected persons was more common in highly educated groups. This countrywide very low pre-vaccine seroprevalence in Germany at the end of 2020 can serve to evaluate the containment strategy. Our findings on social disparities indicate improvement potential in pandemic planning for people in socially disadvantaged circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most Germans reacted welcoming toward newly arrived refugees in 2015 and 2016, parallelly overt hateful reactions such as hate crimes, social exclusion, and increasing right‐wing electoral support have been registered all over Germany with several regions emerging as "hot spots" in these regards. Among them was our case, the mid‐sized town of Bautzen in the state of Saxony, where intergroup conflict and violent clashes between locals and refugees caused news headlines. To analyze intergroup conflicts in the ethnically super‐homogenous context of Bautzen, we performed a qualitative interview study. More specifically, we conducted 48 semistructured interviews with residents and members of the victimized outgroup of refugees. Our analysis reveals that the societal basis of intergroup conflict in Bautzen seems to be a distinct climate of exclusion aimed at tagged outgroups. Refugees report facing everyday discriminatory practices and even violence. Further, this specific local climate is facilitated by several Bautzen‐specific characteristics on the macro level, such as low number of foreigners and high levels of right‐wing electoral support. Our findings suggest that limited diversity and widespread stereotypes affect locals' reactions toward and perception of refugees. We discuss our results in light of the intergroup contact hypothesis and encourage more qualitative research on the nexus of intergroup contact and intergroup conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demand Responsive Transport (DRT) systems are often discussed to expand public transport in rural areas, where conventional buses are often used below capacity. DRT systems can particularly improve the mobility situation for less mobile people or other people who depend on public transport and ultimately prevent them from social exclusion. This paper examines whether people who show characteristics that indicate a mobility deficit are more willing to access the DRT system EcoBus in a rural area of Germany. Using survey data from 156 respondents from households in the EcoBus service area and utilizing linear regression analysis, this study confirms that car availability harms the intended use of DRT and that physical impairment has a positive effect, as identified several times in the literature. Furthermore, the influence of age on the intended EcoBus use depends on the residence place's city size and hence on its offer of daily public services. While residents of a sub-centre of the region are significantly less willing to use the EcoBus with increasing age, there is an opposite tendency for small villages. Thus, in small inaccessible localities, the likelihood of using EcoBus increases with age, suggesting that DRT systems benefit the doubly constrained population, namely the elderly population in localities with few public services. • Car ownership is negatively associated with intended DRT use. • A physical mobility-related disability is positively related to intended DRT use. • The influence of age depends on the city size of the residence place. • Age positively predicts DRT use in small localities with limited public services. • A quarter of all travel desires with the EcoBus are for medical purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]