Search

The figure of the influencer has generated an increase in their presence on social networks. Their ability to create content, their credibility and their identification with the consumer represent an added value in commercial communication. However, their disclosures are controversial due to the lack of transparency and differentiation between their commercial and opinion content. The absence of a clear definition of an influencer, the need to regulate their actions and the difficulty of identifying the commercial content of their publications are evidence of the concern to regulate their activity. The aim of this paper is to analyze, in the European context, the specific regulations on commercial disclosures by influencers, as well as to ascertain the point of view of the agents involved. To this end, a content analysis of the guidelines, regulations and/or laws of 24 European Union countries is carried out, complemented by an ad hoc questionnaire that brings together different aspects that can be defined and delimited. The results show a lack of unanimity in the rules and regulations governing influencers, as well as a manifest concern on the part of professionals in the sector to determine their communications. Only two countries, France and Spain, have specific legislation on the subject, limiting commercial disclosure to the existence of consideration and/or number of followers. It is clear that the existing guidelines are, in most cases, more comprehensive in terms of transparency guidelines for identifying advertising than the regulatory texts. The findings question whether the path of legislation is the right one, or whether efforts should instead focus on media and advertising literacy for both influencers and consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on Article 17(1) of the 1999 Montreal Convention (MC99) regarding the liability of international air carriers for death or bodily injury to passengers. The interpretational principles and methods applied by the CJEU are examined, accounting also for the particularities of the EU legal order. Furthermore, the results reached by the CJEU are compared with the case law of other jurisdictions, mainly the US, and doctrinal writings. Nonetheless, this paper does not explore the pertinent issues from a de lege ferenda perspective. The paper concludes that the judgments of the CJEU on Art. 17(1) MC99 have interpreted the notions of “passenger,” “accident,” and “bodily injury” broadly, in a passenger-friendly way. Although the interpretation of ‘passenger’ does not differ from the established case law in other jurisdictions, some aspects of the interpretation of “accident” and the interpretation of “bodily injury” significantly depart from the view currently prevailing among courts internationally. The CJEU has yet to rule on the scope of the exclusivity of the MC99, under Art. 29 thereof, regarding personal injury of passengers. However, the expansive interpretations of “accident” and “bodily injury” by the CJEU limit the practical effect of Article 29 compared to other jurisdictions. Given the regulatory influence that the EU exercises worldwide, the CJEU judgments might guide courts also outside the EU. Although this would bolster passenger protection, it would exacerbate the already fragmented application of the MC99 internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU citizens migrating between EU member states are expected to be self-sufficient movers, with little access to social or integration support for the economically inactive. This generates challenges for both migrant EU citizens and local governments in places of destination. The latter are confronted with new social challenges resulting from migration that balances between mobility and settlement. How local governments respond to this crucially shapes EU citizenship and the evolving EU migration system. This paper looks at local responses to migrant EU citizens' integration needs and how we might understand these. The paper is exploratory and builds on in-depth research in Berlin, Hamburg, Gothenburg and Stockholm conducted in 2015–2016. It demonstrates that responses varied between short-term approaches addressing basic needs and long-term strategies focusing on integration. It argues that the integration strategy identified in Berlin is the result of a national context of bottom-up immigrant policy-making, certain historical experiences of immigration, and, crucially, the work of local policy entrepreneurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bosnian War witnessed horrifying humanitarian crimes, particularly systematic rapes perpetrated by Serbs against Bosnian women. More than 35,000 women and children were subjected to such atrocities in Serb-run "rape/death camps". Additionally, the fall of Srebrenica resulted in the loss of thousands of civilian lives. International intervention to halt the Bosnian War faced challenges and complexities. Various countries involved in the matter held differing interpretations of the conflict, leading to diverse views on potential solutions. The lack of consensus and political will hindered the effectiveness of the European Union's intervention efforts. This paper critically examines the international intervention in the Bosnian War, focusing on the approaches of key EU countries: France, Germany, and the UK. These countries' divergent policies and objectives impacted the EU's ability to adopt a coherent stance towards the conflict. The study employs Nuttall and Duke's theoretical approach to consistency in decision-making within the EU to explain why a consistent approach was not achieved during the intervention. By analysing the complexities of the EU's intervention in the Bosnian War, this study seeks to answer the question of what went wrong and provides insights into the challenges of decision-making and consensus-building within the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Air transport is an essential component of the tourism industry, and the number, frequency, and capacity of flight connections may influence the level of tourism demand, especially for island destinations. This paper evaluates the influence of air transport on tourism arrivals to selected islands in seven southern European Union countries to determine the nature of the relationship between tourist arrivals and air transport, specifically, whether air transport services generate tourism demand or merely enable touristic flows. The paper uses panel data and applies an econometric model with justifications for endogeneity and dynamic issues. Results show a moderate impact of transport infrastructures on generating additional tourist arrivals; however, the model shows that air transport is a prerequisite to developing tourism demand and is not the only determinant in increasing tourist arrivals. Tourist arrivals appear more a determinant than a consequence of changes in‐flight connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By providing financial resources, conditional to the implementation of the (social) recommendations in the Semester and the principles of the European Pillar of Social Rights, the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) has opened new political and institutional opportunity windows for the multi‐level co‐production of social policies. The article first dives into how the RRF has been translated into national social policies choices, by assessing the alignment of reforms and investments with the Semester social recommendations and their capacity to address the social vulnerabilities identified in the Pillar's Social Scoreboard. Second, it sheds light on the interaction between the European Commission, in charge of assessing and monitoring the RRF, and the national governments, the key actors in setting‐up and implementing the plans. Comparing six case studies (Italy, Germany, Spain, Croatia, Belgium and Austria), the article shows that the RRF has only partially contributed to reinforcing member states' compliance with social Country Specific Recommendations and the role of the Social Pillar in the drafting of National Recovery and Resilience Plans has been very limited. This notwithstanding, the RRF has contributed to fasten‐forward the implementation of welfare reforms and initiatives which would have been remained on the paper, especially for whose countries with limited fiscal capacity. Furthermore, it provides empirical evidence of the collaborative approach between the Commission and the national government, substantiating the claim of the emergence of a new mode of coordinative Europeanization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines institutional change in father‐specific leave ‐ a centre‐piece of the EU's work‐life balance directive (WLBD) ‐ from the perspective of gradual institutional change. The WLBD, a highly contentious directive, represents a litmus test for the possible impact of the European pillar of social rights (EPSR), on welfare state institutions, which are responsible for the organisation, financing and delivery of social rights in member states. The analysis comprises in‐depth case studies in Denmark, Germany, France and Poland, with different combinations of family and parental leave policies prior to the WLBD. The findings reveal that the EU's directive is leading to convergence in paternity leave, but to divergence in parental leave. Our study is important because it shows that even if EU directives in social policy in principle can lead to upwards social convergence across the EU, when they are relatively weak in terms of precise constraint, for instance, for the level of remuneration for leave, this leads to differentiated integration. This could undermine the very purpose of the EPSR, which seeks to improve social rights for all citizens across the EU. Similar dynamics are likely to be present in other areas at the welfare state‐labor market nexus, such as minimum wages or platform work, where the EU is also developing regulation under the auspices of the EPSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries are struggling with internal and external macroeconomic and social factors in their catching-up strategies to be closer, as economic wealth, to the Western developed European countries. In these ex-communist countries, institutional factors could be seen as critical for success in narrowing the income gap. The paper proposes an analysis of the impact of economic and financial development and globalization on the income gap in 11 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovak Republic and Slovenia) for the period of 1996 to 2019, taking into consideration institutional factors. The study analyses the variables: transition coefficient as a proxy for income gap, GDP per capita, KOF Financial Globalisation Index, Financial Development Index and World Bank Institutional Indicators in a panel approach methodology and estimation of FMOLS and DOLS equations. The paper's findings show that all considered factors have a significant contribution to the income gap in the examined period of time. Economic and financial development, as well as institutional quality, is positively associated with the closing income gap, while globalization has a negative influence. It is also revealed the direction of the causality relationship between the considered variables: from economic and financial development, globalization and institutional quality to the income gap. These findings suggest some policy recommendations in support of the continuation of the European integration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past ten years, the language of crisis has become increasingly common in discourse about migration governance at the European Union (EU) level, and policy responses have been oriented by an emergency rationale that prioritizes short-term solutions over long-term planning. EU migration and asylum law incorporates several crisis response mechanisms, and the addition of a new set of instruments has recently been proposed. This paper offers a critical legal mapping of what counts as a "crisis" in EU migration and asylum law, and the mechanisms for responding to such crises. It exemplifies a complex system in which the tension between the imperative to address threats purportedly arising from unwanted migration is intricately intertwined with the necessity of granting Member States flexibility to respond to contingencies without compromising the integrity of the common EU asylum and migration system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until 2005, service sector innovation had been a far less popular area of scholarly interest than studies on the industrial sector, the publication in 2005 of the methodological guidelines known as the Oslo Manual, in which it was noted that in addition to technological advancements in the economy, non-technological innovations might also be pursued in economic practice. Since then, although the popularity and dynamics of dedicated research have successively increased, this field of inquiry has not yet been sufficiently explored. Therefore, the aim of this study was to identify and assess the degree of homogeneity among EU countries in terms of innovation activity in the service sector. The hypothesis adopted for this study stated that there are countries within the EU that can be divided into clusters with respect to service sector innovation activity. Bearing in mind the objective and seeking to verify the hypothesis, this research used a critical review of literature, indicatororiented analysis as well as quantitative statistical methods, among others, while relying on the most up-to-date data from the Eurostat database on innovation activity (as of 5.07.2022). The objective was accomplished using fifteen indicators which describe the effects of innovation activity, which were classified into four groups: innovation activity, types of implemented innovations, types of product innovation, and types of business process innovation. The research proceeded in three stages: identification of groups (clusters) in the area of the surveyed European countries which demonstrated the homogeneity of analysed indicators using Ward's agglomerative clustering method; identification of significant differences between the defined groups for each indicator carried out, using Student's ttest; an assessment of the degree of homogeneity in the scope of the surveyed EU countries with respect to innovation activity in the service sector by means of the methods outlined above. On the basis of the conducted investigations and the adopted methodology, it may be concluded, first, that the service sectors of the surveyed EU countries can be divided into three homogeneous groups in terms of innovation activity. Second, the similarity within each group was confirmed by Levene's test, the results of which demonstrated homogeneity of variance for thirteen out of the fifteen analysed indicators. Thirdly, statistical analysis of the findings made it possible to identify significant differences between the defined groups of countries, with the exception of country clusters I and II with respect to three product innovation indicators, as well as country groups II and III relative to three business process innovation indicators, where no significant differences occurred. The conclusions from the study warrant confirmation of the baseline hypothesis, which assumed that the surveyed EU countries could be divided into clusters in terms of service sector innovation activity. The research and the analyses indicated that a homogeneous division of the surveyed EU countries into individual groups in terms of innovative activities in the service sector might offer a point of departure for further, in-depth analysis of the issues addressed in the study. Some of the compelling directions for future investigations include the determination of homogeneity and differences across the industries of the sector in question, as well as the creation of a ranking of countries in line with the analysed indicators. Approaching the issue in this manner will enable a detailed assessment of the innovation activity in the service sector and its internal structures, as well as provide grounds for validating the cluster division presented in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we contribute to the literature on determining the real exchange rate by using models that incorporate structural breaks and nonlinearities. We estimate cointegrated dynamic ordinary least squares regressions and quantile regressions. We find that the estimated coefficients for the EU members from central and eastern Europe are different to those for the other member states. We also find that the models are different before and after the crisis that started in 2008, and this affects the outcome of the long-run equations for the EU15 + Cyprus and Malta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on migrants and migration in the context of the Czech Republic, an ethnically and nationally homogeneous country without significant migration experience. Despite this fact, the issue of migration became very prominent in 2015 and has been an integral part of Czech political and public discourse since then. Although the topic has attracted scholarly interest, but the reflection on migrant images held by citizens has been omitted. To fill this gap, first, we conducted a quantitative computer-assisted content analysis of the main Czech media (2015–2018) to investigate how important the issue of migration was and in what context migrants and migration were discussed in the media. We then conducted a series of focus groups with Czech citizens to answer not only how they perceived migrants and migration in general, but also how they perceived the (quality of) media coverage of this issue. The findings offer insight into patterns of media consumption: Our respondents were well aware that media representation of the topic is exaggerated and does not include all possible points of view. The prevailing perception was that the mostly negative media representation was fixated on the image of a migrant coming from the Middle East, most likely to be a terrorist who is not going to adapt to a "normal" life in the Czech Republic. Indeed, the very term migrant is mainly associated with someone who, according to the mental projections of the respondents, is "different" at first sight, fails to fit in and integrate into the majority society, does not look for work thus becoming dependent on the social system of the host country. In other words, for Czechs, people who come to settle and work are excluded from the socially constructed category of migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to identify the significance of securitization of the energy relationship between Russia and EU countries by both sides and its influence on the Energy Security on the regional security complex between EU countries and Russia. Design/methodology/approach: The subject of energy security in the international arena came to the platform with the increasing economic and globalization development in the framework that is called the 'untraditional security'. In today's international relations, Energy security and security issues appear to be extremely intertwined. The current study argues that, regardless of the magnitude of the energy relationship, which manifests itself in a high degree of interdependence between the two sides, their relationship saw dispute, because of a high level of securitization process initiated by both EU member states and Russia. Findings: The main hypothesis of the study corresponded with the outcomes, which acknowledges that both EU countries and Russia securitized the energy relations between them, the study concluded that, regardless of the magnitude of the energy relationship, which marked itself in a high grade of interdependence between the EU countries and Russia. The study argues that whenever increased the desire to achieve more energy materials, it makes new or improves the relationship between countries. Practical implications: The Ukraine crisis has ensued structural changes in the relationship, between Russia, Ukraine and EU which deteriorated and brought more tensions and the securitization of energy questions. Hence, in the Ukraine crisis, both EU countries and Russia securitized the energy aspect of the crisis to take extraordinary measures to use the crisis against each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent so called Mediterranean refugee crisis has ignited concerns about the magnitude of the flows of asylum seekers to Europe. This paper examines the determinants of the destination choice of first time non-EU asylum applicants to the EU, between 2008–2020. It investigates the role played by policies related to employment rights, processing of asylum applications, attractiveness of the welfare system, economic factors and networks on the destination of asylum seekers within the EU. We find that the strongest pull factor for asylum seekers to a destination is social networks both in terms of previous asylum applicants as well as stock of previous migrants. Our findings also suggest that employment bans are not a strong deterrence for asylum seekers given their modest association to asylum flows. • This paper examines the pull factors for asylum seekers to EU destination countries. • We focus on non-EU first time asylum applicants between 2008-2020. • The results suggest that social networks are the strongest pull factor. • Policies in destinations are modestly associated to asylum flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists is the property of Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the harmonisation of insolvency law in the European Union (EU) has been a top priority on the European institutions' agenda in the last decade, it is well known that this endeavour has been slow and has often met resistance from the Member States. The COVID‐19 pandemic revealed that top‐down harmonisation of insolvency (i.e., introduced at EU level) has been temporarily halted. The urgency to control or mitigate the economically and financially destructive effects of the pandemic has, nevertheless, forced European governments to adopt domestic strategies and laws in the area of insolvency. Interestingly, however, such measures show that insolvency and restructuring law responses to the COVID‐19 pandemic, albeit largely uncoordinated, reflect a phenomenon of bottom‐up harmonisation (i.e., introduced by Member States) indicating a convergence towards common approaches. This paper interrogates the insolvency law responses to the COVID‐19 pandemic in six European countries (Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, The Netherlands, the United Kingdom). It uncovers the inadequacy of the EU's harmonisation language, and the limits of harmonisation strategies in insolvency and restructuring law. Finally, it promotes the formulation of a wider‐encompassing definition of "legal harmonisation". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Oeconomica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Fund for European Aid to the Most Deprived (FEAD), the European Union (EU) acts as a 'material supporter' of national welfare states. Remarkably, the European Social Fund Plus, integrating ESF and FEAD, is presented as the main financial instrument to implement the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR). This raises the question of what these levers can do in terms of financial support, especially for Member States with greater social needs. By using the Social Scoreboard indicators that monitor the implementation of the EPSR, we analyse the size and distribution of ESF and FEAD according to Member States' economic capacity, social needs and efforts required to meet the European social goals. We find that the funds benefit relatively more the poorer Member States who also tend to have greater social needs. However, especially for ESF, there are significant deviations from this general pattern. Some countries consistently receive less funding than others with similar levels of social needs, and vice versa. Moreover, if, from the perspective of upward convergence, the budgets are expressed as a percentage of the efforts required to lift all income‐poor citizens to the EU‐wide at‐risk‐of‐poverty threshold, countries who need to make the greatest efforts receive less funding. These outcomes are partly driven by the funds' allocation rules, which give only little importance to the great social discrepancies between countries. This raises the question whether social needs should be taken more into account in the distribution of the funds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, forced marriage as a manifestation of violence against women has entered the public agenda in European Union countries. This is partly due to higher numbers of migrants from regions where it is a regular practice. This paper aims to show the different ways violence manifests itself in forced marriage, both symbolically and practically - in terms of experiences - based on a qualitative sample of women with a range of migration backgrounds residing in Catalonia. The intersectional gender approach of the analysis enables the interaction to be considered of various factors when it comes to understanding contexts of risk and violence, as well as exit strategies from forced marriage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at three main issues raised by the PNR scheme: (i) the base‐rate fallacy and its effect on false positives; (ii) built‐in biases; and (iii) opacity and unchallengeability of the decisions generated, and at whether the Court has properly addressed them. It concludes that the AG and the Court failed to address the evidentiary issues including the base‐rate fallacy—a lethal defect. It also finds that neither the Member States nor the Commission have even tried to assess whether the operation of the PNR Directive has resulted in discriminatory outputs or outcomes; and that the Court should have demanded that they produce serious, verifiable data on this, including on whether the PNR system has led in practice to discrimination. But it also finds that the AG and the Court provided important guidance on the third issue, in that they made clear that the use of unexplainable and hence unreviewable and unchallengeable "black box" machine‐learning artificial intelligence (ML/AI) systems violates the very essence of the right to an effective remedy. This means that any EU Member State that still uses such opaque ML/AI systems in its PNR screening will be in violation of the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION Under the European Union (EU) Tobacco Products Directive (2014/40/EU) (TPD), manufacturers and importers of tobacco products are required to report information to the European Commission (EC) and Member States (MS) on products intended to be placed on the market. We describe the distribution of notifications to the EU Common Entry Gate (EU-CEG) and identify key fields for improvement on reporting cigarettes or roll-your-own (RYO) tobacco. METHODS A cross-sectional analysis of secondary data reported in the EU-CEG was conducted for tobacco products notified within EU-CEG between June 2016 and October 2019 for 12 EU MS. Analysis of compliance to specific regulations for priority additives that refer to cigarettes and RYO was conducted for 10 EU countries. RESULTS Overall, 39170 tobacco products were notified. This included 16762 (42.8%) notifications of cigars, followed by cigarettes 11242 (28.7 %), waterpipes 3291 (8.4%), cigarillos (n=1783), pipe (n=1715), RYO (n=1635), chewing tobacco (n=1021), novel tobacco products (n=839), herbal products for smoking (n=535), other (n=258), nasal (n=74) and oral tobacco (n=15). In cigarettes and RYO tobacco products, the proportion of ingredients notified in all countries that contained an unknown Chemical Abstract Services (CAS) number was 3.8% and 2.1%, respectively. The proportion of underreporting flagging of priority additives ranged from 15.9% in Malta to 41.3% in Lithuania, the mean proportion of underreporting of the variable 'priority additive' for the 10 countries together was 24.7%. CONCLUSIONS In the EU-CEG data base, for the period of analysis, a significant number of product notifications took place while large variations in the number of types of tobacco products notified across EU countries was noted. The timely monitoring of these data is needed so that products non-compliant within the EU-CEG system are assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The study aims to highlight opportunities for educational and non-governmental institutions in European Union member states to undertake initiatives that enhance and certify the digital skills of citizens and workers. Methods: The article is based on an exploratory research approach and presents mixed research methods and techniques. The first part presents a descriptive analysis of digital competencies in EU policy based on a review of literature and EU legislation. This was followed by a qualitative analysis based on data from Eurostat’s online database to diagnose the current level of digital competencies in the EU and trends in this area in recent years. Finally, a case study of an international educational project aimed at contributing to the achievement of the Union’s goals for improving the digital competencies of citizens and workers is presented. Results: The results obtained and their analysis indicate an urgent need to intensify educational efforts to improve digital competence in Europe. The case study can be used to raise and certify the level of digital competence for different target groups. Conclusions: From the point of view of the priorities set by the European Union, the digital competence of its citizens is unsatisfactory, and large discrepancies between countries in this area have been identified, which requires the implementation of more educational initiatives to develop digital resilience. Project-based learning initiatives generating open and free online tools for certifying existing and acquired digital skills in the EU are recommended. Developing a unified system of EU standards to prove the digital competence of citizens and workers can help on the way to achieving better competitiveness and sustainability of the European market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The objective of the article is to examine the influence of environmental policy stringency on the eco-innovation level, measured by a number of patents, in European Union countries. Research Design & Methods: The research method was quantitative. The study used ordinary least squares (OLS) panel regression analysis based on data covering 18 EU countries (Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, and Sweden) and a period from 2013 to 2020 (144 observations). In estimated models, gross domestic product per capita, material import dependency, and human resources in science and technology served as control variables. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, the European Innovation Scoreboard, Eurostat, and the World Bank were the data sources. Findings: Higher stringency of technology support and market-based instruments positively influences ecoinnovation-related patents in EU countries whereas more strict non-market-based instruments do not impact the eco-innovation level. Technology support instruments are more effective in stimulating eco-innovation than market-based instruments. Individual technology support instruments differ in their impact on eco-innovation with R&D subsidies being the most important. The stringency of feed-in tariffs and auctions is a significant factor triggering eco-innovation in the case of wind energy technologies, but not in the case of solar ones. Implications & Recommendations: This study suggests that stringent technology support and market-based instruments are effective in stimulating eco-innovation in EU countries considered in the research sample. The environmental policy aimed at fostering eco-innovation should concentrate on increasing R&D subsidies for clean technologies. Further tightening emission standards aiming to enhance eco-innovation level is not recommended. Contribution & Value Added: This study contributes to the literature on the importance of environmental policy stringency in fostering eco-innovation and provides new empirical evidence by examining not only instruments that may have an indirect impact on eco-innovation (i.e. market and non-market ones) but also technology support instruments, which have received less attention in previous studies. The analysis used data on the recently updated and improved OECD environmental policy stringency index. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists is the property of Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: The research aimed to identify practices applied by European companies regarding corporate social responsibility reporting and their relationship with the membership of companies in the United Nations Global Compact (UNGC) international organization. Research Design & Methods: In total, the research sample consisted of 935 companies from 34 European countries. To evaluate the statistical significance of the relationship between the selected variables, we used quantitative methods, including the Pearson chi-square test. Findings: On a large research sample, our research confirmed the impact of membership in the UNGC on non-financial reporting practices, such as: preparing integrated reports, reporting on sustainable development goals (SDGs), using the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) guidelines for multinational enterprises, International Organization for Standardization (ISO) 26000 corporate social responsibility guidelines, and decisions on external assurance of sustainability reporting. Implications & Recommendations: Conducted research has practical implications. Because the UNGC is an important factor in regard to social change towards corporate social responsibility (CSR) reporting practices, it requires further promotion in European Union (EU) member states. New company membership in UNGC can contribute to the development of CSR reporting. Contribution & Value Added: The article contributes to the literature on sustainability reporting because it provides new insights into the CSR reporting practices by public interest entities located in the EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The suspension of the enforcement of a return order under the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction and EU law, as well as the admissibility of modifying such an order, remains one of the most sensitive matters in cross-border family disputes. The article analyses EU Council Regulations 2201/2003 (Brussels IIa) and 2019/1111 (Brussels IIb) in terms of the objectives set by the EU legislator: strengthening the protection of the interests of the child and mutual trust of Member States in their justice systems. The text also refers to Polish law as an example of the evolution of the approach to the analysed issues. It presents its development, highlights the solutions concerning the competences of the Ombudsman for Children, and provides an assessment of the current legal situation in the context of Brussels IIb. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we examine how State aid policy in the European Union (EU) affects the level of economic growth. By applying several panel data econometric techniques, to a sample of 27 EU countries over the period 2007–2019, we investigate how state support and government interventions affect the level of economic growth in the EU member states. Based on the empirical findings, we document a positive impact of state aid programmes on fostering economic growth leaving significant room for the implementation of a new pan-European industrial policy. Lastly, we provide policy implications to government officials and policymakers on the effectiveness of the State Aid Modernization programme and the future of State aid control in the aftermath of the pandemic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of the mental health of the population is currently among the highlighted topics in all developed economies of the world. In the countries of the European Union, an increasing prevalence of mental illnesses in the population has recently been observed. This trend became even more pronounced in connection with the period of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020-2022. The article deals with the topic of evaluation of psychiatric care systems in the Czech Republic and EU countries. The goal is to evaluate the implementation of the mental health care system in the Czech Republic in comparison with EU countries. Within the framework of the research, the EU countries were ranked according to success in the implementation of mental health care based on the analysis of selected indicators describing the development and state of implementation of mental health care systems, including policies, legislation and prevention, and based on the use of the WSA multi-criteria method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use Eurobarometer data to examine barriers to international student mobility. Multivariate analysis is employed to study how individual characteristics are related to the obstacles preventing higher education students from participating in activities in another EU country. The results suggest that several demographic factors including area of residence, gender and age are associated with attitudinal, informational and financial barriers. These findings may help in the identification of measures to make international student mobility more inclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues against the idea that European Union (EU) member states (MSs) that have turned autocratic should be ejected from the EU to ensure that the latter does not itself violate the principle of democracy identified with the all subjected principle (ASP). First, the ASP requires that MSs be democratic before a decision to eject them would be acceptable and at that point, there is no reason to eject them. Second, if EU membership is voluntary as the protagonist of the above idea presupposes, any MS can decide to leave at any point in time and other MSs can decide to leave any MS behind and create a new European organization without it. Taken together, this means that the ASP, which pertains to permanent subjection (to EU law), is irrelevant already from the outset and cannot be used as the main premise for the argument for ejection. Finally, the very disagreement about what kind of organization the EU is and should become, implies that the democratic rights of citizens be given priority over the rights of states. This speaks against the legitimacy of ejecting MSs for democracy protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increasing trade tensions between the United States and China, pressures created by Brexit, and the COVID-19 pandemic, most trade scholars have focused on rising protectionism exhibited through defensive strategies such as tariffs and export controls. However, this focus ignores the fundamental shift in international trade goals of the United States and the European Union towards a values-based trade agenda. Instead of merely focusing on free trade based on efficiency and market access, trade regulators on both sides of the Atlantic have independently pursued measures designed to address environmental sustainability and social equity. These policies resonate with their domestic constituencies and allows them to promote their values along global supply chains. These values-based agendas, however, are likely to create new trade conflicts rather than partnerships. This is due in part to the fact that the transatlantic trade relationship remains embedded in international regulatory frameworks predominantly focused on efficiency gains and cutting red tape to ease the flow of products and services. Through two comparative case studies on cosmetics and medical devices, we highlight how the promotion of competitive liberalization in transatlantic trade has not generated the promised harmonization result. Instead, it has created social and environmental inequities. The case studies point out that to incorporate social and environmental equity adjustments for vulnerable and marginalized communities, trade regulators, negotiators, and lawyers alike ought to assess the ex-ante distributive effects in regulatory cooperation and the ex-post enforcement tools of regulation of their valuesbased trade agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the EU, in particular from its internal market, the customs union and all of the EU's international agreements, a new chapter in Europe's legal, economic and political history has begun. This note sets out the consequences of Brexit for investment protection and arbitration, focusing on EU-UK investment relations. In a first step, it addresses the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement's investment protection provisions and its unique dispute settlement mechanism before turning to the fate of the United Kingdom's bilateral investment treaties with EU Member States as well as the Energy Charter Treaty. Even though these investment treaties are likely to remain in force, the article concludes that, from the point of view of EU investors in the UK and UK investors in the EU, it can overall be seen as a clear omission that the Trade and Cooperation Agreement does not regulate investment protection in a comprehensive manner. The current situation leaves significant gaps in treaty protection, especially for investments from and into the Western EU Member States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the normative positioning of individual EU member states´ domestic interests and the EU´s prioritizing of security and business interests over its values, there is sometimes an overlap making the EU´s relations with the southern neighbourhood complicated. Consequently, it is important to understand how EU leaders assess their interests and what they have done in Tunisia as well as taking note of consistent cooperation and conflict with member states. The aim is to see if the rhetoric is in conformity with the actions or if normative speeches are used for justifying interests. Findings based on interviews with experts as well as content analysis of official documents and media coverage show that there is no policy area where speeches are based on values while actions are based on interests. Secondly, it is confirmed that an increase in interest-based policies at the member state level is associated with a decrease in value-based policies at the EU level, especially in the area of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the interaction between domestic and international variables which provides a look at Hungary's transition from domestic success story to democratic defector and offers a useful framework for understanding similar cases of democratic backsliding in the region. It explains the conditions that led to Viktor Orban's ascendancy and democratic backsliding in Hungary and how these conditions can explain patterns of autocratization in other countries in the region. It discusses Serbia, a European Union (EU) candidate country where the same conditions are met and patterns of autocratization hold as well as EU members Poland and Slovenia, where there are strong autocratic learnings but not all variables are present for autocratization to fully materialize.

Theoretical background: The role of banks in the economy has attracted scientific interest for many centuries now. Generally speaking, the relationship between financial development and economic growth has been widely discussed. Many studies investigated the links between the development of the financial sector and a given country’s social and economic growth using econometric methods such as cross-section, time series, panel data, company-level, industry-level and country level. The banking sector is an integral part of the economy and plays a key role in its development. Purpose of the article: The ownership status of financial institutions is not neutral for themselves or for their clients. The research problem deals with analysing the impact of ownership changes in the banking and insurance sector on the economic and social development of selected countries, especially in Poland, measured with basic macroeconomic indicators. The article attempts to verify the hypothesis that the ownership structure in banking and insurance institutions has, contemporarily, no significant impact on the socio-economic development indicators, provided that these institutions are guided by business- rather than policy-based criteria in their decision-making process. Research methods: Both qualitative and quantitative research was used to empirically verify the hypotheses in question. Qualitative research is based on descriptive analysis while quantitative research will include statistical information systemization method, based on statistical source data analysis, and static dependence methodology, including fixed effects and random effects panel models. Main findings: Literature studies and research show that moderation and pragmatism are needed in the financial sectors of EU countries, including Poland. We need both public (including state-owned) financial institutions (banks and insurers) and those controlled by private capital. It seems that today it would be difficult to accept that the entire financial sector of a given country would be taken over by public institutions – state-owned companies, and the omnipotence of private institutions would also be problematic. The main issue is proportions: instead of the exclusivity of one or the other form of ownership, one has to seek an intelligent balance between them (“this and that” instead of “either-or”). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to fill a gap in the literature on the externalisation of immigration control by focusing not on practices of extraterritorial immigration control but on the externalisation of immigration control at the EU external border. The article will examine four parallel and inter‐related trends of preventive injustice on the border: the denial of law and pushbacks, and their handling by judicial authorities and EU institutions and agencies; the emerging framework of the instrumentalisation of migration; the normalisation of border procedures based on the fiction of 'non‐entry'; and detention of third‐country nationals at the border, to back up non‐entry policies. The article will highlight the rule of law deficit such externalisation entails. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mutual trust in the Dublin III Regulation is justified by the assumption that all Member States respect the fundamental rights of asylum seekers and that it is therefore immaterial which Member State processes any given claim. This justification has been questioned in light of the treatment of asylum seekers in some Member States. Nonetheless, in order to circumvent a Dublin transfer on fundamental rights grounds, the Court of Justice of the EU has held that the risked violation must meet the threshold for inhuman or degrading treatment in Article 4 of the Charter. Recently, the Court rejected the proposition that another Charter right—the principle of the best interests of the child—could block Dublin transfers of families with children. Through a child‐rights analysis of the jurisprudence, this article explores the idea of exceptionality for children, concluding that there is potential for the best interests principle to trump mutual trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comment on Ermioni Xanthopoulou's insightful article starts by revisiting the nature and role of trust in the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) procedure, considering the recent developments in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) (from Aranyosi/Căldăraru to Bivolaru/Moldovan). It is argued that trust is distinct from the presumption of respect for fundamental rights that underlies mutual recognition. The exercise of trust is now monitored by those Courts, as a means of protecting individual rights. This rehabilitates the proper meaning of trust, which can be reinforced by assurances. Prison conditions and legal changes affecting the rule of law are analysed in this light, as 'drivers of distrust'. In sum, distrust can legitimately provide immediate protection for the individual, and the spectre of distrust causes the appreciation of trust, which in turn is beneficial for fundamental rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) and Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM) form the Banking Union, which comprises EU authorities (ECB and SRB) and national authorities (NCAs and NRAs) with vast powers. Although crucial for its legitimacy, the Banking Union's accountability is flawed, and not for the (stereo)typical reasons: accountability is a visible concept in SSM and SRM regulations, and political, administrative and judicial bodies are knowledgeable, engaged and thorough. Rather, this article posits that the SSM and SRM work very well because the legislature focused on practical details such as information flows, planning and continuity and coordination, while there has been no comparable effort to ensure the functioning of accountability tools. The result is a "system" characterised by limited access to crucial information, lack of continuity, and uncoordinated functioning. Changing this should not be hard but requires replacing blanket criticism and stereotypical views with greater attention to detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Improved legal status has been found to be associated with better labour market outcomes for immigrants, although causal effects remain difficult to ascertain. This article contributes to the debate on the 'citizenship/legal status premium' by providing quasi-experimental evidence based on the 2007 EU Eastern Enlargement, following which immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria, the new EU Member States, acquired the EU citizen status. The article also contributes to the literature on legal status effects, mainly focused on single-country studies, by comparing 'older' destination countries of Western Europe with 'newer' ones of Southern Europe. Results show that while EU citizenship acquisition is associated with higher employment rates in Western European countries, the association is null or negative in Southern European countries, where immigrants are more strongly urged to be employed. On the other hand, EU citizenship acquisition is more strongly associated with improvements in skill levels in Southern Europe, where immigrants are usually segregated in unskilled jobs, but only among men. In these countries, EU citizenship acquisition positively affects male self-employment chances as well. The article concludes that possible effects of improved legal status should be interpreted in light of different institutional contexts and models of immigrants' labour market incorporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists is the property of Polish Association of Agricultural & Agribusiness Economists and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article proposes a policy project, centered around coordinated collective bargaining at the European Union level, to redistribute income towards low-wage workers in post-crisis Europe. It suggests we allow labor unions in sectors employing low-wage workers to present common wage demands across sectors and EU Member States. It shows that this would make union wage increases less harmful to workers and consumers than under uncoordinated sectoral bargaining, while coming more directly at the expense of managers and investors. The article then describes existing EU legal institutions that—although they do not quite amount to the policy proposed here—constitute useful precedents for it. These institutions are European social dialogue, European Works Councils, and European Framework Agreements bargained for by multinational firms and worker representatives. The article also discusses doctrines of EU competition and internal market law that could potentially be held to prohibit European cross-sectoral collective bargaining coordination. The article lays out arguments in favor of finding such coordination lawful, so that it may form part of the EU’s policy arsenal to address wrenching economic inequalities worsened by the ongoing economic and health crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]