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Deciding how to relate to the Soviet past is a key question in the politics of memory for the societies and political elites of the post-Soviet countries. Throughout the post-Soviet decades Armenian political and intellectual elites tried to form a complex attitude to the Soviet past, neither rejecting, nor appropriating the Soviet legacy completely, but assimilating it within the paradigm of national history. Within this paradigm Soviet Armenia is viewed as a stage in the development of Armenian nationhood, as "the second republic", which links the first "attempt" at building a nation-state, "the first republic" of 1918–1920, to the "3rd republic", i.e. the post-Soviet state of Armenia. This paradigm, in which the Soviet past is neither completely rejected, or accepted, but certain elements of it are integrated into the national history narrative, is optimal for post-Soviet Armenia, given both the peculiarity of Armenia's historical experience (particularly the role played by Russia/USSR in the context of Armenian-Turkish relations), as well as the current geopolitical setting, in which Armenia and Russia are formal allies. This attitude, which can be described as "mnemonic ambiguity", allows the assertion of an independent and sovereign Armenian state as legitimate, while at the same time avoiding a confrontation with an ally in the realm of memory politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) bills itself as an alliance. It is seen as Russia's hedge to NATO, yet it often acts in an inconsistent manner vis-a-vis its members when they face crisis situations. These situations are complicated by the fact that the alliance engages in a policy of strategic ambiguity without making a firm commitment to either side of a dispute. Since Russia often acts as a security guarantor on a bilateral level for these states, staying in the alliance may become counterproductive. In order to prevent defection of its members and assuage their fears of abandonment, while maintaining this unofficial policy of strategic ambiguity, and thus help the alliance patron, Russia, avoid entanglement, reassurances are needed. These reassurances come in the form of sunk costs, specifically joint annual military exercise, and the 2022 intervention in Kazakhstan. These sunk costs by the CSTO enhance its reputation for reliability, while maintaining its policy of strategic ambiguity. They reassure its members, assuaging their fear of abandonment, and keeping them invested in the alliance. This will be shown through the use of process tracing in a case study that examines an internal alliance dilemma with two of the organization's members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the prevalent view positions data as an objective and unbiased resource of truth about the world, scholars have noted that this understanding cannot be all-encompassing and data activists may comprehend the relationship between knowledge, reality, and data differently. Data activists are civil society actors with a critical stance towards datafication; they either consider data as a political issue or employ it to advance desirable social change. This article investigates activists' data epistemologies in a twofold manner. First, it poses the question of how activists can simultaneously use a certain dataset while questioning its credibility. Second, the article explores how activists' data epistemology transforms other domains of socio-political grassroots interventions. To answer these questions, I turn to the case of the DTP Map – an interactive geoweb map of traffic accidents in Russia made by activists using the official governmental data. Turning to the concept of contentious data politics, I demonstrate how the project transforms by continuously dealing with the data's epistemologically ambiguous nature. In their data practices aimed at gaining and maintaining the users' trust, activists have tried to ensure their project will be employed by various collectives for the common goal of reducing traffic accidents in Russia. Their data practices can be considered both a repertoire of social change and a stake of activist intervention. Crucially, in the process of map-making, activists do not gain the epistemologically unambiguous view of data but rather they manage to retain this ambiguity and make it a constitutive part of their project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivated by the recently experienced systemic shocks (the COVID-19 pandemic and the full-fledged Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine)—that have created new forms of uncertainties to our supplies—this paper explores the supply chain robustness under risk aversion and ambiguity aversion. We aim to understand the potential consequences of deeply uncertain systemic events on the supply chain resilience and how does the information precision affect individual agents' choices and the chain level preparedness to aggregate shocks. Augmenting a parsimonious supply chain model with uncertainty, we analyse the relationship between the upstream sourcing decisions and the supply chain survival probability. Both risk-averse and ambiguity-averse individually-optimising agents' upstream sourcing paths are efficient but can become vulnerable to aggregate shocks. In contrast, a chain-level coordination of downstream firm sourcing decisions can qualitatively improve the robustness of the entire supply chain compared to the individual decision making baseline. Such a robust decision making ensures that in the presence of an aggregate shock—independently of its realisation—part of upstream suppliers will survive and the final goods' supply will be ensured even under the most demanding circumstances. Our results also indicate that an input source diversification extracts a cost in foregone efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since March 2020, Russia has been facing three lasting challenges of uncontrollable threat and uncertainty: the COVID-19 pandemic taking place at the global scale, and two national-level ones, the radical amendments to the Constitution and a drop in oil prices and national currency. We used this opportunity to investigate the way personality resources predict individual differences in the cognitive evaluations of uncertainty and emotional responses associated with each situation. We conducted a longitudinal study with 4 measurement waves between April and November 2020 in a sample of Russian-speaking volunteers (N = 219). The assessment of each of the three situations at each measurement occasion included the evaluation of its degree of certainty/uncertainty, general orientation, positive and negative emotions. We used repeated-measures ANOVA to explore the differences in cognitive appraisals and emotional reactions across time and situations, and multilevel modeling with random slopes to investigate the individual differences in the change trends for these variables. The results suggest that individuals with higher levels of personality resources tend to appraise the challenging situations as more certain, have a better sense of orientation in these situations, show more positive emotional responses, and exhibit more positive change trends over time reflecting successful adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years Russia has changed rapidly from a socio-economic point of view. The economic changes have led to the development of slang phraseological units (herefrom, PUs) in the business communication. The Russian jargon PUs are taken from the dictionary Pochti seryoznyj slovar' delovogo obscheniya (Pogrebnyak: 2007) and are translated into Italian, mostly via English, functioning as Intermediary Language (herefrom, IL). The materials consist in Russian slang PUs that are ambiguous, as it appears hard to understand, whether they are calques from IL or properly Russian expressions. The study underlines the importance of the IL to avoid ambiguity and of the idiomatic translation to both understand business culture and language. The functional equivalence is also taken into account as an interlinguistic equivalence strategy needed to find a communicative coincidence between Source Language (herefrom, SL) and Target Language (herefrom, TL) contexts. To conclude, the work attempts to facilitate informal business communication between Russian and Italian partners and to mitigate misunderstandings that may arise in the presence of cultural differences between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

De facto states are often portrayed as possessing little agency in conducting foreign policy. By demonstrating how Abkhazia segregates its audiences, applies strategic ambiguity, and plays different geopolitical roles, this article presents a more nuanced account of Abkhazia's foreign relations. Drawing on interviews conducted in Abkhazia, Georgia, Russia, and the European Union (EU), the author presents a diachronic and multi-sided account of how Abkhazia navigates the Russia – EU – Georgia triangle. De facto states play geopolitical roles to preserve de facto independence, mitigate the negative effects of non-recognition, and leverage resources to increase manoeuvring space. Two key strategies – audience segregation and strategic ambiguity – are examined through the analysis of Abkhazia's recently adopted foreign policy concept. The analysis shows Abkhazia's decreased interest in emulating EU member states and the rise of alternative roles of keeper of the status quo and (in)stability entrepreneur, while reactions to the document demonstrate the existence of an independent-minded and domestically contentious foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a NATO member, Turkey is formally an adversary of Russia. Moreover, Turkey's interests in the Middle East and the southern Caucasus frequently conflict with Russia's. Yet Turkey has forged a productive working relationship with Russia over the years of Erdogan's rule, with ties between the two ranging across defence, foreign policy and energy. In particular Turkey has finessed its reaction to the war in Ukraine: it has opposed Russia's invasion at the United Nations, provided lethal aid to Ukraine and limited Russian naval access to the Black Sea; at the same time Turkey has refused to implement Western sanctions, continued to buy Russian gas, and allowed Russian tourism and trade to continue. Neither Russia nor the West can force Turkey to become more accommodating to their interests: Turkey's key geostrategic location means it effectively has both sides over a barrel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this research is to study the specifics of the road accident rate formation processes in regions of the Russian Federation (2021) using information-entropic analysis. The typical research approaches (correlation-regression, factorial analyses, simulation modelling, etc.) do not always allow us to identify its specificity. It is impossible to evaluate the quality of the researched process's structure using these methods. However, this knowledge is required to understand the distinctions between high-quality road safety management and its opposite. In order to achieve the goal of the research methodology based on the use of the classical approaches of C. Shannon, the quantitative value of information entropy H was elaborated. The key components of this method are the modelling of the cause-and-effect chain of road accident rate formation and the consideration of the relative significances of individual blocks of the process in achieving the final result. During the research the required statistical data were collected and the structure of the road accident rate formation process in 82 regions of the Russian Federation in the format "Population P—Fleet of vehicles NVh—Road Traffic Accidents NRA—RTA Victims NV—Fatality Cases ND" was analyzed. The fact that the structure of the road accident rate formation process is extremely specific in different Russian regions was shown. Exactly this specificity forms the degree of ambiguity in the state of Russian regional road safety provision systems in terms of the probability of death in road accidents. The main conclusion of this research is that information-entropic analysis can be successfully used to assess the structural quality of road safety systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integrated navigation of single-frequency global navigation satellite system (GNSS) and inertial navigation system (INS) has broad application prospects with the development of multi-constellation GNSS. However, GNSS signals are susceptible to interference from a complex environment, which results in low-quality observations. The combination of frequencies cannot be applied for a single-frequency signal, so it is difficult to fix the ambiguity and process cycle slip. Therefore, the method of ambiguity resolution and cycle slip processing with INS aiding is proposed in this paper. When full ambiguities cannot be completely fixed, a subset of ambiguity is determined based on the elevation angle and posteriori residuals. The satellite is firstly eliminated one by one if the absolute value of posteriori residual is over the set threshold. And if the ambiguities still cannot be fixed, the satellite with the minimum elevation angle is eliminated each one. The short-term and high-accuracy position predicted by the INS was used as the constraint equation of the cycle slip detection. The unit weight mean square error of the cycle slip detection equation was used to identify the epoch where the cycle slip occurs, and the residual calculated by robust estimation was used to detect and repair the cycle slip. A set of data collected by a vehicle was used to analyze the proposed method. The experimental results showed that the proposed partial ambiguity resolution can obtain the optimal ambiguity fixing rate and positioning performance compared with the full ambiguity resolution and partial ambiguity resolution based on the elevation angle. The proposed algorithm can effectively detect and accurately repair the cycle slip for the simulated small and large cycle slips, and the cycle slips can still be detected when the global positioning system (GPS), global navigation satellite system of Russia (GLONASS), and BeiDou navigation satellite system (BDS) were outage for 10 s, 5 s, and 10 s without sufficient visible satellites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The study tested how the Recency Preference and Predicate Proximity model (Gibson et al. in Cognition 59(1):23-59, 1996, https://doi.org/10.1016/0010-0277(88)90004-2 ) plays out by examining the attachment preferences of native Russian speakers when processing locally ambiguous participial relative clause sentences with three potential NP attachment sites in Russian. Using a self-paced reading task, reading times and noun phrase selection responses were collected. Results showed significantly shorter reading times at the disambiguating region and higher accuracy rate of selection in the high-attaching condition than in the middle- and low-attaching conditions. No significant differences were found between the middle- and low-attaching conditions. We argue that Predicate Proximity is a much stronger factor than Recency Preference in Russian., (© 2024. The Author(s).)