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Over the past 25 years, a hermeneutic struggle has unfolded in English football between those spectators who wish to stand at matches and the risks associated with this practice in all-seated stadia. Amid this tension, fans have had to negotiate a neoliberal and authoritarian regime. However, the struggles of supporters against social control in football are characterized by the building of a long-term social movement against all-seating. In seeking to break down the state's disciplinary power and its marketization of football, this movement, "Safe Standing," has achieved several recent policy-based victories in the United Kingdom and Europe and is now firmly embedded within sports stadia developments and the demands of fans in North America and Australasia. Although these different contexts are temporally and culturally sensitive, they are interdependently linked through relational time frames and discursive practices that make up the modern consumption of football. This research applies relational sociology to analyze the fan networks that successfully built this movement across the U.K. fan activist scene, characterized by relational collective action, which complicates the individual and collective dimensions of activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK‐based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro‐inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti‐inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro‐inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti‐inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a comparative study of the civil society reaction to right-wing populism in power through social media, by looking at cases in Italy and the United Kingdom. The research question is how social movements are implementing a process of reactive political identity construction – i.e. political identification – and a political counter-strategy by opposing right-wing populism in power through their Facebook official accounts. It implements a mixed-method research design with in-depth semi-structured interviews and a two-step quantitative text analysis based on Topic Model and Dictionary Method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Public involvement is important to the relevance and impact of health and care research, as well as supporting the democratisation of research. In 2020, the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) reorganized and eliminated INVOLVE, an internationally recognised group that had played a central role in public involvement in the UK since 1996. Its remit was subsumed within a new center tasked with public involvement, participant recruitment, and evidence dissemination. A year later, in 2021, interested parties came together to discuss the evolution of INVOLVE and consider how to retain some of the important historical details and learn lessons from its long and important tenure. Methods: We hosted a witness seminar in 2022 that was one of four work groups and brought together public involvement leaders that had been part of the conception, development, and evolution of INVOLVE between 1995 and 2020. Witness seminars are a method used to capture the complexity and nuance of historical events or initiatives. They support critical thinking and reflection rather than simple commemoration. We identified those who had played a role in INVOLVE history, ensuring diversity of perspective, and invited them to attend and speak at the seminar. This took place during two sessions where witnesses provided their recollections and participated in a facilitated discussion. Results: Across the two online sessions, 29 witnesses attended and contributed thoughts and recollections. Two authors (SS, MP) identified six themes that were described in the witness seminar report and have been discussed, elaborated, and illustrated with witness quotations. These are: the importance of historical perspective; INVOLVE as a social movement; how INVOLVE worked (e.g. its hospitality, kindness, and inclusivity); INVOLVE as a quiet disruptor; public involvement evidence, knowledge, and learning; the infrastructure, processes, and systems developed by INVOLVE; and the demise and loss of INVOLVE as an internationally recognized center of excellence. Discussion: The authors of this commentary reflected on the discussions that took place during the witness seminar and the themes that emerged, and share six broad learnings for future practice; (1) it is important to create and nurture public involvement communities of practice; (2) collaborative ways of working support open discussion amongst diverse groups; (3) be aware of the tensions between activism and being part of the establishment; (4) continued efforts should be made to build an evidence base for public involvement practice; (5) there are both benefits and drawbacks to having a centralized organization leading public involvement; and (6) support for public involvement in research requires a fit-for-purpose tendering process that embeds robust public involvement. Background: Involving members of the public in research can improve the way that research is planned, managed, and shared. Between 1996 and 2020 an organization in the UK called INVOLVE had an important role in public involvement in research. When INVOLVE lost this role, some people who had been part of the group got together to think about how to save some of the important information and learn lessons from the time it had existed. Methods: A meeting was arranged where people who have been part of an event or topic get together to share what it was like for them. This was called a witness seminar and it took place online over two days in 2022. Twenty-nine people attended and spoke about their experiences. Results: The people who attended the witness seminar had different ideas about why INVOLVE was important and agree that it is now missed. People talked about INVOLVE as part of a certain time in history and said it was a social movement. They felt that it was kind and caring, brought together lots of people with different ideas, and supported changes in thinking. INVOLVE had a focus on evidence and learning and created structure and systems to support public involvement in research. Losing INVOLVE was difficult because a lot of people within the UK and beyond looked to them as a leader in public involvement. We share quotes on all of these topics. Discussion: In this article we looked at how people remembered INVOLVE and thought about what information could be saved. We share lessons that will support thinking about the future of public involvement. These include things like how important it is for there to be spaces for people to come together to learn, discuss, and share, and that we have more work to do to understand public involvement and fully include it in research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voice is central to claims-making and contestations around gender equality. This article engages with a diverse set of literature, social and feminist movement theory, and gender and development scholarship, to foreground voice in the analysis of the discursive strategies of backlash actors and the counter-actions by feminist coalitions. Drawing on rich discussions with feminist academic-activists based in the global South and the UK, the article unpacks the various conceptual and methodological challenges that emerge in researching feminist collective voice in countering backlash, particularly on matters such as intersectionality and building collective feminist voice; intra-movement backlash and fragmentation of voice; capturing subtler forms of expressions of agency; and the cyclical nature of backlash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last several years, the United Kingdom has seen a wave of environmental movements demanding action on the climate crisis. While aligned in their goals, the groups undertaking this activism often diverge on the question of tactics. One such divergence occurred in January 2023, when Extinction Rebellion (XR) declared "We Quit", ending actions that were disruptive to the general public. Peer groups Just Stop Oil and Animal Rising continued disruptive actions, viewing them as the best way to gain media coverage for their causes. Despite the urgency of addressing climate change and the growing prominence of direct action in British life, little research has examined how the news media covers and reacts to different climate actions. News media plays a vital role in influencing the public's perception of the climate crisis and "appropriate" responses. We assembled a unique dataset of British news coverage of climate actions over a 7 month period, covering both before and after XR's "We Quit" statement. Our results reveal that conservative publications cover climate actions more unfavorably and more inaccurately than other publications. Legal actions are generally covered more favorably than illegal ones in both conservative and non-conservative outlets and receive more coverage. Actions that target industry attract more coverage than those that target other actors, while actions that target the public are covered more favorably than those that do not. These results contribute to the scholarly debates surrounding the interaction between social movements and news media, especially on how different strategies potentially influence the extent and affective nature of coverage. They have implications for strategies adopted by climate advocates, depending on whether their goal is merely to draw attention to an issue or if it is to generate positive coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a framing of solidarity as both activism and community care work in diasporic South Asian (sometimes referred to as "Desi") communities in the US and the UK. From the vantage point of the researcher as a pansexual Indian-American activist herself, this article draws conclusions based on ethnographic research and interviews conducted with lesbian, gay, queer, and trans activists during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic and Black-led uprisings against police and state violence in the US and the UK. These conversations and this article particularly examine the participation of Desi activists and their peers in these movements, and their explorations of different modes of solidarity, from joint struggle to allyship to coconspiratorship and community transformation. They ultimately argue that queerness in Desi diaspora fosters solidarity through care that nurtures relationships across and between the diverse groups that make up LGBTQ + communities and the Desi diaspora, as well as between Desi, Black, and other racialized and diasporic communities. By examining lesbian, gay, trans, and broadly queer South Asian activists' relationships to each other and to other racialized groups in struggle, this article conceptualizes a framing of solidarity and Black and Brown liberation together that transcends difference, transphobia and TERFism, and anti-Blackness through centering kinship and care. Through the intimacies borne out of months and years on the frontlines of struggle together, this article argues that deepening an understanding of activism, kinship, and care together in Desi diasporic organizing is key to building a solidarity that imagines and moves toward new and liberated worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding disabled youth activism is key for improving young disabled people's participation in politics and social change. Young disabled people require opportunities to situate historical and biographical experiences within broader socio-economic contexts. This will lead to a politicised consciousness surrounding disability, emancipation and social justice. This article presents empirical data from the first study on young disabled people's contemporary position within the UK Disabled People's Movement. It critically assesses three areas pertinent to youth activism: activist membership, social movement organisation and future considerations for activism. This allows for an exploration of how young disabled activists navigate collective action, influence activist claims and demands and understand the issues for sustaining a disabled people's social movement. The article illustrates young disabled activists' desire to disrupt their current position within the UK Disabled People's Movement and bring into focus a future where young disabled people's contributions to activism and social movements are accessible, valued and influential. The article argues that a failure to support young disabled people's participation within social movements will have an adverse impact on their political identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extinction Rebellion emerged in 2018 in the United Kingdom, and their activism quickly attracted the media spotlight, leading to similar groups springing up around this world. This swift ascendancy led to considerable interest in what is new or different about them. In this article, we review existing theories about this, and add an additional perspective. We argue that their most innovative feature is how they connect their tactics to their goals—i.e. their disruptive strategy. We use an original survey of members to support this argument. Our conclusions help pinpoint what is innovative about Extinction Rebellion UK, as well as to better understand their lessons for the broader environmental movement, especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the prime ministers of the United Kingdom and Australia both declared their intent to ban indirect, or secondary, boycotts. In the United Kingdom, the ban was directed against public bodies engaging in the "boycott, divest, and sanction" (BDS) campaign against Israel. In Australia, the proposed ban was directed against environmental action groups. Research on market-based activism to date has focused primarily on conceptualizing the use of the market by nonstate actors to achieve social change, with less attention paid to the role of the state in these dynamics. State efforts to curtail social movements' repertoires of contention require careful scrutiny to understand the state's role in legitimizing or delegitimizing political activism and to reveal the complex power dynamics between corporations, social movements, and the state. This article analyzes two key instances of the state declaring an intent to prevent activists from protesting through the market. By investigating how indirect boycotts were problematized by state actors, we aim to reveal the rationale behind the state's intervention in marketplace politics. Our findings indicate that opposition to the political cause behind the boycott, rather than a problematization of the strategy itself, drives state intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across four experimental studies (NStudy 1 = 466, a hypothetical movement in Bhutan, NStudy 2 = 447, a hypothetical movement in the United Kingdom, NStudy 3 = 463, a hypothetical movement in Bhutan, NStudy 4 = 460, a real movement in the United States) and an integrated data analysis, we examined when third parties (i.e., those who are not actively engaged in the movement) will support a social movement that permits the use of violence. In Studies 1–3, third parties were more willing to support violence when it was framed as having shifted to violence when nonviolence failed to achieve their goals. Mediation analyses revealed that a shift toward permitting violence reduced support to the extent that the shift created perceived moral decline in the social movement (Studies 1–3), but increased when the shift was perceived to be a last resort (Study 3). Last, we showed (Study 4) most effects disappear when third parties are told that they may be in close proximity to the violence (Study 4). These suggest third parties can and do support the use of violence as well as when and why such support is offered. Public Significance Statement: This study suggests that people may be more supportive of a historically nonviolent social movement who recently change its strategy to violence as opposed to a historically violent movement. Moreover, changing strategy from nonviolence to violence damages the moral image of the movement and leads to receiving less support from the third party observers. Policy makers and movement leaders may take into account the history of the movement and potential consequences of changing strategy from nonviolent to violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Since the start of the Carers' Movement research into unpaid care and carers has been used to advocate for policy change. The purpose of this paper is to address the changes in research into unpaid care and carers since the start of the Carers' Movement and to explore the relationship between these changes and social policy. Design/methodology/approach: This research paper is based on a qualitative study of documents within the Carers UK archive. Findings: Research into unpaid care and carers has changed focus from caregiving as an identity and lifestyle to an interruption to "normal" life and employment. Changes in research are intertwined with changes in policy, with research evidencing advocation for policy change and policy change fuelling further research. Changes in the methodology of this research exposes transition points in the Carers' Movement and in social research more broadly. Practical implications: This paper contributes to critical understandings of the relationship between research into unpaid care and caring and policy. The paper also contributes to debates on methodology, exploring how the methodological zeitgeist presents in archived research. Social implications: Understanding how current research into unpaid care and carers has been developed and acknowledging the role of policy in research development brings available data on unpaid care and caring under scrutiny. Originality/value: This paper is original in developing a critical analysis of the relationship between research into unpaid care and carers and social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's flat track roller derby is a grassroots full-contact sport underpinned by an explicit gender policy stating that any self-identifying woman can play, including those who are transgender and gender diverse (TGD). Adopting a queer-feminist lens, this research examined attitudes toward and experiences of gender inclusivity in the sport from the perspective of cis and TGD athletes in the United Kingdom. Reflexive thematic analysis, drawing on survey (n = 153) and interview (n = 20) data, examined how roller derby offers a space accepting of different identities; its underpinning principles surrounding body positivity and how it is perceived a social movement, involving a community of individuals sharing values of equality, diversity and inclusion. This research shows that an inclusive rhetoric surrounding gender not only engages TGD individuals in sport but offers a space for marginalised and alternative identities to participate together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The moral and justice dimensions of climate change are uncomfortable and commonly avoided in the conversations of day-to-day UK life. This 'silence' impedes the genesis of a public discourse to drive justice-oriented social and political change. Two social realms identified as silence-breaking are social movements and personal relationships, yet the potential of this intersection has yet to be explored. This article applies Goffman's theories of interaction to a qualitative study of UK-based climate activists to show how silence around climate justice is often a means to avoid relationship conflict, and the ways in which this is negotiated within everyday interactions. Activist participants faced conversational resistance through normative avoidance of climate-related death talk, and from negative environmental activist stereotyping. In efforts to protect relationships while promoting their climate politics, participants backgrounded their activist identity, slowly 'chipped away' at climate obstruction through social and sustainable practices, and prioritised humour. Breaking silences required taking relationship risks through radical environmentalist 'killjoy-talk': a deliberate, politicised transgression of polite conversation norms. The article reflects on the normativities and loci of power discursively obstructing a moral engagement, and the potential for activists' practical and discursive strategies to work against these to normalise politicised climate talk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores UK school students' protest activism relating to their schools' policies and practices, drawing on two datasets: 1) a newspaper analysis of media reports relating to school protests between 2000 and 2021; 2) a survey of 800 secondary school pupils in Wales. Drawing on social movements literature and adapting concepts for the school environment, we present a framework for exploring children's protest repertoires that distinguishes between institutionalised, legitimated and disruptive forms of activism. Our analysis outlines trends in pupil protest activities and explores stated motivations for protesting. We find that pupils are using a broad range of protest actions, often in combination, to voice concerns about school-based issues. Our data also suggest that pupils link their grievances to wider themes of social justice, rights, fairness and solidarity. Using principles of critical pedagogy, our study challenges hegemonic and deficit-laden ideas about children's (mis)behaviour as potential mis-readings of activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 2000s, governments in many Western democracies have introduced policies and practices to prevent radicalization and violent extremism (PRVE). This has led to the formation of a new policy arena in which an increased number of actors are tasked with PRVE work. The diverse set of actors and methods involved affect social movements in new and complex ways, but also challenges the established knowledge and analytical focus of research on the repression of social movements. In this article, we propose a conceptual framework that attends to the causes, content and consequences of protest control. We use it to examine interaction between actors in the PRVE arena and to highlight issues that are underexplored in repression research. To elucidate these issues, we use empirical examples from our own research on measures to counter extremist milieus in the Nordic countries and the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the literature of social movements and emotions, this article analyses a case of the union-led movement against outsourcing in the UK. Our focus is on the emotional processes of collective identity formation and the movement culture of new grassroot unions, addressing the themes of movement culture, collective identity and political solidarity. Data consists of participant observations, interviews, and additional website and media material. The results show that the movement culture of the new grassroot unions is characterised by direct action and a collective identity based on a proud re-centring of BAME workers as subjects of labour struggles. Key emotional processes consist of sharing emotions of humiliation, anger, and exclusion, but also joy and feelings of solidarity. A crucial part of the movement's expansion is due to the construction of political solidarity and coalition-building. The results demonstrate the importance of heeding the crucial mobilising power of shared emotions in the analysis of new labour unions. The article contributes to labour movement research with an enhanced understanding of immaterial claims on dignity, respect and care, alongside the cognitivist focus on material work conditions and labour rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on understanding the rise of anti-vaxxer movements. It examining the motivations and actions driving campaigns against vaccination; using case studies from the United Kingdom (UK), France, Austria and Canada; recent anti-vaxxer actions and protests; the historical context of anti-vaxx movements; and the diverse groups and motivations that contribute to the modern anti-vaxxer movement.

Research indicates that when mainstream news media report about demonstrations, protesters often face delegitimizing coverage. This phenomenon, known as the "(journalistic) protest paradigm," is thought to be a default mindset that leads journalists to emphasize the method of protesters over their message. However, empirical work has so far limited itself to specific protest movements or events and only covers brief periods. This study first identifies and then codes the main frames in all reports about domestic protest in the United Kingdom. Analysing data that covers eight national newspapers during a 26 year period (N = 27,496), I provide a more systematic understanding of how the mainstream news media in liberal democracies report about protests. The analysis shows that a stable majority of articles uses frames linked to the protest paradigm throughout the time period. However, a substantial and growing number of articles employ legitimizing frames—either on their own or co-existing with delegitimizing framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foregrounding fluid processes of group identity re/formation, this article advances the debates on the nature of collective mobilisation among diasporas. Specifically, it contributes to a relatively underexplored diaspora studies sub-field: the role of religion in diasporic identity formation. Empirical material from the immigrant group Muslims of Sri Lankan origin in the United Kingdom indicates that religious identities play a key role in the process of formation of political identities and framing under the concept of one ummah. Further, critical events and crisis situations in places of origin mobilise these groups to form social and solidarity movements. This article contributes to ongoing debates on the constructivist approach to diaspora engagement, which goes beyond the conventional ways of understanding diasporas as 'dispersed victims'. To this end, I argue that the diasporic characteristics are contingent upon the collective experience and embodiment of crisis situations at home and host sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the histories of Unemployed Workers' Centres to consider the politicisation of unemployment in the UK. Drawing upon archive material and over 50 oral histories, it considers the emergence of centres as a response to a crisis of increasing unemployment and retrenchment of the welfare state. The paper indicates how Asef Bayat's concept of "non‐movement" proves useful for capturing a wider sphere of labour organising, moving beyond more conventional spaces and actions. This approach critically revisits the role of centres in conversation with emerging work in labour geography and social movements studies around the fostering of solidarities. It reveals tensions around their making, whilst also stressing the potential of seemingly small acts when held alongside campaigns. Revisiting this repertoire of activity reveals the persistence of trade union engagements with communities beyond the workplace, as well as a critical insight into the politics of space in forging such alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Education movement was a remarkable coalition of national reform movements that emerged at the turn of the twentieth century. As a heterogeneous movement that was united only in its opposition to the schooling system at the time, its structure and boundaries in the UK have remained a matter of academic debate. This article implements the previously proposed idea of treating New Education as a social movement and analysing the networks between reformers. A social network analysis of the central 58 reformers suggests that the movement was initially divided into two ideologically separate subgroups, but that from ca. 1905 onwards the reformers were strongly interconnected despite their different interests. Thus, by focusing on the social structure of the movement's core rather than its educational thought, the article challenges the assumption that the New Education movement was fragmented and characterised by tensions. It also furthers the discussion on the feasibility of social network analysis for studying educational reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Greta Thunberg's school strike in Stockholm in August 2018 and the October 2018 'declaration of rebellion' by activists in the UK, 2019 saw several climate protest movements rise to public attention, including Fridays for Future (FFF), Extinction Rebellion (XR), and the US Sunrise Movement. What is striking about them is that they rather bluntly refer to science in their campaigns. In this paper, we present an in-depth and comparative study of how the new climate protest movements relate to scientific evidence. Employing a narrative analysis of different types of data (websites, press releases, and media coverage), we study the movements' understandings of 'the science' as well as of science's role in policy processes. We find that the movements in their initial phase predominantly rely on science for their legitimation and adopt a scientific worldview with very little 'green ambivalence'. Notably, FFF and XR hold a deficit model of existing climate communication and enact roles as science communicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thus, Occupy activists with a commons and anti-capitalist ethos were reluctant to employ proprietary social media platforms. In other words, the advent of social media enriched the communication ecology of social movements and refined the activists' understanding of how to use each medium in the ecology more effectively. Pre-social media phase: the Global Justice Movement, websites and email lists The pre-social media period began roughly in the mid-1990s and ended with the 2011 wave of mobilisations. [Extracted from the article]

Social movement scholars have increasingly examined how political intersectionality helps reveal and explain whose issues and interests are marginalised or privileged within particular activist spaces and discourses. Hitherto, much of the intersectional analysis into social movements has interrogated questions of sameness, difference and power in relation to feminist, anti-racist and queer organising; this article builds upon our knowledge of social movements and intersectionality by exploring the perceptions and experiences of disability activists in the UK. The research draws upon 24 semi-structured interviews undertaken with disability rights activists, finding that a traditional emphasis on unity means that those who are multiply marginalised still experience a silencing of issues and interests of importance to them; moreover, while there is a recognition of difference, this is principally understood in relation to impairment or social class. Simultaneously, the research finds evidence of an increasing tendency amongst disability activists in the UK to engage with intersectionality, both in how they understand disability but also in terms of how they organise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental nongovernmental organizations (ENGOs) need resources in order to mount campaigns and ensure their stability over time. What is the most effective strategy to attract these resources? Building upon research on social movement strategy and resource mobilization, we examine how a diversity of income sources, tactics, and issue focus affects three measures of mobilization outcomes: income, staff, and members. We examine these relationships using a unique panel data set of ENGOs in the UK collected by the Environmental Funders Network in 2013 and 2016. Our analyses show that using a more diverse range of tactics in wave 1 is associated with mobilizing more staff and members in wave 2. However, there is no significant penalty or payoff for groups that engage in issue or income diversification. We argue that diversifying tactics benefits organizations by helping them accrue the necessary human resources required for environmental action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Covid-19 pandemic exposes the vulnerabilities of our globalised agri-food system, local sustainable food alternatives, such as community-supported agriculture (CSA), are on the rise. In CSA local farmers and households co-produce food sustainably and independently of the market. CSA's benefits and shortcomings are well-understood but we know little about how larger CSA networks can expand and consolidate the practice at scale. This paper investigates the UK CSA network, showing its ability to upscale, outscale and downscale CSA through institutionalisation, replication and politicization, before discussing the network's strategic limitations and dependencies. • The pandemic has fuelled interest in community supported agriculture (CSA) in the UK. • CSA networks engage not just in business exchange but political activism and advocacy. • CSA can be scaled up, out and down via institutionalisation, diffusion and education. • The UK CSA network has greatly expanded in size and tactical scope in the past year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the grassroots anti-Brexit movement in the UK and its failure to prevent a hard Brexit. The lack of support from elites, internal divisions, and ineffective messaging are identified as key factors contributing to this failure. The article contributes to the literature on pro-EU movements and social movements more broadly. It analyzes the political context, mobilizing structures, and messaging of the anti-Brexit movement, highlighting its inability to present a positive vision of EU integration. The authors conclude that it is difficult to determine whether the movement's failure was due to its own deficiencies or the overwhelming obstacles it faced. [Extracted from the article]

This paper draws on 10 months of empirical research observing how the Scottish independence movement mobilized during 2020, the unique period of time when the UK was beset with overlapping crises: Brexit and the Covid-19 Pandemic. When the pandemic forced a cessation of physical demonstrations in March, we employed a mixed-methods research design combining manual and automatic classification of tweets with qualitative content analysis of semi-structured interviews, in order to illuminate both how the independence movement responded to the pandemic in organizational and strategic terms, as well as providing a reflection of how activists reflected on the purposes and context of their activities. We conceptualise the cessation of activities as a period of 'abeyance' and ask how Scottish independence activists worked to stay mobilized during lockdowns. We found that the movement utilized a variety of strategies, including online events, and by framing independence as a response to these crises. In pointing to the mishandling of the pandemic by the Conservative government in Westminster, and the oncoming end of the Brexit transition period, for example, activists were able to emphasise the importance and urgency of the movement's cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is sometimes argued that unprecedented and drastic interventions to mitigate the economic and social effects of the pandemic must herald the diminution of neoliberal ideology in guiding UK government responses. However, by reference to government approaches to the previous crisis in 2008, and the recession that followed, that view is here considered to be simplistic, resting in part upon an over-narrow understanding of neoliberalism. Instead, it is argued that neoliberal ideology was maintained and further embedded in responding to the financial crisis and recession, especially apparent in the prolonged austerity regime that followed. How this ideology has remained influential in guiding government responses to the pandemic is next demonstrated, and some negative consequences highlighted for both public health and social welfare. Prospects for challenging the influence of neoliberalism are then considered. In some respects, the pandemic may have enhanced resistance to such challenges by, for instance, fragmenting the cohesion of workforces, but it has also generated countervailing forces. These include the emergence of mutual aid groups and social movements which could beneficially coalesce via a human rights framework in undermining the continuing dominance of neoliberal ideology and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines collective action and the alliances between social movement organizations engaged in the work of solidarity with disabled people within and across borders during austerity. Building upon social movement theory, specifically political opportunities and resource mobilisation, we focus our analysis on data from in-depth interviews with thirty-five organizations at the UK and European levels, where we examine both how solidarity is operationalized by such organizations and the everyday cooperation and alliances they build with others in a UK policy context that has been hostile to disabled people and a European context which disabled people's solidarity organizations have sought to seize as political opportunities. Our study therefore adopts a multi-level approach by analysing the building of alliances between organizations at the local, national and transnational levels and it reveals the impact of the political context and organisational pressures which can diminish resources and generate competition, thus placing strains on solidarity between disabled people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article uses qualitative content analysis to investigate the role of the communicative tactics used by the UK campaign group, The People's Assembly Against Austerity, to reach voters in the 2015 and the 2017 general elections. It focuses on the heuristic of trust and analyses the language of the tactics used by the group as they campaigned against the policies of the governments at the time. Analysis reveals that in both elections The People's Assembly employed existing electoral campaigning strategies, such as negative campaigning and political advertising, alongside novel tactics such as a protest song, that were all aimed at the voter and sought to shine a light on the pro-austerity policies of the incumbent Conservative government. This pattern shows that a group within the broader UK anti-austerity social movement was actively engaging in the parliamentary political process in an attempt to communicate with voters. What this insight does is emphasise the role of social movement communication in electoral campaigning and posits the dimension of 'social movement–voter interaction', which largely remains absent in both the fields of social movement research and political communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on social movements shows a bias towards movements that oppose the status quo. Consequently, state–movement relations are primarily characterised as antagonistic. Where cooperative relationships are considered, the focus is on co-option and institutionalisation of movements. By contrast, this article focuses on social movements that support the status quo and how in their collaborations with governmental actors, they act as para-statal agencies. Drawing on findings from a multi-site ethnography examining the implementation of the UK Prevent counter-terrorism programme, I show how neoconservative think tanks and counter-extremism civil society organisations help to enact and extend Prevent as a distinct form of political repression. As such, this article gives close attention to the otherwise neglected role that non-state actors play in non-violent political repression. My argument builds on and extends emerging work analysing social movement activity beyond the prism of the 'challengers versus authorities' paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores why equality bargaining appears to remain underdeveloped despite its widely acknowledged potential for tackling workplace inequalities. The concept from social movement theory of 'framing' is utilised to assess the prospects of moving from 'where we are'. Findings from a study of UK-based union equality actors discuss unceasing efforts on their part to shift equality from the margins to the centre of union bargaining activity. As regards 'where to next', Equality Officers' strategic deployment of the longstanding union equality frames of 'women's issues' and 'gender mainstreaming' challenges taken-for-granted social practices within unions, offering some optimism that creative strategies can help to inject equality frames into traditional union frames, thus producing an expanded and inclusive notion of union solidarity. However, this framing activity occurs within existing opportunity structures with all their facilitative and inhibitive factors, including resistant union officers and reps, which previous research has highlighted. Therefore, a less optimistic vision is that the weight of union tradition that has long privileged male interests, combined with contemporary hostile bargaining conditions, are just too great for equality bargaining to reach its full potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parkrun is a mass sporting community event which presents itself as a global social movement that aims to create a healthier and happier population. Existing research has explored the impact of parkrun on physical and mental wellbeing, and the mechanisms through which it may change physical activity behaviours. This paper draws upon a UK-wide survey of 8157 parkrunners to explore the subjective athletic identities of those who initially self-identified as non-runners. We examine how identity change is associated with perceptions and experiences of parkrun and demonstrate that parkrun has facilitated subjectivity change that leads many former non-running parkrunners to engage in running outside of the event. Using a Bourdieusian framework we argue that those who frequently engage in parkrun perceive a variety of health and performance changes that become legitimising factors for new health/sport behaviours. Our data add to existing research by demonstrating that parkrun provides a platform for individuals to become 'runners', whilst also offering a sociological explanation of how behaviour change may occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years there has been an increase in election-focused activity undertaken by non-party organisations. This activism concerns issues such as political education, cross-party collaboration, voter registration, and voter advice. Using the 2017 and 2019 UK general elections as case studies, we take a strategic action field approach to analyse how this campaign space is developing. We demonstrate the existence of competing logics of activism associated with the fields of social movements, electioneering, and 'civic tech'. This leads to conflicts related to ethos, time, organisational hybridity, activism, funding and regulation, with such issues frequently shaped by the affordances offered by digital technology. Our findings contribute towards better understandings of how these actors operate in, and attempt to influence, the contemporary electoral landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A body of research has shown that violent protests reduce support for social movements. However, few studies have examined whether the same is true for protests which are peaceful, yet disruptive (e.g., blocking traffic). Across two pre-registered experimental studies, we explored whether pro-vegan protests that are depicted as causing social disruption lead to more negative attitudes towards veganism, compared to non-disruptive protests or a control condition. Study 1 utilised a combined sample of Australian and United Kingdom residents (N = 449; M age = 24.7 years). Study 2 employed a larger sample of undergraduate Australian students (N = 934; M age = 19.8 years). In Study 1, disruptive protests were associated with more negative attitudes towards vegans, but only among women. In Study 2, no such effect was found. Instead, a significant main effect was found for the protest's cause (vegan vs. fast fashion), but not protest type (disruptive vs. non-disruptive). That is, reading about a vegan protest, irrespective of how disruptive it was, led to worse attitudes towards vegans, and greater defense of meat consumption (i.e., endorsement of meat eating as natural, necessary, and normal), than reading about a control protest. This effect was mediated by the perceived immorality of the protestors, and, in turn, reduced identification with them. Taking together both studies, the purported location of the protest (i.e., domestic vs. overseas) did not significantly impact attitudes toward the protestors. The current findings suggest that depictions of vegan protests elicit worse attitudes toward this movement, regardless of how peaceful that protest may be. Future research is needed to examine whether other forms of advocacy can ameliorate negative reactions to vegan activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: During the early 2020 phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, the UK witnessed an unprecedented increase in puppy acquisition. This led to concerns that these puppies may have missed out on key socialisation experiences during periods of lockdown which could impact their future welfare. This study examined early-life exposure to socialisation and habituation experiences, including social and non-social stimuli and attendance at puppy classes, along with the health and demographics of puppies purchased under 16 weeks of age in the UK between 23 March–31 December 2020 ("Pandemic Puppies" cohort; n = 4369). Owners of puppies purchased under 16 weeks of age during the same date range pre-pandemic in 2019 ("2019 puppies" cohort; n = 1148) were surveyed as a comparison group. Pandemic Puppies were significantly less likely to have attended puppy training classes or been exposed to visitors to their home before 16 weeks of age than 2019 puppies. Pandemic Puppies were also significantly less likely to have had a veterinary health check prior to purchase or to be Kennel Club registered. In contrast, Pandemic Puppies were more likely to be a 'Designer Crossbreed' and to be sold with a passport. This suggests majors shifts in the socialisation and demographics of the puppies acquired during the 2020 phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK and raises concerns for the future welfare of Pandemic Puppies. The UK recorded sharp rises in puppy purchasing during the 2020 phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, with many first-time dog owners purchasing puppies to improve their mental health during this challenging period. Government restrictions on movement and social interaction during the pandemic led to animal welfare concerns over puppies' reduced time-sensitive exposures to key environmental and social stimuli during their critical developmental period. This study aimed to compare demographics, health and early-life experiences of puppies purchased and brought home < 16 weeks of age between 23 March–31 December 2020 ("Pandemic Puppies"), with dogs purchased and brought home < 16 weeks during the same date period in 2019 ("2019 puppies"). An online survey of UK-based puppy owners was conducted between 10 November and 31 December 2020 with valid responses representing 5517 puppies (Pandemic Puppies: n = 4369; 2019 puppies: n = 1148). Multivariable logistic regression modelling revealed that Pandemic Puppies were less likely to have attended puppy training classes (67.9% 2019 vs. 28.9% 2020; p < 0.001) or had visitors to their home (94.5% 2019 vs. 81.8% 2020; p < 0.001) aged < 16 weeks compared with 2019 puppies. Fewer Pandemic Puppies underwent veterinary checks prior to purchase than 2019 puppies (2019: 91.3% vs. 2020: 87.4%; p < 0.001), but more were sold with a passport (2019: 4.1% vs. 2020: 7.1%; p < 0.001). Pandemic Puppies were significantly more likely to be 'Designer Crossbreeds' (2019: 18.8% vs. 2020: 26.1%; p < 0.001) and less likely to be Kennel Club registered than 2019 puppies (2019: 58.2% vs. 2020: 46.2%; p < 0.001). Greater support from veterinary and animal behavioural professionals is likely needed to ameliorate the health and behavioural impacts of growing up in a pandemic upon this vulnerable population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a broken narrative concerning the early history of anti-oppressive practice as an approach in the U.K. to youth and community work and the struggles over this in the context of UK higher education between the 1960′s and the early 2000's. Educating informal educators as youth and community workers in the UK has been a site of contestation. Aspects of a genealogy of that struggle are presented in ways which link publicly available histories with personal memories and narratives, through the use of a personal archive developed through collective memory work. These are chosen to illuminate the links between theory and practice: on the one hand, the conceptual field which has framed the education of youth and community workers, whose sources lie in the academic disciplines of education and sociology, and, on the other hand, the social movements which have formed the practice of informal educators. Six have been chosen: (1) The long 1968: challenging approaches to authority; (2) the group as a source of learning; (3) The personal and political: experiential learning from discontent; (4) Paolo Freire and Critical Praxis; (5) A critical break in social education and the reality of youth work spaces as defensive spaces; (6) New managerialism: ethics vs. paper trails. The approach taken, of linking memory work with present struggles, is argued to be a generative form for current critical and enlivening practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]