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In 2019, the Greek government pledged to reform the strategic and operational orientation of its foreign policy. The reform placed particular emphasis on public diplomacy and the adoption of digital and social media strategies. This paper attempts to assess how these reform principles are reflected in the Greek digital diplomacy conducted on Twitter, now known as X. To achieve these goals, the study collected posts and related metrics from 40 government officials engaged in Twitter/X diplomacy during 2021–2022. The retrieved dataset was analysed using semi-automated content analysis, combining digital and manual methods to uncover the underlying narratives and structures in the sample. The results indicate that reforms have begun to show initial effects, with partial progress in both strategic and operational areas, but shortcomings mainly in thematic representation and content production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation in Pacific regional diplomatic culture associated with the rhetorical and institutional expressions of the principle of regional self-determination in the period 2009–2014 has held over the past decade despite significant challenges from a rapidly changing geopolitical context and threats to regional unity posed by a move by Micronesian states to leave the Pacific Islands Forum. Significantly, what we then called the 'new pacific diplomacy' has become institutionalised in the practices and policies of the main regional organisation, the Pacific Islands Forum, and in particular in its 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. This has enabled a continuation of Pacific diplomatic agency in relation to key issues such as climate change, and law of the sea and fisheries, and even regional security. Although the changing geopolitics has not yet succeeded in submerging Pacific diplomatic agency the hardest test is ahead of the Pacific states as they try to defend their interests in a context where the important strategic decisions affecting the future peace of the Pacific Islands region are increasingly made in metropolitan capitals and international groupings outside the reach of the Pacific Islands Forum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractJapan’s diplomatic policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) has traditionally been understood in terms of economic complementarity, development assistance, and historical ties, including immigration. It has often been seen as subordinate to Japan’s broader diplomatic agenda and international developments. However, structural transformations over the past two decades, both within Japan and globally, have led to a strategic reassessment of Japan’s relationship with LAC. Japan’s conceptual approach to its relationship with LAC has evolved from an asymmetric, demand-driven official development assistance (ODA) diplomacy to a more coordinated partnership emphasizing shared values and enhanced connectivity. This reorientation is reflected in diplomatic practices, with the Prime Minister’s Office playing a more direct role in interagency coordination: an increased emphasis is made on policy dialogues; ODA is now applied more judiciously than generously; and the local Japanese community has assumed a significant role in public diplomacy. This article traces the evolution of Japan’s diplomatic policy toward LAC, primarily between the 1990s and the 2010s, to examine how its perceptions and practices have been developed and communicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom-of-navigation operations (FONOPs) led by the United States have become a prominent policy tool in the South China Sea. These operations, however, have caused much confusion and consternation in the region despite the limited legal purpose that they officially serve. Why? This article departs from existing research by examining FONOPs as a form of signalling. Utilising an original dataset on US FONOPs in the South China Sea, we explain why and how FONOPs are ambiguous signals. Because of the nature of FONOPs using warships, the complexities in the maritime environment, and the irregularity of FONOPs, serious sender–receiver gaps emerge in the South China Sea regarding whether FONOPs signal resolve, coercive intent, and/or intentions to check certain states' broader ambitions. Our analysis reveals that some signalling interpretations of FONOPs in the region are more plausible than others, thus helping to reduce the signalling ambiguity of these operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qaddafi's unpredictable foreign policy always attracted attention from academics and politicians. However, very few works were devoted to examine an important part of the Libyan leader's diplomacy: The staunch and fervent Arab nationalism directed to promote the creation of state unions with neighboring (and sometimes even far) countries in the perspective of pan-Arabism. Adventurism, limitless ambitions, and irrational projects also hid a pragmatic approach that had its roots in the quest for regional balance of power in the Arab world and the constant search to limit or break the isolation that surrounded Libya, considered a pariah and a rogue state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two-decade-long Turkish experience shows that the populism-diplomacy relationship, contrary to the common wisdom, does not have to be hostile. The existing literature characterize often this relationship as adversarial, emphasizing the repressive measures used by populists to weaken diplomatic institutions and disrupt foreign policy continuity. This perspective suggests that populist leaders undermine diplomatic services to pursue their unorthodox agendas. However, this study challenges this binary view, arguing that the interaction between populists and diplomats is more complex and multifaceted. By combining insights from populism literature with diplomacy studies, this study demonstrates how diplomats navigate and adapt to populist rule. Using Turkey as a case study, this article shows how diplomats implement, shape, and, on rare occasions, resist populist policies. Consequently, diplomats under populist regimes can reassure international partners, support populist policies as confirmatory agents, and engage in damage control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine how the 1860 Crisis in Mount Lebanon and Damascus crisis shaped discourses and practices of humanitarianism among the missions and affected their relations with both local and foreign state actors. Catholic missionaries were witnesses and victims but also in the long run beneficiaries of the events of 1860. They were themselves involved in the distribution of the aid through their participation to the relief committees. As victims they also received relief from the French government, the Œuvre des Ecoles d'Orient and the Ottoman Empire. Their action during this period strengthened their links with diplomatic agents and with the French government, as well as it reinforced the position of the clergy of the Oriental Catholic churches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Arab Revolt against the British authorities in Palestine from 1936 to 1939, missionaries responded by organizing aid to relieve Arab local suffering, transforming their educational and medical mission to provide immediate relief. This article questions the image of missionaries as producers of expertise, both from a welfare and political activity point of view, in a place—the 'Holy Land'- where missionary activity was particularly intense and widespread. Two Protestant missions stand out for their immediate and systematic reaction to local suffering as agents situated at the margins. A close, comparative study of S. Ekblad (Swedish Jerusalem Society; Jerusalem), and E.D. Forster (Jerusalem and the East Mission, Hebron and the south of Palestine) uncover the complex relations between relief, religion and diplomacy during the anti-colonial Arab uprising. Colonial agents themselves, both actors addressed people within and beyond what their own organizations defined as target groups, proposing their own definitions of 'humanity' and 'humanitarian worker'. A closer look at their actions, at a micro (in a neighbourhood), meso (on a regional scale) and macro level reveals the political implications, the moral issues and challenges these two Protestant agents could pose to political governance during a period of turmoil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the 1923 Great Kanto Earthquake, Japan received international humanitarian aid from many countries, most notably from the U.S. The U.S. provided an "unprecedented deployment of humanitarian aid," which was unusual for conventional U.S. international humanitarian assistance. The U.S. aimed to improve the U.S.–Japan relationship, seizing this disaster assistance as an opportunity. In various ways, Japan expressed gratitude to the U.S., including through 744 thank-you letters from Japanese students, confirmed by the authors for the first time. The authors analyzed these letters and discovered that they not only expressed the students' gratitude for the U.S. support but also their wish to promote friendship between Japan and the U.S. and to achieve world peace. The U.S. aid following the Great Kanto Earthquake and the Japanese students' thank-you letters exemplify "disaster diplomacy." These letters indicate that disaster diplomacy involves not only direct disaster relief, but also efforts to strengthen friendly relations between people of the two nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds light on the complex relationship between adaptive terrorist behaviours and U.S. diplomacy by investigating the interplay between diplomatic security reform and terrorist target selection. A longitudinal study (1970–2019) of 555 terrorist attacks against U.S. diplomats suggests that terrorists targeted U.S. diplomats between 1970 and 1998 because they were perceived as soft, yet symbolic, targets. In response to increasing attacks on diplomats, the U.S. began improving diplomatic security, but an inability to grasp how terrorists operate caused this process to be inefficient and flawed. Terrorists, in turn, exploited these security conditions for decades until, after the deadliest series of coordinated attacks against U.S. diplomats occurred in 1998, security improved to a level where diplomats were no longer a viable target. The findings underscore the critical role of security enhancements and lessons learned in deterring terrorists, emphasising the need for effective intelligence systems and policies. The analysis therefore has numerous implications for understanding how we can learn from our inaction and demonstrates how we should use our understanding of terrorist rationality to predict tomorrow's terrorist threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article provides an in-depth analysis of the complex and often confrontational relationship between Zimbabwe and the European Union (EU). It aims to contribute to the understanding of how confrontational diplomacy impacts international relations and offers insights into potential avenues for reconciliation. It focuses on key issues such as sanctions and the challenging visa regime between the two entities. By examining the historical context, the implementation of sanctions, and the visa regime, this article provides a comprehensive perspective on the Zimbabwe–EU relationship. This qualitative study applied content analysis to official documents, statements, and speeches from Zimbabwean and EU officials, as well as scholarly works, reports, and news articles to shed light on the intricate dynamics at play in their diplomatic interactions. This study is hinged on the realism theoretical framework. The study found that sanctions and visa restrictions imposed by the EU on Zimbabwe have exacerbated confrontation in their diplomatic relations. The study recommends that Zimbabwe and the EU should consider engaging in sincere diplomatic dialogue to address the underlying issues and concerns, including a more pragmatic approach to underlying sources of tension which include human rights issues and the easing of visa restrictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the European Parliament’s (EP’s) gender equality promotion through parliamentary diplomacy by examining: (a) the relevant strategic, policy and legal frameworks; and (b) the political practice of gender-oriented parliamentary diplomacy in the 9th parliamentary term (2019–2024) towards Saudi Arabia by three key EP institutional actors: the plenary, the Foreign Affairs Committee and the interparliamentary delegation for relations with the Arab Peninsula. The insights are drawn from the data collected through documentary analysis and qualitative analysis in the form of interviews and a survey carried out with Members of the EP (MEPs) and administrative staff. The article argues that the case of gender equality shows that the EP is a highly advanced diplomatic player displaying significant potential to mainstream core EU norms abroad, but that its influence hinges both on the specific socio-cultural and political circumstances in the partner country and on the internal dynamics operating within the EP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the resilience of city diplomacy versus traditional state diplomacy during crises, focusing on COVID-19 and the Russian invasion of Ukraine's impact on Polish-Chinese paradiplomatic relations. The hypothesis posits that city diplomacy is less durable in facing external shocks than traditional diplomacy. The article analyses bilateral relations at subnational, national, and supranational levels using a multi-level governance framework. Empirical evidence from surveys and interviews reveals the nuanced dynamics amid crises. Findings indicate a general deterioration of Polish-Chinese city-to-city relationships, highlighting the fragility of the paradiplomatic links. The paper contributes to understanding diplomatic resilience, emphasising the increasing role of local governments in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do Chinese firms and state agencies adapt to the politics of infrastructure development in Africa? To answer this question, I explore their involvement in the construction of Konza Technopolis, a flagship project in Kenya Vision 2030 to establish a technology city. This investigation builds upon studies on African agency, arguing that African states’ politics shape Chinese infrastructure construction. This article deepens the understanding of the interplays between infrastructure-led development in Africa and Chinese involvement through exploring in-depth the relational dynamics and intricate mutual accommodation among actors from the Chinese state, Chinese firms, and the Kenyan government. Firms ally with the Kenyan president or officials to seek profits. Chinese state agencies’ support for Chinese business expansion and use of businesses to establish diplomacy discourse are moderated by the Kenyan government’s initiation of infrastructure development. These adaptations illustrate Chinese infrastructural involvement beyond a geopolitical singularity of state strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions on Yoruba women usually centre on the role of women in the economy. However, the changing roles of women in the diverse fields of politics, education, governance, warfare, and diplomacy are partially discussed. Using largely secondary sources that are augmented with a historical research methodology, this paper investigates Yoruba women in public sphere. Some of the works done on women’s scholarship such as Awe, Falola, and Yonlonfon cited in the journal of African studies were of relevance. However, this paper argues that Yoruba women since the precolonial era had made incalculable contributions to every aspect of their country, particularly in the domains of politics, diplomacy, and warfare. It further argued that the Yoruba nation already had a form of group representation in the government of the society, where women, though not numerically equal, have always taken an active part in the political decision-making and that this existed before the principles of modern democracy was introduced into Africa. The study concludes that rather than remaining dormant throughout the three historical epochs in African history, Yoruba women made a name for themselves as exceptional candidates who stood out for the success of all the events that had impact on their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent events in the Middle East caught most political commentators, observers and thinkers by surprise. Who would have imagined that a non-state actor like Hamas could launch an attack on Israel and create such a complex condition for a powerful state, heavily supported by the USA and Western powers? However, crises in the Middle East often escalate unpredictably, defying calculations and expectations. This paper argues that since October 7th 2023, not only in the Middle East but also in several other regions worldwide, major rival powers have been struggling with crises that are leading to reshape the global order. The paper argues that the realms of Economy, Security, and Diplomacy among the primary global powers are all under scrutiny as they navigate the crises that have intensified significantly towards altering the global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on historical sources from the Nguyễn and Qing dynasties, the article examines the Qing dynasty's behavior toward Vietnamese envoys based on China's role as the dominant/central nation in the nineteenth century when they sought investiture, paid tribute, or made offerings. The article identifies two trends in the Qing dynasty's treatment of Vietnamese envoys during that time: a trend toward flexibility and moderation and, at other times, a trend toward toughness, even deterrence. However, the trend toward moderation prevailed throughout the nineteenth century. Then, the article elucidates the factors that contributed to this situation and highlights the relative power of China in the regional and global context in that era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines whether there is any value in thinking in terms of civilizations when we look to craft foreign policy. It returns to a historical precedent—specifically the way that some British statesmen and officials in the 1940s conceived of the term 'civilization'—and describes how this was one influence among many in the shaping of British postwar policy, including the early origins of NATO. While this case comprises an interesting and undervalued example of civilizational thinking in diplomatic history, the article, in its concluding sections, attempts to go further: to describe how the concept of civilization might provide a useful notion in future foreign policy-making. It argues that while most modern connotations of the word tend to be toxic to western commentators and analysts, there are practical benefits to thinking in these terms, provided we remain selective in how we conceive of it. It might best be thought of not as a value judgement denoting hierarchy, progress or superiority, but rather as a mode of thinking about international affairs and foreign policy that embodies deep historical and philosophical reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents new data on the individuals who mediate (M-IND) in all active UCDP dyads and lethal MIDs, 1989–2019. The dataset contributes to the systematic study of conflict management in several important respects: it covers both international and internal conflicts, it covers low-intensity violence, and it provides information on individual mediators, who appointed them, and type of mediation. Besides presenting the data collection and descriptive statistics, the article engages with the literatures on multiparty mediation and women, peace and security. M-IND shows that women more commonly are appointed as mediators by nongovernmental organizations than by states and international organizations. Our analysis suggests that greater equality in mediation efforts correlates with the use of more varied mediation strategies and is associated with a greater chance of reaching peace agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Joint naval exercises (JNEs), an increasingly prominent sub-set of joint military exercises (JMEs) between states, vary across a range of dimensions. Yet insufficient attention has been given to comprehending their underlying purpose and the perceived advantages that states, along with their representatives, believe they gain from organizing or taking part in such exercises. This article delves into the objectives and perceived advantages of Japan's JNEs in the Indo-Pacific to shed theoretical light on why states jointly exercise. With great power rivalry intensifying in the Indo-Pacific, the findings contribute to policy and issues related to the region's emerging security dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of the Ukraine war on EU member states’ foreign policy and civil society, given the Union’s severe measures against Russia, requires rigorous academic attention. Cyprus is a special case because of its multifaceted ties with Russia, which have been mainly developed upon three pillars: economic, diplomatic, and cultural/religious. Since 2018, systemic developments stemming from Western reaction to the annexation of Crimea have undermined Cypriot-Russian economic relations, but diplomatic and cultural ties remained strong. However, the 2022 invasion seems to have affected even the most solid pillars of Cypriot-Russian friendship. To test this hypothesis, this article examines the consequences of the war at three levels: systemic effects that relate to geopolitical developments in the Eastern Mediterranean and the renewed great power competition; Cyprus’ policy in the Council of the EU; and internal balances in the Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractSince 2023, North Korea and Russia have been rapidly intensifying their amicable relationship. This study investigates North Korea’s current perceptions regarding its diplomacy with Russia. While previous studies have primarily examined the military sector with respect to North Korea–Russia relations, because North Korea’s military policy constitutes a branch of its diplomatic strategy tailored to political objectives, assessing North Korea’s diplomatic policy solely from the perspective of military cooperation can yield only a limited analysis. Therefore, it is necessary to consider North Korea’s long-established diplomatic belief system and its implications on its diplomatic policy. This study seeks to derive the attributes of North Korea’s perception of its diplomacy with Russia by interpreting the ‘internal discursification’ attempted by North Korean authorities. Methodologically, Rodong Sinmun, the mouthpiece of the Workers’ Party of Korea, is utilized as a key medium for internal discursification. Our analysis reveals that North Korea is establishing diplomatic routes to simultaneously pursue its autonomy and interests and is influencing Russia to support North Korea’s pursued national identity and interests. Additionally, this study confirms the intention of North Korean domestic politics to strengthen the authority of Kim Jong Un by constructing an image of an international leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, Colombia has advanced processes of cooperation and mutual interest that promote knowledge transfer and resource management to tackle the issue of multi-criminality, alongside various factors impacting citizen security in both local and global contexts. These efforts are grounded in the training and education of members of the Armed Forces (National Police, 2019). As a result, Colombia has emerged as a leader in fostering collaboration. This paper aims to explore the role of the National Police in international cooperation efforts and examine how the institution can be further strengthened by establishing collaborative links with other organizations globally. The methodological approach employed was qualitative, consisting of three phases involving the review and analysis of primary and secondary documentary sources related to national and institutional policies, plans, and strategies on international cooperation. As a result, the study offers a series of recommendations for the institution to enhance its capacity to leverage international cooperation opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an increasingly interconnected world, technological diplomacy has become essential for driving economic development and enhancing international relations. This article examines South Korea's technological diplomacy strategy, particularly in Latin America, analysing how this Asian nation has built a global network of collaboration and innovation, fostering bilateral and multilateral relationships. Adopting a qualitative, descriptive methodology, the study investigates South Korea's policies, programmes, and strategic alliances, uncovering the technological ties with Latin American countries and their influence on South Korea's international image. Additionally, this article identifies the challenges and opportunities shaping this dynamic relationship, such as cultural barriers and the need to adapt to regional demands. The analysis argues that as technological co-operation intensifies, promising prospects emerge for closer collaboration; it further explores whether this co-operation perpetuates technological dependence or serves as a catalyst for the autonomous development of Latin American countries. In conclusion, the study provides a comprehensive view of how technological diplomacy can act as a key driver for global development by promoting innovation and progress, emphasising the importance of strengthening South Korea-Latin America ties in the pursuit of a more prosperous and technologically advanced future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cuba was the last country to establish diplomatic relations with the Republic of Korea, doing so on February 14, 2024. Notably, however, it was the first nation in Latin America and the Caribbean to recognize Korea, preceding Brazil, which also recognized Korea in 1949. The absence of concrete evidence of the official establishment of diplomatic ties on July 12, 1949, or the subsequent cessation of these ties--likely due to de facto recognition of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea following the Cuban Revolution in 1959--necessitates a re-evaluation of the terms "establishment" and "re-establishment" in the context of renewed relations in 2024. The year 2024 also marks the 75th anniversary of Cuba's official recognition of the Republic of Korea and the commencement of diplomatic relations between the two countries. This article explores the evolution of the largely unknown relations between Cuba and Korea, which has been the focus of an in-depth investigation initiated in 2022. Some elements within this article will be presented academically for the first time, while others have appeared in previous works by the author in the Republic of Korea. The two countries, in their historical interactions, share the unique characteristic of having maintained diplomatic relations without bilateral disputes, establishing a foundation for a new phase of cooperation based on these enduring ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 1999 archaeological monitoring carried out in connection with a highway improvement project in Trenton, New Jersey, uncovered a stone-lined shaft—believed to be a privy—near the site of the Rosey Hill Mansion, a Federal-style dwelling that formerly stood on the banks of the Delaware River. The shaft was filled with over 11,000 artifacts, mostly dating from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This feature, informally dubbed “the Sartori pit,” was filled with the household items of John B. Sartori, a prominent merchant in Trenton and Philadelphia, and the first United States consul to the Papal States in Rome. The contents of the shaft are described in detail, and many are indicative of the wealth and social sophistication of a family that occupied the upper stratum of Trenton society in the early federal period. It was concluded that these artifacts were part of a clearance assemblage, a single-episode deposit undertaken when the house was cleaned and prepared for a new tenant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Arab International Journal of Library & Information is the property of Arab Institution of Knowledge Management and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the role of gifts in embassies to Russia in the Muscovite period, primarily in the seventeenth century. While acknowledging the importance of the ambassadorial gift presented at court in signaling honor, respect, status, and friendship between sovereigns, it shifts attention to the less glamorous, but recurring shows of goodwill and liberality evident in an ambassador's many interactions with the tsar's subjects, officials, and courtiers as he travelled to his destination. Pulling together scattered references to such gifts from a variety of Russian and foreign sources, the article discusses how these lesser gestures of generosity functioned within shared diplomatic conventions of the early modern era relating to gift-exchange. The discussion highlights the intertwined function of hospitality, reciprocity, sociability, the ranking of social hierarchies, and public display in the dynamic of non-ritualized diplomatic giving. It also brings into focus the role of the ambassador's road as an ongoing site of gift exchange and of knowledge acquisition pertinent to an embassy's tasks, including that of largesse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

City diplomacy between European Union (EU) and Chinese cities has become an increasingly significant layer of bilateral relations. The collaboration between cities is extensive and covers a wide range of thematic areas, with around half of European cities having partnerships with Chinese counterparts, according to a survey of 745 cities. However, despite the commonality of these partnerships, our research has highlighted a disconnect between subnational relations and the upper levels of European policy. Despite some previous initiatives, local actors have not been effectively engaged in EU policy‐making. The European Parliament has called for greater co‐ordination with substate actors, but this call has gone unanswered. This article unpacks the city level of EU relations with China, showing its scope, patterns of co‐operation and potential impact. The authors present theoretical and empirical arguments to support the notion that city diplomacy could have a much more significant impact on EU policy towards China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution looks at two iterations of Paolo Morosini's Letter to Cicco Simonetta (c.1470). The Letter was composed as a direct response to Milanese and papal critiques of Venetian expansion and was first part of a culture of diplomatic letter writing and persuasive rhetoric, intended to have an immediate political effect on hostile foreign views of Venice. Forty years later, Morosini's Letter had a second life as a humanist text when Giovanni Corner translated it into Latin and donated it to Marino Sanudo's library. This article argues that Corner's translation signals a kind of turning inward for Venetian defence of empire, now aimed at the city's own political class, which had significant reservations about the course of actions that led to the war of Cambrai. The Letter and its dual context allows an analysis of the way that two languages of power, humanism and diplomacy, intersected in the way that Venetian political elites defined and defended their empire in the changing systems of political communication in Renaissance Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a biographical sketch of Veronica Chan, the long-time president of the Asian Ladies Football Confederation. Throughout her career, she presided over multiple football organizations. From men’s professional clubs to national association boards and international federation women’s committees, Chan oversaw a transformative period for women’s football between the 1960s and the 1990s. If women’s football has been often considered through a gender lens, this biography expands the analysis to consider the wider context of international politics, particularly in the case of Asia. Chan’s work was intimately connected to the ‘Chinese question’ and the complex relationship between Beijing and Taiwan. She navigated a complicated period of sporting diplomacy all while trying to develop women’s football in her home base of Hong Kong and beyond. This portrait of Chan illustrates how women’s football was inseparable from the Asian geopolitical context and offers insight into the characteristics of a football president. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the designs and dynamics of past, present, and potential mediation and negotiation efforts to stop the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Applying insights from mediation and negotiation literature, the article explores three questions relating to negotiating peace in Ukraine: who is best positioned to negotiate or mediate such a process (who should be presented at the table), when should such diplomatic efforts be launched, and how should the processes of peace talks be designed. The study examines the dynamics of the initial peace talks in the spring of 2022 as well as Ukraine’s Peace Formula, which has been discussed by up to 92 countries, excluding Russia. The article discusses the unusual process of negotiating peace without the presence of one of the main parties (Russia) and the challenges and potential of negotiations in this form of international, asymmetric war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The absence of ripeness in Russia’s war against Ukraine begs the question of why both China and Türkiye have intervened diplomatically in the conflict. One possible answer resides in the role of mediation and diplomacy in ameliorating the ‘authoritarian control problem.’ Informed by constructivist insights on the co-constitutive relationship between identities and interests, we advance the hypothesis that Chinese and Turkish involvement in the war in Ukraine is primarily explained by its utility for consolidating national identity and, by extension, securing regime authority over domestic society. We test this hypothesis through use of critical event analysis, examining major installments in the trajectory of Chinese and Turkish diplomacy in the war. Our analysis reveals a correlation between Chinese and Turkish mediation and the self-serving process of national identity consolidation. We conclude with consideration of the implications of this finding for this special issue’s theme of ‘peace through victory.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Lisbon Treaty, the European Parliament (EP) became a co-legislator with the Council. Its influence, including in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), has grown through its legislative, supervisory, and budgetary powers. The EP shapes the CFSP by scrutinising international agreements, approving the CFSP budget, and overseeing the actions of the Commission and Council. Although formal legislative initiatives are lacking, this study explores the impact of the EP on CFSP agenda-setting during the 2019–2024 legislature, focusing on the pilot project initiated by MEP Sánchez-Amor to establish a European Union Diplomatic Academy (EUDA) supported by the European External Action Service (EEAS). This project, already approved by the Council, illustrates how the EP strategically uses budgetary allocations to influence the EU’s external action agenda. An analysis of official documents and interviews reveals the role of the EP as a policy entrepreneur through strategic collaborations with institutions holding formal initiative powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]