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Introduction Plaines d’inondation, pâturages de montagne ou en zones arides, irrigation de montagne, de régions sèches ou d’oasis, pêcheries côtières ou d’eau douce… : partout, les sociétés rurales ont inventé et pratiqué des modes de gouvernance des terres et des ressources naturelles renouvelables (ci-après, « ressources ») fondés sur un accès non exclusif, et donc partagé par un ensemble plus ou moins large d’acteurs. No...

Introduction Les rapports au sein de la famille et du réseau de parenté relativement au contenu des droits fonciers, de leur distribution, de leur transférabilité et de leur sécurisation constituent une dimension centrale des questions foncières. Ils ont des incidences majeures sur les usages productifs de la terre, ou encore sur les tensions et conflits autour du foncier qui peuvent se manifester à différentes échelles (cf. chap. 6 et 8). Ces rapports renvoient à des logiques tant productive...

Introduction Les réformes agraires, entendues comme une redistribution large des droits sur la terre, ont constitué un enjeu historique des politiques foncières, et leurs incidences sur les rapports de pouvoir en ont fait un outil privilégié de reconfiguration ou de consolidation des régimes politiques (cf. chap. 4). Tuma (1965, cité par Byres, 2004) évoque les réformes grecques et romaines des vie et ii...

Dans les pays du Sud, l’accès à la terre et à ses ressources ainsi que son contrôle et ses usages représentent des questions cruciales. Au cœur des défis de la construction de l’État, du développement agricole, de la sécurité alimentaire et de la durabilité environnementale, le foncier est aussi un marqueur identitaire et une source récurrente de conflits. Depuis vingt ans, de nombreuses recherches ont renouvelé les savoirs sur ces questions. Dans une approche processuelle et pluridisciplinaire, cet ouvrage propose un état des lieux sur les dynamiques foncières rurales au Sud. S’appuyant sur une très riche bibliographie internationale, il traite des principaux thèmes liés aux questions foncières : depuis les pratiques et dynamiques locales (évolution des droits sur la terre, marchés fonciers, conflits…) jusqu’aux politiques publiques (réformes agraires, programmes de formalisation des droits sur la terre), en passant par les enjeux de méthode de recherche et d’expertise foncières. Chaque chapitre propose une mise en dialogue critique entre les questionnements, les catégories d’analyse et les résultats de la recherche. Somme sans équivalent sur le sujet, cet ouvrage constitue un outil de référence pour tous ceux qui, étudiants, chercheurs ou praticiens du développement, souhaitent approfondir leur compréhension des dynamiques foncières dans les mondes ruraux contemporains.

Introduction À partir des années 2000, les terres rurales et agricoles suscitent un intérêt nouveau de la part des investisseurs. Avec un pic entre 2005 et 2011, des centaines d’opérateurs économiques à travers le monde annoncent vouloir obtenir chacun des milliers d’hectares, notamment dans les pays du Sud. Ces dynamiques d’acquisition foncière rappellent des phénomènes anciens de colonisation agraire visant à s’approprier...

Introduction Les nombreux processus de réforme foncière en cours dans les pays du Sud, mais aussi les mobilisations d’organisations de la société civile contre les grandes acquisitions foncières, pour la reconnaissance des droits fonciers des populations rurales ou la restitution de terres aux peuples autochtones suscitent de multiples diagnostics, études et évaluations. Dès lors qu’ils mobilisent des savoirs en réponse à u...

« Étant donné que l’on peut demander n’importe quoi à n’importe qui et que n’importe qui a presque toujours assez de bonne volonté pour répondre au moins n’importe quoi à n’importe quelle question, même la plus irréelle, le questionneur qui, faute d’une théorie du questionnaire, ne se pose pas la question de la signification spécifique de ses questions risque de trouver trop aisément une garantie du réalisme de ses questions dans ...

Introduction : comprendre les trajectoires des conflits fonciers Depuis un quart de siècle, le traitement et la résolution des conflits fonciers constituent des objets prioritaires et l’une des justifications de toute une série de programmes et de projets, depuis les politiques de reconnaissance et de formalisation des droits coutumiers jusqu’aux dispositifs d’accompagnement des processus de sortie de conflits civils violen...

Introduction Ce chapitre traite des marchés fonciers et de leurs liens avec le développement rural, notamment en matière d’équité et d’efficience. Les marchés fonciers sont définis ici comme des ensembles de transactions foncières marchandes. Une transaction foncière correspond à un transfert de droits sur la terre – « droits » entendus dans une acception de sciences sociales, c’est-à-dire comme les actions socialement auto...

Introduction Dans de nombreux pays du Sud, les droits sur la terre en milieu rural relèvent en grande partie de situations d’« informalité » (les droits n’étant pas enregistrés par les services de l’État), avec des pratiques foncières qui peuvent être illégales (en infraction avec le droit positif) ou « extra-légales » (non considérées par le cadre légal, mais non prohibées). Dans d’autres cas, ces droits peuvent avoir été ...

Introduction Les politiques foncières ont pour finalité d’organiser les droits de propriété sur les terres (et les ressources naturelles) et les processus d’acquisition et de transfert de ces droits. Elles désignent les autorités ayant juridiction sur ces droits et orientent leur répartition entre différents groupes sociaux. De tout temps, et en particulier depuis les physiocrates du siècle des Lumières, les politiques foncières ont été au cœur des débats sur l’économie et le politique, avec ...

Introduction Le foncier peut être défini comme l’ensemble des rapports sociaux entre les hommes à propos de l’accès à la terre et aux ressources naturelles qu’elle porte, et du contrôle de cet usage (voir introduction de l’ouvrage). La façon dont une société organise ses rapports fonciers ruraux varie selon les époques et les lieux. Elle dépend, d’une part, des écosystèmes qu’elle occupe et de ses modes d’exploitation et/ou...

2021 was already a busy year for East Timorese politics in view of the presidential elections in 2022. While Timor-Leste was praised by the World Health Organisation (WHO) for its good management of the pandemic in 2020, it faced in 2021 the highly virulent Delta variant wave, as did other Southeast Asian states, resulting in severe social and economic impact in the capital of Dili as in the rest of the highly rural country. The national budget was further burdened by the exigencies ensuing the major human and material damage caused by Cyclone Seroja in early April. On the diplomatic front, especially with regard to AUKUS-related dynamics, it is worth looking away from the Indo-Pacific great powers to focus on the small but strategically located Timor-Leste. The latter will in addition be busy in 2022 with the commemoration of the 20th anniversary of its official independence.

The South China Sea has become a cause of contention between world powers. This rise in tension has placed the ASEAN countries—in particular the requesting states in terms of maritime claims (Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam) —in a delicate position. In such a situation, constant oscillation between Beijing and Washington in the custom of hedging is probably no longer the most viable option. Also, the growing presence of powers other than the United States and China should be seen as a real alternative for the ASEAN countries, not only for both the stability and prosperity of this region, but also vis-à-vis its search for centrality in the face of the large number of security, maritime and environmental problems. “Friends, allied but not aligned”: this diplomatic adage alone sums up a position which is in line with the “inclusive” diplomacy promoted by both the EU as the ASEAN, and is propitious to partnerships.

Based on Stein Rokkan’s theoretical framework, state-building in Singapore is now facing four challenges or “cleavages”, namely “penetration”, “standardisation”, “equalisation” and “redistribution”. Firstly, the city-state has to move away from the usual diplomatic “hedging” (Evelyn Goh) and the Chinese-American dilemma, with the European Union and/or France as a possible “third path”. Secondly, nation-building is far from being a smooth process beyond the official narrative of “racial harmony”. Thirdly, Singapore is still seen as an illiberal or “flawed democracy” (Wolfgang Merkel), with the (lack of) freedom of expression as a major criterion, and because of new laws such as the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act or FICA. For example, Singapore has not been invited by Washington to the Summit for Democracy. Fourthly, the government has made strong efforts to counter the Covid-19 pandemic by moving away from a zero-Covid policy, and promoting the idea of a minimum wage, which had been a taboo.

Since the Covid-19 outbreak and the military coup in February 2021, Myanmar has been facing political, economic and social issues. Two governments have been drawn from the coup: the first one is the National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, which is the Burmese government in exile formed by the CRPH in April 2021, and the second one is the State Administration Council of the Government of Myanmar, which was established by Min Aung Hlaing in August 2021. Furthermore, the country has been hit hard by civil war and cash shortages. Being one of the poorest countries in Asia, the population is suffering and no longer has access to survival means. While elections are scheduled in August 2023, prospects of improvement are yet to be seen.

As in 2020, Malaysia faced a difficult situation in 2021. Following a steady deterioration, the Covid-19 pandemic peaked at the end of August, with multiple social consequences for the population. However, the country has since regained economic growth and succeeded in its national vaccination campaign. Yet, due to dissensions within the majority, the controversial management of the health crisis by the government precipitated the resignation of Prime Minister Muhyddin Yassin, replaced by Ismail Sabri Yaakob, a member of UMNO which was removed from power in 2018. The victory of the party and its allies in two important electoral tests sounded the true epilogue of the democratic transition of May 2018. Nevertheless, various indicators plead for a more nuanced analysis, beyond the fact that the partisan reshuffle initiated in February 2020 remains uncertain before the next general election.

While Việt Nam scored one of the world’s best annual GDP growth rates with 2.9% in 2020, it was ranked among one of the weakest performances in 2021 with an estimated annual growth of 2.5%. The Covid-19 pandemic seems to have revealed that the economic development model of Việt Nam of more than 35 years based on low-cost exports, land speculation and domestic consumption is now out of breath. In the international field, Việt Nam has been faced with China’s growing assertiveness, the bipolarisation of the US-China relations, and renewing tensions in the region. It has been seeking a closer relationship with the United States without damaging its ties with China, its first commercial partner. To overcome this strategic dilemma, Việt Nam has enhanced its multilateral role and responsibilities, from the ASEAN to the United Nations. It could also engage with Europe more intensively in this dynamic.

Tourism is one of the sectors that has suffered the most from the pandemic, especially in Southeast Asia where governments have opted for a sustained restrictive border closure. We first outline the severity of this crisis at the regional, national and local levels, particularly in monofunctional areas dependent on international tourism. We then show that the public and private measures carried out have been ultimately insufficient, despite financial aids and stimulus packages. Although the tourism sector has proven its resilience, notably by encouraging domestic tourism and creating new promotional offers, these strategies did not compensate the collapse of international flows. Reauthorised at the end of 2021, tourists were essentially channeled towards a few islands. We finally consider whether the changes caused by the Covid-19 crisis may have been one-off or long-term, influencing structural evolutions. Indeed, if Covid-19 has been an accelerator of change, challenges remain, particularly in the environmental sphere.

L’année 2021 s’ouvrait sous les meilleurs auspices : peu touchée par la pandémie de Covid-19, l’Asie du Sud-Est s’orientait vers la relance économique avec de bonnes perspectives en termes de croissance, malgré le double handicap du ralentissement général et de la désertion des destinations touristiques. La région a été pourtant mise à rude épreuve tout au long de cette année, en raison d’une série de chocs, dont le coup d’État en Birmanie n’est pas des moindres tant l’on pouvait croire le pa...

While Thailand was only marginally affected by the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, the kingdom experienced an explosion in the number of cases and deaths due in particular to the Delta variant in 2021, along with major delays in its vaccination campaign. The management of the health crisis provided the basis for increased parliamentary activity by opposition parties, and anti-government protests in the streets with the same demands as in 2020 for the resignation of the Prime Minister and the reform of the monarchy. However, a significant recovery in exports as well as initiatives to reopen international tourism, combined with an increase in the vaccination rate, led to a certain return of optimism at the end of the year. At the international level, Myanmar’s crisis unfolding at Thailand’s doorstep has generated intense migration and humanitarian pressures that the kingdom needs to deal with.

Domestically, 2021 was a year of unprecedented economic and social crisis caused by the extension of various types of lockdown (the longest in the world) since March 2020 in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. This crisis is accentuated by one of the greatest scandals of the Duterte administration: the Pharmally scandal. In preparation for the general elections which will take place on May 9, 2022 is an epic political game among the presidential and the vice-presidential candidates. Internationally, while the government is vigorously protesting China’s actions in the South China Sea, it is benefiting from China’s vaccine diplomacy. The year 2021 is also marked by a rapprochement between the Philippines and the United States especially in the context of the 70th anniversary of the signing of the Mutual Defense Agreement. This rapprochement is largely linked, again, to the vaccine diplomacy led by Washington since the fall of 2021.

At the end of 2021, the Covid-19 pandemic continues to affect many sectors in Indonesia. An economic recovery has however begun, expanding rapidly in the digital field. At the same time, observers report a general deterioration of democracy in the country, with an increasing centralisation of executive power in the hands of the president. The two provinces of Papua have often been in the spotlight, be it with respect to the jurisdiction concerning the renewed statute of autonomy or the violent conflict opposing the government and independence movements. 2021 was also marked by the government’s growing awareness of environmental problems, despite significant internal contradictions. Finally, the country seeks to strengthen its diplomatic influence in the field of international relations, be it in the Indo-Pacific region or within the ASEAN and finally the G20 Presidency.

China as a norm changer in Southeast Asia? Given the speed of China’s progress in the international scene, the answer is likely to be yes. With the development of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), many Southeast Asian countries are increasingly involved in several China-backed infrastructure development projects. Initiated or decisively supported by China, economic projects in the region are likely to enhance local governments’ legitimacy as well as China’s political influence. This chapter emphasises, among others, the normative role of growing China’s outward foreign direct investment in Southeast Asian countries since the early 2000s, especially developing countries with insignificant outward foreign direct investment like Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia whose reliance on China appears to be significant. More specifically regarding labour norms, given developing countries’ poor social standards and weak rule-based governance, China may easily adjust local labour regulations in favour of Chinese firms. However, it remains to be seen if economic dynamics will in turn reinforce the Chinese government’s control over ASEAN countries’ domestic politics, and erode or sacrifice domestic labour rights.

This paper offers a comparative analysis of the regulations that have restrained or forbidden the access of foreign individuals or companies to land ownership rights in countries from Southeast Asia. It argues that Southeast Asian nation states crafted these regulations in order to resist foreign domination and to legitimate sovereignty. Drawing on Foucault’s notion of illegalism, it examines the socio-economic tactics that negotiate or transgress these land laws in order to override their limitations. These tactics are widespread in countries that heavily rely on foreign investments. Their success depends on the tolerance of state authorities and the ability of these tactics to maintain a façade of legality. “Condominium laws” in Southeast Asia have legalised, with different temporalities, foreign ownership on condominium units. The separation between property and land ownership conciliates land-based claims of national sovereignty with the strong internationalisation of real estate markets in Southeast Asia.

While Cambodia was not directly affected by the Covid-19 pandemic in the former year, 2021 saw the first death from the virus. Sanitary measures were reinforced with little attention to human rights in the isolation of positive cases in prison-like camps. The economic situation started to unravel due to the absence of the tourist, and different kinds of trafficking appeared, including smuggling across the Thai border or the abuse of foreigners as online workers for illegal money-grabbing on social media. While Cambodia celebrated the 30th anniversary of the Paris Peace Agreements, which had put an end to the civil war, critics called out the lack of application of a multiparty democratic system agreed upon by all parties in 1991. These criticisms as well as the authorities’ close links with China are an embarrassment to Cambodia in the year of its ASEAN Chairmanship in 2022.

As the Covid-19 virus which now affects tens of thousands claimed its first deaths among Laotians in 2021, the health situation in Laos, which was relatively stable and not very alarming during the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic, abruptly deteriorated. Hit hard by the health crisis and the closure of the country for many months, the whole economy has been severely impacted, especially in the labour-intensive sectors such as agriculture, tourism and manufacturing. Finally, since the opening ceremony of the railway on December 3, Laos has entered a new era, with the country taking an important step in transiting from a land-locked mountain nation to a logistics hub linked with neighbouring countries, particularly China.

Chaque année, l’Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine (IRASEC), basé à Bangkok, mobilise une vingtaine de chercheurs et d’experts pour décrypter l’actualité régionale. L’Asie du Sud-Est – véritable carrefour économique, culturel et religieux – constitue un espace unique d’articulation des diversités sur la longue durée et le demeure plus que jamais aujourd’hui. Cette collection permet de suivre au fil des ans l’évolution des grands enjeux contemporains de cette région continentale et insulaire de plus de 650 millions d’habitants et d’en comprendre les dynamiques d’intégration régionale et de connectivités avec le reste du monde. L’Asie du Sud-Est 2022 propose une analyse synthétique et détaillée des principaux événements politiques, économiques, sociaux, environnementaux et diplomatiques survenus en 2021 dans chacun des onze pays de la région, complétée par un focus sur deux personnalités de l’année et une actualité en image marquante. L’ouvrage propose également cinq dossiers thématiques qui abordent des sujets traités à l’échelle régionale : l’influence normative chinoise, le tourisme à l’épreuve du Covid-19, la propriété foncière et immobilière par les étrangers, l’internationalisation de l’enseignement supérieur, et l’escalade des tensions en mer de Chine méridionale et la "troisième voie" européenne. Des outils pratiques sont également disponibles, dont une fiche et une chronologie par pays, et un cahier réunissant les principaux indicateurs démographiques, sociaux, économiques et environnementaux.

After a lockdown of nearly 18 months, Brunei Darussalam slipped into recession in 2021 due to fluctuations in hydrocarbon prices and the sharp decline in downstream industries’ output, which might reverse in 2022. The budgetary deficit almost quadrupled in absolute terms over 2020/21, bringing it to 19.7% of GDP, a level that is now unsustainable. The economic downturn has hit a population clinging to the comforts dispensed by a welfare monarchy. This is all the more so since employment woes were palpable well before the start of the pandemic. Moreover, the number of temporary residents (i.e. immigrant workers) decreased by 8.6% in less than two years. Adding to the gloom were the difficulties of the ASEAN Chairmanship, which placed the sultanate in the midst of great turbulence following the coup in Myanmar, especially since the Bruneian authorities did not hesitate—with their usual discretion—to increase diplomatic pressure on the Burmese junta, both directly and through ASEAN channels.

This article discusses the internationalisation of higher education in Southeast Asia in its national and regional dimensions, beginning with its headway across the region and the policies implemented in the different countries. While Singapore and Malaysia are recognised as leading providers of higher education, most of their neighbours have similarly initiated endeavours in the same directions. The article then examines student mobility—a powerful indicator of national education systems’ openness and integration in a globalised world. It shows that intra-regional mobility remains sluggish, evincing a lack of integration in this region, despite the tools and structures put in place within the framework of the ASEAN.

Introduction L’analyse du développement agricole (au sens générique d’amélioration de la production et de sa répartition) comme celle des politiques qui se donnent pour objectif de l’accompagner ou de l’impulser ne peuvent ignorer le jeu complexe entre matrices institutionnelles régissant le foncier agricole, les usages productifs de la terre et les structures de production. Trois grands champs de variables sont ainsi défin...

La notion d’« environnement » couvre un champ de réflexion et d’action extrêmement large, puisqu’elle englobe les impacts des activités humaines sur les milieux biophysiques à tous les échelons, du micro-local à la planète, et en retour les effets de ces changements sur les différentes sphères de l’existence. L’environnement ne désigne pas un objet matériel circonscrit, mais signale l’interface entre « nature » et « société ». C’est ...