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Objectives Social participation is known to enhance well-being. Caregiving responsibilities are more intense when caring for an older adult with than without dementia and may affect caregivers’ ability for social participation. We estimate social participation restrictions among caregivers for older persons with versus without dementia, variation within racial/ethnic group, and the mediating effect of care hours. Methods We use the 2017 National Health and Aging Trends Study (NHATS) and National Study of Caregiving (NSOC) to study family caregivers for older adults. We estimate the prevalence of social participation (e.g., visiting family/friends, religious activities, group/club activities, going out) that were important to the caregiver but missed due to caregiving. We use logistic models to test for differences in restrictions by the older adult’s dementia status overall and within race/ethnic group, adjusting for caregiver and care receiver characteristics. Results One-third of family caregivers for older adults with dementia reported restrictions due to caregiving, double the prevalence among caregivers of an older adult without dementia (33.3% vs 16.0%; p < .001). This doubling gap persisted in adjusted models (odds ratio [OR] = 2.4; p < .01) but mainly for White, non-Hispanic caregivers (OR = 3.2; p < .001). Substantially greater caregiving hours for people with versus without dementia was found (104 vs 60 hr per month), which is responsible for about 21% of the total difference in restrictions (p < .05). Discussion More time spent among caregivers of persons with versus without dementia may be an important factor undermining social participation, but hours only partially explain the gap. Future interventions should consider how to facilitate social participation among caregivers.

Objectives Disability in the United States has not improved in recent decades. Comparing temporal trends in disability prevalence across different income groups, both within and between the United States and England, would inform public policy aimed at reducing disparities in disability. Methods Using the Health and Retirement Study and the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing, we estimated annual percent change from 2002 to 2016 in disability among community-dwelling adults (197,021 person-years of observations). Disability was defined based on self-report of limitations with 5 instrumental activities of daily living and 6 activities of daily living. We examined the trends by age and income quintile and adjusted for individual-level sociodemographic status and survey design. Results The adjusted annual percent change (AAPC) in disability prevalence declined significantly in both countries for ages 75 and older during 2002–2016. For ages 55–64 and 65–74, disability prevalence was unchanged in the United States but declined in England. Both countries experienced a widening gap in disability between low- and high-income adults among the younger age groups. For example, for those ages 55–64 in each country, there was no significant improvement in disability for the low-income group but a significant improvement for the high-income group (AAPC = −3.60; 95% confidence interval [CI; −6.57, −0.63] for the United States; AAPC = −6.06; 95% CI [−8.77, −3.35] for England). Discussion Improvements in disability were more widespread in England than in the United States between 2002 and 2016. In both countries, the disparity in disability between low- and high-income adults widened for middle-aged adults. Policies targeted at preventing disability among low-income adults should be a priority in both countries.

We examine older partnered parents' time spent with adult children in biological and step families, treating time together as an indication of relationship strength. Using a unique national sample of U.S. time diaries from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we investigate time with all adult children combined and with each adult child. We find that time together depends on family structure and parent–adult child dyadic relationship type embedded in family structure. In analyses of all adult children combined, an older parent is more likely to spend time with adult children in biological families than in stepfamilies only when there is no shared biological child in the stepfamily. In dyadic analyses, a parent's tie with an adult child who is a biological child of both partners is stronger in stepfamilies than in biological families. Moreover, among stepfamilies, ties are not uniformly stronger with biological children relative to stepchildren; differences emerge only in more complex families when each partner has biological children from previous relationships. Our findings challenge the view that ties with older parents are always weaker with stepchildren in stepfamilies and point to the importance of considering parent–child relationships in the broader family context.

Background: The number of adults living with limitations in daily activities in the United States is large, and projected to increase. Families, which are becoming more complex, are critical to the wellbeing of this population. Objective: We present national estimates of the size and composition of kin networks for adults with activity limitations. Methods: We use the 2013 Panel Study of Income Dynamics to assess kin relationships of adults aged 40 and older with an activity limitation. We assess kin relations up and down one generation and horizontally, including spouses, adult children, parents, siblings, step-kin, parent-in-laws, children-in-law, and sibling-in-laws. We estimate kinship size and differences across race/ethnicity, education, and marital status. We also estimate the number of helpers. Results: Adults with activity limitations have a substantial number of adult kin: 9.1 on average, while only 12% have fewer than four kin. Spouses and adult biological children, the most common caregivers, account for less than one-third of these kin. Kin networks are much larger among those who report their background as Hispanic rather than non-Hispanic white or Black, married rather than unmarried, and less-than-college rather than college-educated. Conclusions: Despite concerns about increasing family complexity, we find that 88% of individuals with a limitation have four or more family members, and as kin size increases the average number of kin helping increases from one to two. Contribution: We provide estimates of kinship size and composition for adults with disabilities, assessing the number of kin, types of kin, and sociodemographic differences.

Adult children are among the most frequent providers for community-dwelling older adults with a disability. This report assesses the extent to which help received from an adult child by older persons with a disability is contingent on the distance between their residences. Using the national Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we selected persons 55 and older with a disability and their adult children (810 older adults; 1,767 dyads of older adult – adult child pairs). The adjusted average hours of help received from an adult child was estimated by the distance between the parent’s and the adult child’s residences using a two-part model with a linear spline of proximity and adjusting for demographic and socioeconomic factors of the parent and child. We found that average weekly hours of help received from an adult child by older adults with a disability declined dramatically as the distance between older adults and their adult children’s residences increased, but only up to 2–5 miles. Adjusted average weekly hours of help received from an adult child were 5.99 (95%CI 3.33, 8.65) if coresident, 3.16 (95%CI 2.04, 4.28) if on the same block, 1.16 (95%CI 0.72, 1.59) if 2–5 miles away, 0.79 (95%CI 0.39, 1.20) if 5–10 miles away, and 0.58 (95%CI 0.25, 0.92) if >100 miles. The amount of help for parents with a disability may require adult children living very near their parents which has important implications for long-term care for the aging population.