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This article sheds light on the role of Āstān-e Quds-e Razavī, the Iranian foundation that manages the Imam Reza shrine, in furthering Iran's soft power. Despite the growing body of work on Iranian soft power, the role of Āstān-e Quds has not yet been adequately addressed in the literature. The article is underpinned by three theoretical observations; namely, the key elements of soft power, the soft-hard power nexus, and religious soft power. Based on these theoretical observations, the article analyzes Āstān-e Quds' contribution to Tehran's soft power influence, focusing on its activities in the three arenas of education and social services, religion, and political values. The analysis reveals that in the first two areas, Āstān-e Quds engages in various activities to increase the attractiveness of Iran and to create a positive image of the country. In the area of political values, however, Āstān-e Quds' activities at times juxtapose hard and soft power tools through establishing or strengthening connections with members of groups such as Hezbollah and Ansar Allah (known in the West as Houthis). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By developing its first Feminist International Assistance policy, Canada has positioned itself as an international feminist and diverse SOGIESC rights leader. However, the scarcity of references to sexual orientations, gender identities and expressions, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC) has raised questions on how these concepts were included in such a policy. This case study’s objective is to better understand how Canadian policies play a role in including and normalizing diverse SOGIESC at the global level. We used documentary research, observations, and interviews to respond to that question. An abductive analysis was conducted, integrating a socio-ecological approach with emerging themes from the data. All socio-ecological levels were mobilized by Canadian actions toward SOGIESC normalization. Public policies were informed by a human rights-based approach and inclusive language. Canadian norms toward SOGIESC rights were conveyed within international communities by building bridges, positioning Canada as a political broker, while organizational resources remained limited. Individuals and their interpersonal skills were central in creating allyship through firsthand experiences. The importance of transpartisanship and stronger coordination of soft power emerged as new and practical strategies responding to inclusion and normalization challenges. These strategies could represent important interactive spaces and leaders, in a context of rising conservative right-wing coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how diverse public authorities in Japan have committed to digital cultural policiesover the past two decades in response to the emergence of the creative economy, lockdown during the pandemic and political demands for Japan’s soft power. Drawing on the comprehensive review of policy documents and relevant media coverage with supplementary interviews with civil servants, this paper investigates cultural policies related to the digital archiving of culture and promotion of digitalised content, including funding for online streaming, digitalising museum and heritage collections, and amendments of copyright laws. It contributes to the scholarly discourse of digital cultural policy by (1) offering the first comprehensive review of digital cultural policy in Japan, (2) examining how these digital policies are shaped by institutional and historical contexts, and (3) discussing the barriers, inefficiencies, and challenges associated with these policies. By providing the first comprehensive overview of Japan’s digital cultural policy, this paper aims to advance the internationalisation and de-westernisation of the field, serving as a foundation for future scholarly dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Nye's introduction of the soft power concept, there have been scholarly debates on whether it is real and how it works. Despite the vast volume of studies, there is a void in the literature on theoretically explaining and empirically testing if soft power can be generated without the support of hard power. To fill this gap in the literature, we developed two theoretical mechanisms that describe the mechanism of US soft power (great power) and Korean soft power (small country). We applied these theories to the US and Korean cases to demonstrate that (1) soft power across countries is not generated in the same way because countries do not have the same level of hard power; and (2) soft power can be generated without the support of hard power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advances theoretical insights into the application of the concept of soft power within translation studies, addressing the gaps left by contemporary research on cultural diplomacy, translation, and politics. It focuses on translation as a soft-power resource and offers a critical reflection on the possibilities, utility, and challenges of this interdisciplinary approach. The first section reviews how the literature on translation and power has contributed to shaping theoretical insights in the past. The second section deepens the discussion by exploring the gaps in this state of the art – specifically, the relational nature of translation and its role in shaping collectivities, considering the interactions between state and non-state actors. We propose broadening the analysis of soft-power strategies to critically assess their effectiveness and the complex notions of success and failure often associated with them. The third section highlights promising research avenues and examines crossovers between the ten papers in this special issue. Finally, the fourth section summarizes these articles, organizing them into three thematic threads: (1) translation, soft power, and cultural diplomacy; (2) translation, soft power, and modes of consecration in the literary field; and (3) translation, soft power, and non-literary genres, and translation, soft power, and periodicals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the intersection of sociology of translation, cultural transfer studies and Cold War studies, this paper explores the role of the Hungarian Péter Kuczka in the translation of Angloamerican science fiction in Hungar between 1965 and 1989. It sheds light into the agency of Péter Kuczka, an excellent cultural mediator who applying his cultural capital, privileged position within the literary-cultural field and wide-ranging network, established and managed the genre until the collapse of the Communist rule in Hungary. His pursuits were conducive to the expansion of Anglophone soft power in an environment set against Western cultural imperialism. Both translation and entertainment were major 'weapons' used in the Cold War, consequently their study contributes to a better understanding of the interactions between actors of the two blocs. After providing the historical-cultural context, this paper presents the reach and influence of translated popular fiction in the period, followed by the position of science fiction and Kuczka's life before 1965. Next, Kuczka's multiple and overlapping roles in introducing and mediating Anglophone science fiction are analysed with particular attention to institutionalisation. The paper then concludes that Kuczka contributed to the diversification of ideology, not just the genre makeup of Hungarian literary repertoire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of Cold War book programs and book diplomacy as forms of cultural diplomacy offers fertile ground for examining translation's role during the Cold War. This article focuses on the Franklin Book Programs (1952–1978), a state-sponsored initiative that employed soft power to promote American ideals and values globally through translated books, while also supporting the growth of indigenous publishing in developing countries. As a global Cold War initiative, Franklin illuminates how soft power was conceptualized, operationalized, and implemented in cultural diplomacy through translation. This article examines Franklin's operations in its key field offices in Egypt and Iran, examining its enduring yet endangered legacy. Despite challenges in assessing the effects of translation-focused cultural diplomacy, this article draws on interviews with former Franklin staff, fieldwork, archival sources, observations, and other materials to investigate the reasons behind Franklin's lasting yet precarious legacy. By juxtaposing Franklin's well-preserved legacy in Tehran with its fragmented yet resilient legacy in Cairo, the analysis reveals the complex and often contradictory dynamics of soft power and translation as they unfolded within the Cold War's contest battle for cultural dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines nine years of Pathlight: New Chinese Writing (2011–2018), the English edition of the Chinese literary magazine, People's Literature, as one of the recent instruments developed by the Chinese government to build soft power and tell the world the Chinese story. It focuses on the narratives being selected, translated, and exported into English-speaking countries via Pathlight, compares this effort at cultural diplomacy to earlier such projects in China, and sets Pathlight into President Xi's ideological focus of 'the Chinese Dream.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the function of translation support policies as instruments of soft power for Spanish-speaking Latin American countries, focusing on the translation programs of Argentina, Colombia, Chile, and Uruguay. It addresses the challenges these countries face within the global translation system, characterized by linguistic hierarchies and geopolitical constraints. Through a sociological lens, the study provides a comparative analysis of the institutional structures, objectives, operational dynamics, and the volumes and destinations of the subsidies distributed by these programs, highlighting their impact on the international visibility of national literature. Additionally, by examining the editorial profiles and translation subsidies awarded to three independent publishers, this research posits a number of hypotheses regarding the relationship between translation programs and the modalities of circulation for non-central languages and countries within various linguistic markets. Consequently, this study lays a foundation for further comparative research on the translation policies of peripheral countries and their role in enhancing cultural diplomacy across different languages and regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on national institutes' translation policies and draws on works that have recast the notion of soft power for the study of cultural production. Our goal is to analyze how Argentine literature circulates abroad, specifically through translations into hypercentral English, with subsidies from the Programa Sur de Traducciones (South Translation Program, or PROSUR). We trace the history of PROSUR – run by the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade, and Worship – and analyze statistical data from institutional databases. Likewise, we study the catalogues, collections, websites, and paratexts of the books sold by a group of publishing houses that have received PROSUR subsidies. Our article suggests that, regardless of the various traits of the titles and the specific profiles of each publishing house, we may identify common trends in relation to how the presses exercise soft power, produce meaning, and introduce Argentine literature in three main ways that we define as political resistance, Latin American literature, and women's writing. Thus, this article is a contribution to the notion of soft power by shifting the focus away from the intent around cultural policy and toward frequently overlooked considerations around the practices of the recipients of cultural policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the premise that both translations and collective bodies have historically been used to build collective identities, shape their images, and defend their interests, this article examines several projects constituting the translation policy of the Intellectual Cooperation Organization (1925–1945) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (1945–) from a soft-power perspective. In the first section, I identify several contemporary trends in translation studies that share an interest in the state, though I also delve into parallel critiques against methodological nationalism. The second section addresses states and international organizations as agents of translation that maximize the potential of translation as a soft-power resource. The third and the fourth section examine two specific translation projects as soft-power resources from the perspective of the producing end. The fifth section examines the way the press of the time covered said projects and discusses their reception in different social spaces. This case study is used as a heuristic tool to discuss states as relevant objects of study in translation studies, the multiple receptions of translations, and the consecrating power of translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the tumultuous era of the Cold War, Boris Pasternak's novel Doctor Zhivago found itself at the epicenter of an ideological battle. When the Soviet authorities deemed it an 'evil libel against the USSR' and prohibited its publication, the CIA recognized its 'great propaganda value' and spearheaded its dissemination in foreign editions, harnessing the novel as a potent soft power tool. Through an interdisciplinary approach, this paper analyzes the influence of a reverse kind of cultural diplomacy related to the translation, diffusion, and promotion of Doctor Zhivago in the West. Drawing from paratextual material in the form of press reviews in Italian, French, English and Dutch from both quantitative and qualitative perspectives, it assesses how the sense of confidence, attraction and prestige as pillars of soft power strategies are reflected in the reception of the novel's translations. The study concludes by offering a nuanced understanding of how the large-scale diffusion of the novel was perceived, highlighting that the translations played a secondary role in the strategy and served as vehicles to amplify the impact of Pasternak's Nobel Prize, thereby extending its influence globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses to what extent the change of political power in Poland affected ©Poland Translation Program, the largest public funding framework for translations from Polish, which is operated by the Book Institute, a governmental agency subject to the Ministry of Culture. The research is based on a comparative quantitative analysis of 2,410 bibliographic records – published books that received funding in 2008–2015 and in 2016–2022, i.e., under different managements appointed by different Polish governments – and supplemented by selected qualitative close-ups. The statistics do not confirm the common public sentiment that in the latter period, under the right-wing government of the Law and Justice party, ©Poland took a political turn, promoting historical writing that glorifies Polish past. Authors opposing the government were not discriminated against, and funding was allocated for translations into the same target languages as before. However, there was a noticeable trend in promoting contemporary right-wing non-fiction with an anti-liberal agenda (politically engaged journalistic reportage and socio-philosophical essay) in Central and Eastern Europe, especially Hungary. The results are discussed in terms of soft power, linking translation flows with international political relations, and the limits of quantitative analysis are problematized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of soft power is visible in many forms. According to Nye, the use of rhetoric is the resource found at the basis of soft power, thus projecting the development of a specific kind of narrative in a given setting. Hence, this article will focus on the context of the twentieth century Estado Novo dictatorship in the period from 1933 to the aftermath of the second World War in Portugal. This regime employed soft power practices through the systematic publication of political texts, more concretely of the speeches written and delivered by dictator Oliveira Salazar, which were translated into several foreign languages. This work will provide insight into the case of the translation of Salazar's speeches into English as a means to influence international relations with a specific target audience in mind. It will also exemplify the kind of message the regime wanted to disseminate according to a specific target audience. A close reading of two speeches will therefore provide further insight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situated at the intersection of international relations, the sociology of literature, translation studies, textual analysis, and global literary studies, this article focuses on Restless Books' consecratory practices (publication of translated literature and prizing) to shift the directionality of traditional soft power studies and draw attention to the role of literature in shaping political discourses. The article highlights the agency of non-state actors and independent presses such as Restless Books in co-opting national discourse and putting forward more inclusive notions of cultural and linguistic identity. Restless Books is a US-based independent, nonprofit publisher of international literature in English and the organizer of the Prize for New Immigrant Writing, one of the few awards in the US to specifically recognize emerging writers with an immigrant background. Through the publication of translations and the promotion of marginalized voices, Restless Books brings more diversity to the cultural field and questions national values and foreign policies. By examining the publisher's editorial policy and consecratory practices and linking them to innovations at the textual level through a close reading of Rajiv Hohabir's Antiman: A Hybrid Memoir, one of the prize-winning books, we demonstrate the necessity of interdisciplinary approaches to literature, soft power, and translation that link text and context in more direct ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses China's efforts to solidify its soft power in Cambodia through the establishment of the Cambodia-China University of Technology and Science (CamTech) in Phnom Penh. This initiative aims to strengthen cultural ties between the two nations by offering courses in Mandarin language and various technical fields. The article also explores China's broader soft power strategy in Southeast Asia, emphasizing the importance of educational outreach and cultural exchanges in enhancing China's influence in the region. Additionally, it highlights Cambodia's alignment with China's interests and visions, showcasing the significance of educational diplomacy in fostering closer bilateral relations. [Extracted from the article]

Purpose: The current study applied the concept of country image to a context of bilateral relations for two post-Soviet states to examine the impact of a mega sport event on the image of the host country Russia. Design/methodology/approach: Surveys were collected before and after the World Cup to assess any changes among Georgians with regard to their views on Russia and intentions to visit. Findings: The results showed a significant change in Russia's pre-perceived cognitive image related to reputation, respect and development, as well as the emotional aspect and overall country image after the mega sport event. Interestingly, the affective image of Russia carried more weight in shaping the overall country image compared to the cognitive aspects, suggesting the increasing importance of emotional perceptions over beliefs. However, despite these changes, the study found that mega sport events did not significantly moderate the association between country image and behavior intentions in the context of Russo-Georgian hostile bilateral relations. Originality/value: This study is one of the first examinations of the impact of hosting mega sport events in countries with hostile bilateral ties. The findings support that mega sport events can be an effective mechanism to gain soft power in that such events can arouse changes in people's emotions and feelings towards the host country, even for those living in a country with a hostile relationship with the host country. The scope of applicability of these findings can be extended to other contexts, including future hosts of mega sport events in their geo-political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 crisis, the European Parliament (EP) had an opportunity to shape Europe's economic recovery and strengthen its institutional prerogatives through the establishment of the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). Despite influencing policies and securing soft account-holding powers, the EP failed to assert itself as a budgetary authority in the RRF implementation process. Budgetary authority is a fundamental element in democratic governance as it allows elected representatives to supervise the allocation of public funds and enforce accountability for government spending choices. This article explains the EP's failure to maximise its budgetary powers and argues that the urgency of the crisis and the strategic use of norm-based arguments inadvertently undermined its bargaining position. The EP's entrapment in its own rhetorical action is proposed as the main explanation for this outcome. The EP had long emphasised key aspects of the RRF, such as financing through common European debt issuance. As even the most hesitant member states eventually agreed on many of these issues, the EP could not obstruct or delay negotiations without being publicly exposed for inconsistencies between its past rhetoric and present actions. Consequently, it risked being shamed for prioritising its institutional ego over the common European interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to address the critical subject of building capacity for the circular economy in the global south. It complements the literature by providing information on the role of higher education institutions in developing skills for the circular plastic economy. Design/methodology/approach: This study used a mixed method approach drawing on reflective analysis on qualitative data from 5 focus groups and 12 semi-structured interviews, and structural equation modelling of quantitative data from 151 students across 4 Nigerian Universities. Findings: The results indicate that Nigerian university students are more likely to participate in the circular plastic economy through a high prominence of soft power features such as increased awareness, inspiration, idea generation, encouragement and capacity building. Research limitations/implications: The main limitation of this study is with the sample. A larger data set, including other tertiary institutions such as private universities, polytechnics and schools of vocational studies, would strengthen the results. Practical implications: The study underlines the importance of targeted policy interventions and pedagogic innovations to drive awareness and knowledge building among Nigeria's youth population. Originality/value: This study makes a novel contribution by using empirical evidence to determine the predictors of student participation in the circular plastic economy. This understanding is important for the development and implementation of appropriate policies that promote participation in the circular plastic economy. Furthermore, given the typical youthful age bracket of university students, any plans to achieve a systemic shift in the plastic value chain must involve the young generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The consumption of cultural and creative products is a key area of research with implications for the development of the cultural industry, cultural initiatives, and the enhancement of national soft power. Drawing on theories of identity and consumption, this paper examines the relationship between cultural identity in Guangdong and the intention to consume cultural and creative products. The study finds that cultural identity significantly influences consumption intentions, with product involvement acting as a mediator. Furthermore, the consumption of cultural and creative products is linked to consumer personality and fashion trends, with self-identification playing a crucial role in shaping purchasing decisions. To boost consumption and foster the growth of the cultural industry, it is essential to focus on the characterization, targeted supply, and effective promotion of cultural and creative products. Promoting a stronger identification with Chinese culture will enhance both product consumption and the cultural soft power of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has China become a neo-colonizer, exporting its cultural and economic power to the world based on its agenda of building soft power? Existing scholarship on neocolonialism and data colonialism largely focuses on how China's infrastructural expansion and increasingly platformised cultural sectors can achieve its ambitious platformised cultural sectors overseas. Yet, how China's cultural power is manifested, negotiated, or resisted in people's daily lives in a South–South setting remains under-researched and under-theorised. This article uses everyday fashion in Kenya as a case study to investigate China's cultural and economic power expansion in the Global South. We examined how cultural differences are negotiated and mediated on two Chinese(-invested) e-commerce platforms. Through focus groups and platform walkthrough method, our findings serve to enrich existing theories of cultural production–platform relationships applicable in the study of various cultural and creative sectors, to offer new understandings of how symbolic, sociopolitical and cultural meanings of fashion are constructed through divergent platform affordances, and to reveal the various forms of cultural negotiations and resistance in different contexts, multiplying our frames of reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Unfinished Quest: India's Search for Major Power Status from Nehru to Modi" explores India's journey to achieve higher status in global politics. The book highlights India's efforts to enhance its status through soft power, economic growth, and social upliftment projects. It compares India to China, emphasizing the material gaps that create status anxiety between the two countries. Despite domestic challenges, India aims to elevate its global status through diplomacy and democratic credentials. The book provides valuable insights for foreign policy students and researchers on how India can navigate the competitive world to claim its place in the global order. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores the institutional transformation of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (TMFA) and its changing position in foreign policy decision-making under the rule of the Justice and Development Party. Through a qualitative multi-method approach, including elite interviews and focus group discussion, the paper argues that the TMFA’s restructuring was driven by domestic political factors but closely correlated to shifts in foreign policy behavioural attitudes, such as that from soft power to hard power. The study examines three critical periods: 2009–2014, marked by TMFA’s capacity-building under Ahmet Davutoğlu; 2014–2018, a phase of sidelining following Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s presidency and weakening because of purges; and 2018–2023, when the TMFA was relegated to an implementor role under Turkey’s presidential system. The analysis shows how these institutional changes mirrored and shaped Turkey’s proactive, security-focused, and pragmatic foreign policies and how important the foreign minister was throughout this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international system is experiencing economic and geopolitical power shifts, requiring scholars to develop a more informed understanding of emerging regional orders. This article examines regional balancing in central Asia, which has gained significantly in strategic importance following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It is one of the first attempts in the International Relations (IR) literature to analyse multiple levels of balancing, examining soft balancing at both great and secondary powers levels. The article has two goals: 1) to examine the strategies available to both secondary and great powers in central Asia; and 2) to contribute to IR theory by exploring the connections between soft balancing at two dimensions and discussing the implications for the emerging central Asian regional order. While great powers pursue soft balancing through international institutions, secondary powers exercise soft balancing through limited alignments, institutional balancing, strategic non-cooperation, 'cheap-talk' diplomacy, costly signalling and legitimacy denial. Despite the commonalities between soft balancing behaviour at both levels, this article shows the differences in motivations across different levels. Whereas secondary powers use soft balancing mostly for defensive purposes—to balance against perceived threats— great powers use it more proactively, to establish or preserve regional spheres of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of soft balancing emerged in 2005 to analyse how states engage in non-military balancing against the United States. By 2025, soft balancing has become extensively discussed in the context of BRICS, which has evolved from a loose grouping of diverse powers into an active, complex and rapidly growing entity. However, scholars remain divided on the nature and drivers of soft balancing within BRICS. How has BRICS developed into a robust soft balancing coalition? This article uses insights from compensatory layering—a process where transformative change occurs through sequential bargains over institutional design—to demonstrate how BRICS builds soft balancing collaborations, selectively institutionalizes some cooperative activities, and expands its scope to include both soft balancing and non-soft balancing elements. It clarifies balancing and non-balancing behaviours within BRICS, providing new insights into soft balancing in contemporary power dynamics. The study shows how states centre their cooperation around a specific informal institution, enabling effective soft balancing outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Bilateral donors use foreign aid to pursue soft power. We test the effectiveness of aid in reaching this goal by leveraging a new dataset on the precise commitment, start, and end dates of Chinese development projects. We use data from the Gallup World Poll for 126 countries over the 2006–17 period and identify causal effects by (i) an event-study model that includes high-dimensional fixed effects and (ii) instrumental variables regressions that rely on exogenous variation in the supply of Chinese government financing over time. Our results show that the completion of Chinese development projects increases popular support for the Chinese government in recipient countries. In the short run, this effect increases with the size of the project and the generosity of the financial commitment; in the longer run, it is lower among people who live in close proximity to completed Chinese development projects. In our analysis of the effect of Chinese projects on global perceptions, we find that Chinese development projects create a more favorable public opinion environment for China among countries in Africa, potential "swing states" in the United Nations General Assembly, and countries that have higher baseline (ex ante) levels of public support for the Chinese government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to determine the effectiveness of U.S. and Australian efforts to counter Chinese influence at their universities. The study reviews Chinese influence cases at U.S. and Australian universities using open-source data and examines the alignment and effectiveness of each country's countermeasure efforts. The analysis reveals that China uses the same organizations and tactics in both countries and that universities' dependence on Chinese money is foundational to the People's Republic of China's efforts. Additionally, U.S. countermeasure legislation has shown a more observable impact than Australia's, but that the Australian government and university sectors are more integrated than the U.S.'s respective sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines China's recent economic and political progress under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, focusing on the opportunities and problems faced. It also explores the concept of the "China dream" and its impact from the perspective of Indonesia. This research is an analysis of the perceptions of Indonesia's elite and the general public on Chinese political influence and economic cooperation. Multiple discussions will be examined. Firstly, it outlines the characteristics of China's global development plan, which encompasses the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Global Development Initiatives. What is the impact of Chinese development policies on the ASEAN Outlook of Indo-Pacific (AOIP) suggested by Indonesia? Furthermore, Indonesia, as the longstanding dominant force in Southeast Asia, plays a pivotal role in upholding regional stability and the important position of ASEAN in relation to China. This research examines the historical and contemporary strategic cooperation and growth between Indonesia and China, as well as the chances and difficulties that China's third term under Xi Jinping presents for Indonesia's development. Additionally, this analysis will examine the fundamental strategic decision that Indonesia must make in response to China's influence through the Belt and Road Initiative. Indonesia will strategically hedge its position toward China's rising power while leveraging China's ongoing soft power to preserve its prominent role in ASEAN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences (2522-3380) is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the role of female puppeteers in cultural diplomacy through the performing arts of wayang skin in Central Java. Wayang leather, which has been recognized by UNESCO as a World Cultural Heritage, functions as a medium of cultural communication rich in educational, moral, and historical values. The role of female puppeteers, despite facing patriarchal challenges, is increasingly growing thanks to the use of digital technology such as social media. This study uses a qualitative approach with a case study method, using interviews, observations, and documentation analysis to understand the contribution of female puppeteers in promoting Indonesian culture at the global level. The results show that female puppeteers not only maintain traditional arts, but also introduce new, more inclusive narratives in cultural diplomacy. Through platforms such as YouTube, female puppeteers are able to reach global audiences, strengthen Indonesia's positive image, and influence international perceptions of gender equality in art and culture. This study enriches the literature on cultural diplomacy by highlighting the power of femininity as soft power in international relations, especially in facing the challenges of modernization and cultural globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the budding Sino-African relations has drawn enormous attention in the media and the academia, there is little empirical understanding about the acculturation of Chinese values and the effectiveness of China’s soft power in Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria. This article investigates the cognitive, affective, and behavioural intentions of Lagos residents (Lagosians) towards China. Based on Nye’s conceptualisation of soft power, a theoretical model was developed to explore how engagement with China’s soft power instruments and media exposure to Sino-African-related information influence Lagosians’ attitudes towards China on the three attitudinal levels. Findings from a clustered random survey (n = 624) drawn from Lagos residents reveal that their attitudes and behavioural intentions towards China are multidimensional and majorly predicted by their personal experience (engagement with China’s presence) and their second-hand experience (exposure to China-related news in local media), rather than by the intensity and tenacity of China’s diplomatic strategies in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Spatial Mapping, History, and the Witch in Winterson’s The Daylight Gate" explores the evolving representation of witches in literature, focusing on gender, power, and identity. It discusses how the novel uses liminal identities to critique historical power dynamics and societal norms. By blending historical events with Gothic fiction, the author challenges readers to reconsider societal structures and power dynamics. The article also delves into themes of monstrosity, resistance, illness, and queerness in the novel, highlighting how space is used as a narrative tool to critique historical memory and societal oppression. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Soft Power and Great Power Competition: Shifting Sands in the Balance of Power between the United States and China" by Joseph S. Nye explores the evolving dynamics between the US and China, emphasizing the role of soft power in shaping international relations. Nye argues that soft power, based on attraction rather than coercion, is increasingly influential in today's global landscape, alongside traditional hard power. The author highlights the importance of cooperation in addressing global challenges and warns against viewing the US-China rivalry as a new Cold War, advocating for a cooperative rivalry to avoid conflict and promote global cooperation. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a response to the interregnum between old and new global powers, aiming to establish a new standard of civilization. The BRI involves infrastructure projects, loans, and investments in partner countries, creating economic dependencies and opportunities for China. The initiative has faced scrutiny for alleged predatory lending practices and geopolitical implications, with scholars debating its impact on global governance norms and debt crises. The article also explores Chinese perspectives on the BRI's expansion and the critical roles of local governments in its success, offering insights into the geopolitical and geo-economic impacts of the initiative. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores why China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has not significantly increased its appeal in East Asia over the past decade, focusing on Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia. Despite substantial investments and strategic use of hard and soft power, China has not won the hearts of East Asian people. In Southeast Asia, while countries acknowledge China's growing influence, concerns persist among intellectuals, the public, and the media, with assertive Chinese actions often generating negative perceptions. In Northeast Asia, anti-China sentiments are the highest globally, exacerbated by rising nationalism in Korea, Japan, and China. Despite China's assertive behaviour, particularly in security, heightening anti-China sentiments, South Korean youth show more flexibility and interest in China despite overall negativity. China's BRI strategies face challenges due to negative perceptions of its system. As Nye suggests, 'soft power cannot be bought; it must be earned'. For the BRI to succeed, China needs a more inclusive, multilateral approach, transforming the Chinese Dream into an Asian Dream to enhance regional cooperation and appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout its history, Hagia Sophia has been used as an Orthodox church, a Roman Catholic church, a mosque, and a museum. After a controversial decision in 2020, Hagia Sophia was converted back into a mosque. This article shows that Hagia Sophia's conversion into a mosque is more than a juridical action. By adopting a performative approach, it is argued that, through the conversion, the ruling Justice and Development Party seeks to achieve its two-fold agenda. Firstly, while reflecting the party's Islamic political vision that situates religion as an integral part of everyday life, this move reaffirms the JDP's position as the ultimate political authority that shapes Turkey's sovereign space. Secondly, the conversion fits into and perpetuates the JDP's instrumentalization of religion as a political tool to increase its power in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in line with its neo-Ottomanist agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese popular culture (pop culture) has penetrated and influenced foreign cultural markets through various means. Japanese city pop music, popular from the 1970s through the 1980s, has charted a new trajectory in this transnational cultural spillover. The attractiveness of the city pop genre was rediscovered abroad; the hit songs were disseminated through social media, which eventually led to a revival of this genre's popularity in Japan. This study refers to this phenomenon as cultural re-importation and proposes some theoretical deliberations to capture it. It recognises that the complex process of re-importation is mediated by digital means of communication, such as social media platforms YouTube and TikTok. This study employs three theoretical perspectives on the cultural spillover mechanism, namely, Japan's soft power, transnational cultural flows, and digital influence. To elucidate these processes empirically, we analysed data from in-depth interviews with 35 young people from Malaysia, Indonesia, and Japan. Secondary data were collected as well, including online news and media releases. Based on the interview findings, this study posits that cultural re-importation is a complex interplay of several factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foregrounding the Korean Wave in storylines, there have been notable co-productions that have cinematically addressed the Southeast Asian fan of "K-Dramas" and her travels to South Korea. By analyzing Ultimate Oppa (2022), I align with a decolonial impulse to study a regional Asian co-production that excludes the usual analysis of the dominant European-U.S. film axis. I argue that intra-Asian co-productions produce ideological asymmetries in these arrangements. In Ultimate Oppa, the relationship between the Philippines and Korea is set against the macro-level influences of unequal "soft power" between Korean and Philippine media, producing visible dialectical tensions. As such, this essay argues that Ultimate Oppa ambivalently presents a cross-national romantic fantasy that reifies regional hierarchies, which are made more palatable through ideological dialectics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the potential for Palestine, a nation that has long fought for visibility, recognition, and independence, to use music for identifying itself within the broader contexts of nation branding and soft power. For Palestine, nation branding initiatives have been largely organic, driven by the cultural and artistic expressions of its people rather than a cohesive and strategic approach from the authorities. This article investigates how Palestinian musicians contribute to their nation branding. We use interpretive analysis to examine four documentaries and five feature stories produced by global mainstream media organizations, including Al Jazeera English, BBC, CNN, AFP, France 24 English, and PBS. The findings show that Palestinian musicians can add substantial value to the branding of Palestine. Their focus on identity, resistance, and freedom allows them to use music effectively to connect with and communicate a positive image to a global audience. The challenges for Palestinian musicians remain the capacity to break through the digital noise in the ever-increasing competition for online attention, and the capacity of the Palestinian authorities and civil society to allocate resources to support and promote Palestinian cultural initiatives within a long-term nation branding strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Almost twenty years after the adoption of the Hague Choice of Court Convention 2005, it may be an appropriate moment to reflect on and assess its legacy to date. This article, part of an issue paying tribute to the work of Professor Trevor Hartley, notes a number of different ways in which the legacy of the Convention may be evaluated, particularly appreciating the important role of the Explanatory Report co-authored by Professor Hartley. It argues that the Convention should not be judged merely based on the (admittedly limited, but perhaps growing) number of state parties, but also taking into account its wider influence in a number of different respects which may cast a more positive light on its achievement. These include the importance of the Convention to the Hague Conference on Private International Law, the soft power of the Convention, and the role of the Convention in preserving the enforceability of UK judgments based on exclusive jurisdiction agreements in European Union Member States notwithstanding Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has developed an unlikely but pragmatic ally in expanding his hold on state power: the armed forces. This article shows how Erdoğan fundamentally restructured and curbed the military's power after the failed coup attempt of 2016. These reforms divided the army, empowered the police‐like gendarmerie, and placed civilian authorities squarely in control of both. The study analyzes the use of the gendarmerie inside Turkey, and the army outside, as the government battled the Covid‐19 outbreak and tried to assist foreign countries in their fights against the pandemic. This use of hard power bolstered the government's soft power, strengthening the Erdoğan regime. The case demonstrates the effectiveness of Turkey's new civil‐military relations and indicates that we should expect to see the state continue to leverage its military capacity to solve problems at home and abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the key aspects that contribute to Qatar's influence and soft power and investigates how Qatar strategically utilizes culture, economics, sports diplomacy, and media influence to shape perceptions of Qatar. A focal point of Qatar's soft power tool is Al Jazeera, which serves not only as a media giant but also as a dynamic force to amplify Qatar's influence. The article focuses on the resonance of Qatar's cultural initiatives, tourism sector, and sports and how these elements together contribute to soft power. Against the backdrop of regional challenges, Qatar's strategic posture emerges as a resilient force that positions the country as a key player in shaping regional dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the specificities of the new multilateralism made-in-China under Xi Jinping. We argue that China has been investing in a combination of Soft Power and Multilateralism to foster a friendly worldwide environment whilst promoting China's geopolitical reemergence. Drawing on role theory, we assess whether there has been a shifting trend on China's soft power and multilateralism, to cope both with international expectations on China's new role and China's own role conception. We conclude that China's gradual turn towards multilateralism and soft power is a complementary strategy to China's longstanding use of bilateralism. It provides China with new institutions and ways to prosper as Chinese interests are no longer effectively fulfilled within the old Bretton Woods system. This article aims to deepen the existing literature on China's soft power, whilst highlighting the novel developments in China's multilateral initiatives and soft power including the impact of EU's de-risking approach toward China – not yet addressed by current studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News personalization in one-party dominant countries has been understudied or often analyzed through a Western lens. This study unpacked this phenomenon in one-party dominant country with the theory of leadership cult and soft power and compared news personalization of Xi Jinping in China with that of Donald Trump in the U.S. against the backdrop of the U.S.–China trade conflict. This study also investigated the influence of press ideology, political–geographical scope of news coverage and the trade conflict period on the presence and valence of personalization within each country. Results showed that leadership personalization was less prominent in China than in the U.S. The manifestation of news personalization in the U.S. was affected more by press ideology, while contextual factors, such as news political scope and the conflict period, played bigger roles in China. These findings provide insights into how news personalization is displayed in divergent political and media systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy promotion within West Africa has been critical in Nigeria's African diplomacy being a mainspring of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and putative regional leader. Successive administrations in Nigeria have prioritised this foreign policy thrust since the end of the Cold War. In different countries in the subregion that experienced military takeovers, Nigeria's capacity to restore democracy has been vividly demonstrated. However, despite its demonstrable commitment to the strengthening of democracy within the subregion, the Nigeria-led ECOWAS failed to restore democracy in Niger after the military ousted the democratically elected government in 2023. Given this context, this study examines factors that collectively worked against Nigeria's attempt to restore democracy in the Sahelian state. Nigeria's dwindling hegemony, namely, leadership and soft power, exacerbated by political crises in Mali and Burkina Faso, emboldened Niger's junta to reject Nigeria's diplomatic efforts. Widespread opposition from both Nigerian and Nigerien citizens to military intervention, coupled with Russia's deepening involvement in the Sahel through Wagner Private Military Company (PMC), eliminated the option of military action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the strategic use of technology in Japan's international relations, highlighting the country's evolution and current practices in tech diplomacy. The conceptual framework establishes the significance and importance of technology and science diplomacy in geopolitical calculations, while also focusing on the role of soft power in achieving foreign policy. Historically, Japan's technological rise during the Cold War era laid the foundation for its current status as global tech leader. Moreover, Tōkyō's engagement in international partnerships, tech exports and global forums showcases its commitment to regional and global collaboration. Despite challenges, such as geopolitical tensions and rapid technological advancements, Japan's tech diplomacy remains crucial in shaping global standards and governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]