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Research demonstrates a causal link between increased exposure to racial discrimination and adverse health outcomes among diverse racial and ethnic populations in the U.S. However, most research on Latinx communities overlooks how discrimination varies according to individual accounts of how their race is perceived by others. To address this gap, our study draws from critical race theory to analyze a new multi-dimensional measure of racial status – 'street race' and its association with discrimination experiences. We analyzed data from the 2015 Latino National Health and Immigration Survey (n = 1,493). Our main dependent variables are experiences of everyday discrimination and our explanatory variables are five mutually exclusive categories of 'street race.' We estimated a series of logistic regression models, which disaggregated the 'street race' measure, to better understand everyday discrimination experiences across street race categories. We found that Latinxs who are racialized on the street as Black or as Arab/Middle-Eastern relative to White were more likely to have experienced discrimination because of their race/ethnicity. They were also more likely to have experienced discrimination in the employment domain, by police, in the housing market, as consumers in shops or restaurants, and while receiving medical care. Employing a critical race approach, our study expands the conceptual measurement of discrimination to incorporate a more nuanced approach that captures interpersonal racism based on 'street race.' Further research will benefit from employing our 'Critical Street-Race' theory for developing equity-focused multi-level interventions at the interpersonal, community, and policy levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous scholarship has shown that experience with public policies can affect citizens' willingness to participate in politics. However, few studies have examined whether the effect of experience with policy is moderated by existing policy environments. We focus on the impact of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and examine how it affects foreign-born Latinos' political orientation and behavior. We find a relationship between enrollment in DACA and political orientation and that the effect on participation is moderated by the intensity of enforcement in an immigrant's county of residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enhanced immigration enforcement measures are now a dominant practice throughout the world. The concept of transnationalism, used by scholars to illuminate the complex dynamics these measures have across nation-state borders, has been critiqued for its replication of methodological nationalism—the assumption that the nation-state is a natural social and political form of the modern world. How then can migration scholars deepen the understanding of the mobilities of migrant children and youth without replicating methodological nationalism? We propose a relational socio-cultural analytic that synthesizes settler colonial theory and the theory of racialized legal status to comprehend the complex experiences of Indigenous migrant Maya youth and families throughout the Americas. Our use of a relational critical comparative analysis challenges structural functionalist approaches that limit the study migration dynamics within nation-state contexts, which can unwittingly sustain national membership in a state(s) as an aspirational emblem of belonging. We explore how Indigenous Maya experience and challenge the meaning of statelessness and the spillover effects of immigration enforcement measures along the US–Mexico and Mexico–Guatemala borders. We argue that a relational socio-cultural analytic lens serves as a powerful tool for understanding how nation-states co-produce stateless Indigenous populations and how these populations persist throughout the Americas and the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We live in a world that desperately wishes to ignore centuries of racial divisions and hierarchies by positioning multiracial people as a declaration of a post-racial society. The latest U.S. 2020 Census results show that the U.S. population has grown in racial and ethnic diversity in the last ten years, with the white population decreasing. Our U.S. systems of policies, economy, and well-being are based upon "scientific" constructions of racial difference, hierarchy, Blackness, and fearmongering around miscegenation (racial mixing) that condemn proximity to Blackness. Driven by our respective multiracial Latinx and Asian experiences and entry points to anti-Blackness, this project explores the history of Latinx and Asian racialization and engagement with anti-Blackness. Racial hierarchy positions our communities as honorary whites and employs tactics to complicate solidarity and coalition. This project invites engagement in consciousness-raising in borderlands as sites of transformation as possible methods of addressing structural anti-Blackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government pandemic provisions occurred alongside a safety net that excludes or dissuades Latina mothers from participation. These families are also disproportionately exposed to punitive immigration policies and rhetoric that may shape their views on such provisions and, in turn, influence their post-pandemic well-being. To understand these complexities, we draw on interviews before and after COVID-19 with thirty-eight Latina immigrant and citizen mothers, most of whom are undocumented (N = 29). We find that pre-pandemic distrust of public institutions and the safety net was common, increased after COVID-19, and negatively affected undocumented respondents' post-pandemic circumstances relative to that of citizen mothers. Findings suggest that safety net expansion on its own will not offset pandemic effects for these families without addressing exclusion from public benefits and alienation from and distrust of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: With rising numbers of deportations over the last 2 decades, there has been a particular concern among educators and researchers that immigrant-origin students and their peers are experiencing educational consequences due to increased stress, anxiety, and fear of the unknown. This study examined the relationship between immigration enforcement and student achievement in counties across the United States. Research Methods/Approach: Data come from two nationally representative samples of kindergartners, the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study—Kindergarten Classes of 1998–99 and 2010, and the number of deportations ordered from each immigration court provided by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse. Employing a cross-sectional, longitudinal design, a student, school, and year fixed-effects model was used to examine the association between deportations and achievement in elementary grades, exploiting variation of deportations between counties and years. Findings: The results of the analyses indicated that increases in deportations coincided with declines in Latinx student achievement in math. Declines were most pronounced for Latinx students in urban schools, Latinx English learners, Latinx second-generation immigrant students, and Latinx students attending Title I schools. Declines were not observed in the second term of the Obama presidential administration. Implications: This study adds to the extant body of research detailing who is subject to the educational impacts from immigration enforcement and in what ways, in hopes that future research continues to explore ways to mitigate these consequences for students. Attention from policy makers and educators is needed to mitigate disruptions that deportations introduce into the learning context for young children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to contribute to research and policy that supports Latino children in early education regarding their transition into the school system and their bilingual development. It presents the results of a one-year longitudinal ethnographic study of four Latino children starting school at a transitional bilingual kindergarten in the Boston area. The analysis identifies dynamics and trends at the micro and meso levels that show that Spanish use and development in Latino children cannot be fully understood and supported if we consider it an individual ability instead of an organic and intrinsic component of broader dynamic socialization, emotional, and academic processes (such as the transition to school) of which English is also a part and in which parents and teachers participate. Recommendations for designing and implementing comprehensive programs to engage Latino families and educators to support transitions, bilingual development, and academic performance in young Latino children are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the likelihood that officer-involved killings affect protest. Analyzing respondents to the Collaborative Multiracial Political Survey (CMPS) reveals no increases in protest activity between treatment groups exposed to officer-involved killings in their local area prior to participating in the survey and control groups who were exposed to officer-involved killings after survey participation overall. In fact, local exposure to Black victims appears to repress protest, but only among young Black respondents. This effect depends on the characteristics of the victim and the incident, as killings of low threat Black victims do not seem to repress protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: In this article, we explore the effects of race linked fate and racial self‐identification on Americans' attitudes toward the police. We suggest that the strength of the connection between race linked fate and police attitudes depends on whether a given racial group experiences or perceives a pattern of marginalization and discrimination by the police that targets their racial group. We expect that the negative relationship between race linked fate and police attitudes will be strongest among African Americans and Latinos (i.e., two groups with often contentious relations with law enforcement), weaker among Asians and other race individuals, and negligible or (possibly) positive for whites. Methods: Using data from the 2016 Voter Study Group survey, we estimate a series of ordinary least squares regression and binary logit models of police attitudes. Results: We find, as expected, that the effects of race linked fate on attitudes toward the police are very strong for African Americans and Latinos, weak and/or inconsistent for Asians and other race respondents, and nonexistent for white respondents. Conclusion: These results point to the importance of racial self‐identification and race linked fate in shaping attitudes about the police, particularly among African Americans and Latinos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 has spread quickly worldwide, presenting unprecedented challenges to countries all over the globe. To understand how different countries have responded to COVID-19 during the early stage of the outbreak, we develop a comprehensive research framework drawing on the literature on wicked problems. Specifically, we comparatively investigate the government responses of the United States, China, and South Korea and examine why and how these countries have adopted and implemented various strategies authoritative, collaborative, and competitive depending on their — policy environment. Although scholars have argued that collaborative strategies are the preferred approach to dealing with wicked problems, it is found that the most applicable, implementable, and effective strategies vary according to the country's cultural, economic, and political contexts. In addition, the urgency and timing of the crisis may affect the choice of appropriate strategies. Our findings can provide lessons for public administration and policy to cope with other wicked problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Some politicians employ harsh rhetoric demanding that government deny public services such as food, housing, and medical care to immigrants. While nonprofits assist immigrants in this regard, their work is sustainable only if private donors support them. Using a survey experiment, this article examines whether donors' willingness to support a charity depends on the legal status of its beneficiaries, and the region from which they have come. We find that, in relation to a charity that serves low‐income families (control group), donors are less willing to support a charity serving immigrants, but the region from which beneficiaries emigrated is irrelevant. Donor willingness diminishes substantially when beneficiaries are undocumented or face deportation. While shared ethnicity between donors and beneficiaries does not increase charitable support, bilingualism does. In addition, support for the charity rises substantially among Latinx donors who were born outside the US and do not speak English at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Latino/a children's roles and obligations to their immigrant families. Bridging insights from the literature on the "new sociology of childhood," immigrant incorporation, and care work, this essay argues that children perform important—but often invisible—labor in immigrant families. Dominant ideologies depict childhood as an "innocent" time wherein young people are in need of guidance and are too underdeveloped to make meaningful contributions. However, this construction of childhood ignores the lived realities of the children of immigrants, who often serve as gatekeepers and connect their families to services and resources in their communities. This essay examines six dimensions of support that the children of immigrants provide to their families, namely, language and cultural help, financial contributions, bureaucratic assistance, emotional labor, legal support, and guidance with technology. This essay concludes with implications for scholars, students, and policymakers on the importance of recognizing this labor, along with future directions for research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study describes how parental time investments in children in immigrant families vary according to children's citizenship status. In families with multiple children, parents make allocation decisions about how to invest in each child. In immigrant households, a child's citizenship status may shape parental time allocations because of how this status relates to a child's prospects for socioeconomic mobility. It is unclear whether parents reinforce citizenship differences among siblings, compensate for these differences, or treat all siblings equally regardless of citizenship status. Moreover, past empirical research has not investigated differences in parental time investments in siblings with different citizenship statuses. To evaluate differential time investments in children based on citizenship, we conduct a quantitative analysis using data from the American Time Use Survey from 2003–2019 and focus on children in immigrant households with at least two children (N = 13,012). Our research shows that parents spend more time with children who have citizenship, but this result is primarily explained by a child's age and birth order. Our study provides a basis for further inquiry on how legal contexts shaping socioeconomic mobility may influence micro-level family processes in immigrant households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I examine how political and media discourses of multiraciality are deployed to justify guilt and innocence. I trace the deployment of multiraciality to determine who is deserving of life or death in media coverage, political rhetoric, and court records during Obama's presidency, in George Zimmerman's 2013 acquittal, and in the 2021 killing of Daunte Wright. I examine the weaponization of discourses of multiracial identities as tools of white supremacy and anti-Blackness. Through such weaponization, the construction of the multiracial man as an index of racial progress and post-racism evident in the Barack Obama era enabled the violence and miscarriages of justice in the killings of Trayvon Martin and Daunte Wright. I consider how transnational and U.S. narratives of multiraciality, joined with anti-Blackness and white supremacy, enabled the acquittal of George Zimmerman. Furthermore, I examine how white womanhood and fears of Black masculinity facilitated the sympathy garnered towards Kim Potter. In considering the killing of Daunte Wright, this paper shows how multiraciality and racial malleability are valuable only when utilized for preserving racial hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The run-up to the 2020 election in the United States was marked by an unprecedented health pandemic and a social movement to challenge structural racism and advance social justice. Record numbers of Americans risked their health by protesting and voting in 2020. We analyze the relationship between a desire to advance social justice and Native American political behavior and political accountability utilizing data from the 2020 American Election Eve Survey's large sample of Native American voters. We find that in 2020, both perceptions of racial discrimination and the COVID-19 health pandemic had a significant effect on Native American mobilization and political accountability. We also advance the limited research on the Native American electorate by finding that living on or very near tribal lands is a consequential factor for Native American political behavior and their pursuits for justice through political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration enforcement affects political attitudes and trust even among individuals and communities not directly targeted for deportation. Literature from across the social sciences finds that restrictive local immigration policy has chilling spillover effects on citizen Latino political attitudes, trust, and interactions with state institutions – but few studies have extended this framework to formal political behaviour. In this article, I contribute to the literature on spillover effects of immigration enforcement policies with a new measure of mobilisation and a credible identification strategy. Specifically, this study identifies the effects of restriction on Latino voter registration by leveraging the county-level selection process for the 287(g) Program in North Carolina and Florida. Contrary to expectations, I find little convincing evidence that acceptance into the 287(g) Program decreased Latino voter registration. These null results are consistent across different 287(g) Program types and modelling strategies that relax temporal assumptions about policy effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between one-fifth and a third of people who are transgender have been refused treatment by a medical provider due to their gender identity. Yet, we know little about the factors that shape public opinion on this issue. We present results from a nationally representative survey experiment (N = 4,876) that examines how common justifications issued by providers for the denial of healthcare, and the race and gender identity of the person being denied care, intersect to shape public opinion concerning the acceptability of treatment refusal. We find that religious objections are viewed as less acceptable compared to a medical justification, in this case, inadequate training. However, the difference between religious objections and inadequate training is larger when the person being denied healthcare is White or Asian than when the person is Black or Latinx. Analysis of open-ended responses indicates the modest effect of doctor's rationale on attitudes toward treatment refusal with respect to Black and Latinx patients is partially attributable to a racialized, free-market logic. Respondents were more likely to advocate for a doctor's fundamental right to refuse service when evaluating Black and Latinx patients compared to White patients. We discuss the implications of these findings for intersectional approaches to trans studies and future public opinion research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mixed-race identification may be complex, in that people with mixed-race ancestry may or may not identify as multiracial. Social experiences, such as experiencing racial discrimination, believing that your fate is connected with specific racialized others, and personal characteristics, such as skin color, all have been theorized to play a role in identification. The Mixed-Race Ancestry Survey (2019) conducted on Mechanical Turk allows me to ask unique questions with a large enough sample of this understudied population to disaggregate by racial ancestries. Only people with mixed-race ancestry are included in this study, but respondents may identify mono- or multiracially. Binary logistic regression models reveal that increased linked fate with a specific racial group is associated with greater odds of racially identifying, at least in part, with that group (e.g., among Asians, greater linked fate with Asians is associated with greater odds of identifying as mono- or multiracially Asian). Increased linked fate with multiracials as a group is also connected to greater odds of identifying as multiracial. In addition, personally experiencing racial discrimination is associated with a greater likelihood of identifying as Black and slightly lower odds of identifying as White or as Latinx. Finally, as skin tone darkens the odds of identifying as Black increase three-fold and the odds of identifying as multiracial increase by 1.3 times. I discuss these findings by racial ancestry groups, noting that being aware of having mixed-race ancestry does not in and of itself predict multiracial identification. Rather, in a social structure that uplifts Whiteness, feeling linked fate, experiencing discrimination, and having darker skin tone are important predictors of identification. These findings highlight the mechanisms connected to racial identification for a population that may feel tied to multiple racial groups and is navigating identification within a White-centric nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long documented unequal access to the benefits of science among different groups in the United States. Particular populations, such as low-income, non–white people, and Indigenous people, fare worse when it comes to health care, infectious diseases, climate change, and access to technology. These types of inequities can be partially addressed with targeted interventions aimed at facilitating access to scientific information. Doing so requires knowledge about what different groups think when it comes to relevant scientific topics. Yet data collection efforts for the study of most science-based issues do not include enough respondents from these populations. We discuss this gap and offer an overview of pertinent sampling and administrative considerations in studying underserved populations. A sustained effort to study diverse populations, including through community partnerships, can help to address extant inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we develop a theory of intersectional substantive representation of and by immigrant communities grounded in two concepts: representational orientation to constituents and representational activity to achieve goals. We argue that Asian American women and Latinas are more likely than Latinos and Asian American men to hold an "embedded" orientation to politics, and view community networks and ties as deeply intertwined with the way they frame their identities and goals as representatives. We test our theoretical expectations regarding formal legislative processes by analyzing bill sponsorship by Asian American and Latina/o Democrats serving in state legislatures from 2014–2017, and draw on a set of interviews with Latina/o and Asian American legislators to argue that our findings account for a wider range of experiences related to overlapping group identities than previous scholarship focused on race and gender alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Noncitizens seeking to make sense of US immigration systems encounter a labyrinth of information and deception. This paper is the first national study of scams targeting noncitizens seeking immigration legal services. I construct a county‐year database (N = 3135 over a four‐year time period, 2011–2014) across secondary data sources to analyze the correlates of immigration scam complaints submitted to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). I find that welcoming counties have more immigration scam complaints, while counties with exclusionary contexts tend to have fewer complaints. The results do not suggest that scams are more prevalent in welcoming contexts, because the actual number of scams is unknown. Instead, we can conclude that noncitizens tend to come forward to report immigration scams in welcoming contexts of reception, even after accounting for exclusionary policies. A robust safety net proved the most reliable predictor of immigration scams reported to the FTC. The concentration of immigration attorneys, legal aid services, and language access was also positively associated with the number of FTC scam reports. Taken together, these results suggest that immigrant‐serving capacity and access to key services support noncitizens who report immigration scams, while hostility toward immigrants may deter them from exercising those same rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is much concern today about the spread of fake news and the misinformation it can produce among the public. In this article, we investigate how the American public interprets accurate and inaccurate statements from the news. Moving beyond partisanship, we theorize that ideological and ethnoracial identities also shape individuals' interpretations of the news. We argue that people have incentives to interpret information they encounter in ways that favor their ideological and ethnoracial ingroups and that these incentives are particularly strong when ideological and ethnoracial identities align. Using a survey that asks respondents to classify statements from news stories as facts or opinions, we find support for these hypotheses. Liberals and conservatives, and white, Black, and Hispanic respondents, more often classify as factual statements that favor their ingroup's interests while classifying information opposing their ingroup's interests as opinions. Holding cross-cutting ethnoracial and ideological identities diminishes these effects, while identities that align produce stronger ingroup biases in information processing, particularly among whites. Our study reveals that it is not only partisanship but also ideological and ethnoracial identities that shape how Americans interpret the news, and therefore how informed, or misinformed, they are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the factors that influence Asian Americans' perception of interracial commonality with Blacks and Latinos. Using the 2018 Civic Engagement and Political Participation of Asian Americans Survey, this research tests a model of competing theoretical explanations for Asian Americans' intergroup commonality: group consciousness, group identity, views of discrimination, and intergroup contact. Results from ordered logistic regression analyses suggest that group consciousness, ethnic identity, and intergroup contact via friendship are robust predictors of Asian Americans' feelings of closeness to Blacks and Latinos. However, Asian Americans' perceptions of discrimination are unlikely to result in higher levels of the perceived commonality with outgroups. This study provides a valuable addition to the existing literature on interminority relations by identifying opportunities for Asian Americans to join cross-racial alliances. The conclusion of the article points to the important role that community-based organizations can play in bringing specific Asian American ethnic groups into such coalitions and promoting direct interactions between Asian Americans and other racial groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]