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This working paper presents some preliminary results of an ongoing doctoral research project. The basic idea is to articulate two very distinct but nevertheless convergent phenomena, which deeply mark the actual 'democratic' scenery in Europe and worldwide. The first is the rampant depoliticization that, besides being coextensive to the closure of the intense political sequences which characterized the last century, seems to relegate the present to a limbo of political impotence. Indeed not only is it difficult even to imagine a way out from the actual impasse, but also when something new seems to take shape, it is quickly neutralized by the omniphagic power of the status quo. On the other hand, while the old left wing organizations head toward their complete decomposition, more and more frequently the widespread sense of frustration affecting growing parts of the population explodes in outbursts of hostility that in some cases take the form of proper urban insurrections. Among all aspects of the phenomenon I called 'unstructured youth opposition', the most perplexing one is the absence of both an ideological background and explicit claims. Trough the lens of an empirical study that the author is developing in underprivileged areas of Dublin - Ireland, this paper aims to illustrate the way working class community organizations, when confronted with exceptional events involving underprivileged youth, unequivocally show their level of depoliticization. Indeed, being incapable to explore the politicizing possibilities those erratic events carry with them, they end up supporting a repressive police management of the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of a larger book project, tentatively titled, When Race Meets Class: Being African American in a Small-City High School. Since the summer of 2001, I have been following the lives of about 40 African American teenagers in a diverse small-city high school in the Northeast. The population of the city is approximately 60,000 with the racial breakdown of the student high school being approximately 20% black, 5% Hispanic, 4% Asian, and 70% white. Forty percent of the over 1600 high school students are eligible for free or reduced lunch. This paper focuses on three male high school students and traces their hopes, fears, and educational experiences. Through the voices of the teenagers themselves, various factors are put forward to shed light on understanding the longstanding and puzzling academic achievement gap between blacks and whites in high schools. In addition, this paper examines how the broader experience during the high school years influences not only educational outcomes but socioeconomic attainment as well. Theoretically this papers seeks to develop a deeper understanding of race in contemporary American society and persistent racial inequality that neither reduces race to class inequality nor conceptualizes race separate from what I call a racialized class structure. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an event-history analysis of recruitment into the communist elite in Soviet Russia between 1945 and 1991. Using life history data from Szelenyi and Treiman=s 1993 survey of Social Stratification in Eastern Europe, I replicate and extend Walder, Li, and Treiman=s (2000) paper showing distinct career paths into the Chinese urban elite for professionals and administrators by applying the Adual career paths@ model to Soviet Russia. In that country as in China, entry into administrative posts required both educational and political credentials while entry into professional positions required educational but not political credentials. Unlike China, however, differences between the two paths became less sharp over time due to the declining importance of party membership in the screening of administrators and the of tertiary education in the screening of professionals. Once a distinction is made among Soviet administrators between state and party officials, the directors of large enterprises, and the managers of small firms, one finds evidence of distinct career paths within the administrative elite, in particular a politicized path leading to positions within party and state apparatus in which candidates were screened for both political and educational credentials and a professionalized path leading to top managerial posts in economy in which candidates were screened strongly for educational but not political credentials and recruited from ranks of professionals. In contrast to China, therefore, meritocratic criteria appear to have penetrated more deeply into the recruitment of administrators during the Soviet period, with potential implications in regard to system collapse. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a theoretical exploration of the relationship between beliefs, attributions, and public policy. The problem statement I am working with is, "What accounts for the relationship between beliefs about causes of a characteristic and attitudes towards public policy options in regard to that characteristic?" For the purposes of this paper, a "characteristic" may be any social category. Examples include race, gender, social class, sexual orientation, and religion. "Public policy" is defined as a guideline or principle intended to influence or determine governmental decisions or actions. I propose that attribution of responsibility for a characteristic (as internal or external) mediates belief and public policy. I also outline one possible empirical test of this proposition. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Worker's Home is an interesting non-profit, social enterprise job-training program with a diverse mix of clients. This paper uses qualitative research methods to explore the ways that language (specifically name-calling) demonstrates the racial and class tensions that exist between participants. Specifically, native born African Americans used name-calling to differentiate themselves from foreign born South Asian participants on the basis of both race and class backgrounds. Additionally, African American participants used names to highlight class differences among themselves and racial and class differences between themselves and the program directors. This research is important because it indicates that racial and class tensions This paper represents preliminary research for my doctoral dissertation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the differences in the role of women and the family between both traditional and modern interpretations Marxist theory and world system theory in order to gain an in depth understanding of both. Marxist theory will be analyzed from the work of Marx in addition to the writings of other authors and texts which have interpreted and elaborated upon his writings, such as Engels. I will then compare and contrast that body of work with the writings of the seminal theorists behind world-system theory including Wallerstein, Shannon, and Ward, with a concentration on the similarities and differences between classical Marxist theories regarding the origin of the family, how Marxist theory regards social stratification in terms of gender and the family, and how those same issues are interpreted by world system theorists. The objective of this paper is to gain a better understanding of feminism and the role of the family within world-system theory by analyzing how it is both analogous to and dissimilar from the interpretation of these issues within classical Marxist theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to find out the effect of informal social relations on the intergenerational occupational mobility. Social relation is the conduit through which resources are flowed and transferred, so the access of resources can be constrained according to how this conduit is constructed. Therefore, it is important to study how this pipe of valuable resources are structured and how this affect the inequality structure. This paper examines how different composition of social networks makes difference in their occupational mobility. To estimate the effect of informal social relations, I make distinction of relations into two types - achieved relations and ascribed relations -, and test the effect of each relation on intergenerational occupational mobility. For this empirical test, I use OLS regression model with data from General Social Survey in 1985. The result shows that those who manage their informal relationship with achieved relations are more likely to experience upward mobility. Since workplace is main source of mobilizing resources, those who have their informal relations tightly coupled with achieved relations have more advantages of mobilizing resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I move towards offering a social class analysis of the construction of Mexican and Mexican American male homosexualities. Drawing from my own qualitative research on a multi-classed population of homosexual Mexican and Mexican immigrant men, I argue that, in Mexico, within middle-class communities the activo/pasivo model, which appears to have dominated at one time, has increasingly been replaced by an object-choice or gay model of homosexuality. Similarly, I argue that in Mexico within poor or working class communities, the activo/pasivo form continues to dominate. By focusing on impact of social class on homosexuality throughout this paper, I contribute to the empirical study of Mexican homosexuality which has nodded towards the importance of such an analysis, but which, to date, has not provided a thorough examination of the relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a qualitative and ethnographic study, this paper compares mothers raising kids with social, emotional or behavioral disabilities by social class. These "invisible" disabilities (including depression, bipolar, and other mood disorders, ADHD, Aspergers, etc.) make up the largest share of childhood disabilities and pose significant challenges to parents and caregivers; yet this large number is often ignored, with images of wheelchairs or crutches still conjuring only the visibly disabled. While these "traditional" disabilities brought virtue to mothers and primary caregivers along with significant challenges -- social, emotional, and behavioral problems, with the controversies over their psychopharmaceutical treatment, bring stigma and isolation. In fact, such carework presents a case study of mother-blame and how it works in the current gender regime. Comparing by social class, this paper examines how suspect mothers negotiate for services on behalf of their children. I find that across social class, mothers battled for services from beleagured educational and medical systems. All mothers also acquired skills in what I term maternal vigilance. I also argue that, when possible, mothers use cultural capital displayed on the body, through physical attractiveness and thinness, to shore up their vulnerable maternal status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the race versus class debate, which rose to prominence among academic circles in the 1980s. An overview of the sociological significance of this debate is captured by the African American historical experience to the present within the United States. This paper focuses on the African American experience because it has in many ways shaped the early inception of the race versus class debate. I argue that this debate still serves as a useful tool an understanding more complicated theories of social inequality based on race and its relationship to gender and class [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will look at contemporary class theories, beginning with most obviously ?synthetic? by Pierre Bourdiue and Ralf Dahrendorf, followed by what are traditionally known as Weberian ? by Anthony Giddens, John H. Goldthorpe, and Frank Parkin, and ending with self-described Marxist ? by Alvin Gouldner, Nicos Poulantzas, and Erik O. Wright, to demonstrate that, despite difference that exist among these authors, divisions among them are not as clear-cut as usually perceived. None all of them, including those who see themselves or are seen by others as ?paradigm-builders,? strongly adheres to just one classical tradition of class analysis both in terms of theoretical assumptions applied and results produced. More often than not, all of them borrow significantly from both Marx and Weber, and thus frequently cross the paradigm borders on mechanisms of class formation, relations between class and status divisions, bases for these divisions etc., as well as empirical and political implications of class relations. Another important observation that this paper will make is that class analysis continues to be an important area of social theory and tool in sociology, one not just confined to a certain approach or driven by a particular political project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Goode (1962) argues that at the start of modern society the upper classes will have higher divorce rates, but as divorce procedures are gradually made available to all classes this differences will dwindle away. Since family strain towards the lower strata is greater, the proportion of lower strata divorces will increase, and eventually Goode expects an inverse relation between class and divorce rate. The partly contradicting results on this relation between class and divorce risk ask for a more systematic, cross-national and cross-cohort analysis of the relation between education and divorce and separation. This will be the first aim of this paper. We use multi-level analysis to analyze this relation in various countries in Europe and the USA. We analyze this relation for both all unions (whatever their juridical form) and for the married couples only (with or without cohabitation). The second aim of this paper is to explain these cross-national and cross-cohort differences in the relation between education and divorce/separation by (changes in) state regulations of marriage and divorce, social policies, the level of female full time labor market participation and the general acceptance of divorce. We use the files of the Fertility and Family Survey project. These data were collected during the 1990s. They are national representative samples of male and female respondents in Finland, Poland, Estonia, France, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Spain, Switzerland, Austria, Belgium, West Germany, Sweden, USA and Greece. Final results will be presented at the conference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts from the theoretical position that social relations and material conditions, as well as ideas, construct gender. Recognizing that parenthood is likely at the heart of gender inequality in heterosexual families, I examine the parenting practices heterosexual couples develop in the early postpartum period. Specifically, I look at the extent to which women do ?intensive mothering? and how involved men are in baby care. The study that provides the basis of the paper involves in-depth interviews with 40 couples as they move from pregnancy through their first year of parenthood. I argue that social class, especially labor-market success or failure, affects the likelihood that women will do intensive mothering and the extent of men?s involvement in baby care. The impact of the labor market was felt by women in obvious and subtle ways. Among the latter were differences in women?s relationship to time ? whether they felt they owned time and could spend it (on baby care), or that they had to use it (more) productively. Men?s ?consent? to intensive mothering was more likely to come from men who were involved in baby care, and their involvement was limited by ?hidden injuries of class.? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of housing policy in generating processes that reproduce gender- and class-based inequality. It brings together insights from the literature on gender and housing, the literature on gender and welfare states, and the feminist critique of the organization of family life. And it uses these multiple lenses to examine a unique group of policy-related settings ? Canadian co-operative housing communities. The paper focuses on the relationship between the organization of housing and the organization of family life. More specifically, it considers how housing shapes the extent to which social reproduction ? or the daily care of children and adults ? is the private concern of family households or the collective concern of the local community. The analysis indicates that the co-op model has contradictory implications for the organization of social reproduction ? and consequently, for the reproduction of social inequality. Of particular concern is the way the setting gives rise to processes that end up penalizing some of the most disadvantaged members. These processes are shown to arise, in part, because the co-op model retains elements that fail to challenge ? indeed, actually support ? the privatization of social reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The race and class stratification of urban communities consolidates both privilege and disadvantage within distinct urban neighborhoods. Numerous urban development and anti-poverty initiatives have attempted to address the problems that residents face within such disadvantaged neighborhoods. One grassroots response to these neighborhood problems is a community development initiative that attempts to attract middle class African-Americans to low-income, Black, urban neighborhoods. Proponents of this approach describe this as a strategy for improving both the local neighborhood and strengthening to social position of the African-American community more generally. This initiative has been somewhat successful in attracting Black middle class residents and has increased the economic and cultural resources of many urban neighborhoods. However, the community development initiative is also vulnerable to reifying class distinctions within the neighborhood and heightening inequality on the micro-level. This paper is based on a three-year ethnographic study of a low-income neighborhood. To learn about the life and culture of the neighborhood, I moved into the area, participated in local community events, volunteered at community-based organizations, visited local churches and interviewed long term and recent residents. This paper highlights the unique and precarious position of the multi-class strata that informs their commitment to community development. Within this paper, I discuss the class tensions within the Black community and the implications of these competing cultural orientations for community development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the question of how unemployed workers responded to the imposition of new employment practices, xiagang, which threatened their livelihoods and most of all, their status as workers. The actions of unemployed workers are not one-sided or simplistic ? they are diverse, both active and passive, conservative and progressive, violent and nonviolent, and aggressive and defensive at the same time. Based on my fieldwork in Northeast China, I discover two types of actions. Unemployed workers engage in the political action of 1) challengers: who embrace the political notion of ?modern citizenship,? and act to defend their entitlement, 2) evaders: who are rather quotidian to the new state policy, but rather engage in the spontaneous, individualized activity of subsistence survival in everyday life. These actions are not mutually exclusive, but rather situational, contingent upon both the socio-economic context and unemployed workers? interpretation of situation. These two types of political action entails that the state?s neo-liberal practice of making ?modern citizens? has unintended consequences by opening the possibilities for multiple subjects in post-socialist China. This paper invites more discussion on the notion of exclusion, to incorporate the devastating situation of unemployed workers, and to grasp the politics outside the point of production, or politics of unemployment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a new data set, this paper analyzes how ascription as measured by race/ethnic characteristics is shaping the Peruvian contemporary class structure. I found that the impact of the race/ethnic dimension in social mobility is minor in comparison with the class aspect. It is more centered on the effect that the race/ethnic dimension has on the class position for the previous generations than for the more contemporary ones. However, differences in equality of opportunities between indigenous and whites are still present: ?Whites? are the ones that are experiencing the least stratification (less inheritance) and have fewer barriers to upward mobility. The case of the ?mestizos? will be presented as one of ?perverse openness? where increased relative mobility corresponds in this case with processes of downward mobility. This paper suggests that the race/ethnic and class stratification orders are then mixing together. Even though inequality of opportunities are still accounted by race/ethnic differences, these results would suggest that class stratification will probably completely replaced race/ethnic ones, when a lower impact of association between origin and destinations will happened for the future generations, due the intense processes of race and ethnic cultural transformation and the increase of ?mestizaje?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper offers an in-depth exploration of the nature of social classification, defending its relevance as a topic of investigation and specifying its significance with respect to three of the most important concepts in social stratification research today: race, gender, and class. After clarifying the analytical status of each concept, the paper concludes with a reconsideration of the ramifications of studying race, gender, and class under the more general rubric of social classification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Residential stratification has become a very important topic today in the United States, as it addresses many issues of inequality. This paper begins by discussing the specific methods of discrimination used in residency negotiations. This paper also addresses the laws, court decisions, and federal programs that aimed to put an end to residential discrimination and residential stratification. The specific consequences of such segregationist residential practices will also be discussed here, including the explanation of income and race differences creating such residential stratification. This paper ends with a discussion of how conflict theory explains the possibility of such residential segregation in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite some improvements in their earnings up to about 1975, African Americans and Latinos have yet to achieve parity with whites (Jaynes and Williams, 1989). A growing number of studies have identified several factors that have influenced the size of the racial gap. Of particular relevance to this study, the size of the racial gap in earnings has been found to vary: 1) across the career (e.g. Thomas 1994; Tienda and Stier 1996); 2) by social class status (e.g. Thomas 1993) and; 3) across regions and localities (Beggs et al. 1997; Cohen 1998). While most research has examined these factors separately, it makes sense to assume that these factors interact with each other in shaping racial inequality in the real world. This studies examines the impact of local contexts and social class on the earning trajectories of a cohort of young African Americans, Latinos and whites. This paper will build on an earlier paper in which we proposed an estimates a fixed effects model of racial career earnings inequality for African Americas, Hispanics, and whites (Tomaskovic-Devey, Thomas, and Johnson 2003) using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY). The NLSY is a panel sample of young men and women ages 14-22 in 1979. They were interviewed every year through 1994 and then were interviewed biennially in 1996 and 1998. This means we can track the early career of these young Americans through ages 33-41. Preliminary findings reveal acial/ethnic differences in career trajectories, even after controlling for individual cognitive skill and the fixed effects of stable but unmeasured personality traits. We also found that there is a clear interaction between education and race/ethnic status, in which the race gap is greatest and grows most steeply among the highly educated. An examination of the impact of spatial factors on the above relationships is forthcoming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an attempt to test the cultural capital theory and to better understand the emerging middle class in China, this paper explores the possible relationship between social class and art in the home. Survey data and qualitative research methods are used to examine emerging Chinese middle class families' presentation of art in the living room. By probing the relationship between one's social class and art consumption - the number of artworks one displays in the living room and the probability of one liking or owning abstract art - this paper shows that the taste of the Chinese middle class might be open to a diversity of possibilities, rather than being constructed and led to a single direction advanced by the cultural capital theory. Further, even for people with a higher social status, the extent of their exposure to abstract art is easily exaggerated. There is a disconnect between how middle class people present themselves in public and how they present themselves in their own homes, which indicates a Goffmanian management of self-presentation. Moreover, the preference for the "new" Chinese painting (xin shuimo) shows the taste of the middle class can be both conventional and radical. This reflects a conflicting self in the emerging middle class in China, in which the notion of betweenness and moderation of the "middle" class provides a reconciliation between these conflicting selves in the course of cultural formation and transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1970s, the political incorporation of Latinos/as into the United States polity has received renewed attention in the social sciences. This paper examines how social class shapes this process, and argues that a more complete portrait of Latino/a political incorporation requires critically reassessing how class is conceptualized and operationalized in the dominant theories of immigrant political incorporation. It draws on theoretical, methodological and empirical insights from the stratified ethnoracial incorporation approach and the political sociology of class voting, and instead proposes a class-based ethnoracial political incorporation approach. Using data from the Current Population Survey, this paper examines inter-group, inter-class and intra-class variations in electoral participation. The findings show class gaps in participation that are wider than ethnoracial participation gaps, highlighting the significance of class in the political sphere. Most importantly, they reveal a more complex story of Latino/a political incorporation than the dominant theories would predict, namely one where patterns of political incorporation are differentially shaped by class position, beyond socioeconomic resources and other factors. Overall, this study shows that an American political system marked by both ethnoracial disparities and class biases in political participation shapes Latino/a political incorporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a common practice and ritual, monetary gift-money transfer has special features and meanings in China, but received little academic explanation in current sociological research. Certain gift-giving motivations such as acquiring higher social class or maintaining social relationships were discussed, but research on motivations of family-based gift-money income is still inadequate. By using national micro-household data, this paper investigates that monetary gift-giving behaviors among urban families in China is influenced by three factors: differences of social class between givers and recipients, social networks owned by the household, as well as the moral and reciprocal factors that drive the gift-giving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine population-level variability of aging and cohort trends in happiness in the United States. Following the technique outlined by Fosse (2019), we focus on estimating diachronic age and cohort trends, which captures the joint age-period and cohort-period effects in a set of time-series, cross-sectional data. The main advantage of this technique is that it is based on estimates that are not subject to the identification problem. To date the great majority of studies on happiness rely on ad hoc, implicit constraints, which can generate highly misleading temporal estimates. We find that diachronic age and cohort trends are large, negative, and statistically significant. We also examine howthese trends vary across a large number of variables, including ethnicity, fertility, region, gender, and social class. We find substantial population-level heterogeneity in both diachronic age and cohort trends, with the majority of interaction effects large and statistically significant. In general, results indicate that diachronic age and cohort trends tend to amplify the beneficial effects of variables show in previous studies to increase happiness. However, notably we find that having children and getting married incurs diminished benefits for the diachronic cohort trend. We conclude with suggestions for further research on temporal trends in happiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success or failure of community development depends on the capacity of citizens to participate in the creation of public goods. Yet, what motivates citizens to participate is not well understood, limiting our knowledge of the types of citizens that are likely to participate, how they will participate, and the types of communities in which they reside. These gaps in knowledge are especially salient in post-reform Indonesia, where state decentralization might have had a positive impact on community development. This paper proposes a framework to explain who is likely to participate in development efforts and how. Using survey data, I examine two main questions: (1) have the reforms led to a broader-based participation scheme that incorporates the poor in the development process? And (2) what is the role of religious minorities and other marginalized groups in these initiatives? The results suggest a two-mode participation model where the rich dominate giving, while doing is quasi-universal. The regression models show that wealthy elites dominate development efforts, but even the poorest households actively contribute their time. Wealthy Muslims, however, contribute more money but less time than wealthy Christians. While they raise some concerns about how inclusive these initiatives are, the findings mostly bring good news for community development in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highly educated professionals participated recent protest wave in Global South that influenced sociopolitical transformations in several countries like Egypt, Tunisia, Brazil, Venezuela, and Turkey. Existing scholarship offers crucial insights into different forms of politics, ranging from pro-status quo orientations to anti-status quo tendencies, that middle class professionals are likely to pursue. However, middle class political agency still remains ambiguous in the absence of a theoretical framework that addresses whether professionals would promote pro- or antistatus quo politics in certain sociohistorical contexts or during particular mobilizations. By drawing from theorizations of Pierre Bourdieu and Antonio Gramsci, I argue that middle class professionals simultaneously carry and express strategies of class distinction and class reconciliation and that their balancing between these conflicting tendencies shape their political visions and agendas. In order to study their balancing of class distinction and class reconciliation, I suggest focusing on how everyday experiences, discourses and practices of professionals influence making of middle class subjectivity and politics. This alternative approach also builds on contributions of historical-cultural studies of class formation, which illustrate that classes are shaped by social institutions and cultural practices like workplace relationships, educational experiences, leisure activities, social activism and political participation. My paper indicates that, in contrast to existing theories of middle class politics, middle class location and politics are not predetermined. Rather, middle class professionals form and perform their class subjectivities with their discourses and practices in everyday life as historical processes, class relations, statesociety dynamics influence their political agency as a social class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence suggests that macro-level inequality's impact on an individual's health might represent a contextual (i.e., ecological) rather than a compositional (i.e., related to individual resources) effect. To test this relationship, previous works subject the income inequality-health hypothesis to multi-level models that attempt to untangle the relationships between income inequality, individual income, and poverty. However, results provide mixed support for an association between income inequality and individual-level health. This paper extends on the previous literature by untangling the effects of macro-level income inequality and individual-level resources on self-rated health using a broader sample of countries than previous works. Thus, it brings to bear a cross-national, comparative perspective on the macro-micro link between income inequality and health. It also considers the effects of an additional individual-level resource not often explored in previous works, subjective social class. Using self-rated health and individual-level resources data from the World Values Survey (WVS) and improved income inequality data from the Standardized World Income Inequality Database (SWIID), I estimate two-way fixed effects regressions that account for macro- and micro-factors for 189,586 individuals nested within 76 countries. Through interactions, I test the null hypothesis that income inequality does not moderate the association between elements of socioeconomic status and self-rated health. Results indicate that subjective social class plays an important role in selfrated health beyond household income and educational attainment. This finding suggests that subjective social class might capture distinct mechanisms through which SES impacts health. However, country-level income inequality appears to amplify the link between educational attainment and self-rated health for highly-educated individuals, which provides some support for neo-materialist mechanisms rather than the "pollution" pathways for income inequality and health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this paper is on how social class analysis has been and is being "engaged for a better world". It critically reflects on temporally distant yet thematically related bodies of work - social class research conducted in the second half of the twentieth century in Yugoslavia and contemporary social class research published in high impact sociology journals - in order to explore the place that class analysis as systemic critique occupies within these fields of inquiry. In this process Wright's (2015) valuable linkage of the society-asgame metaphor with different forms of class analysis is engaged with. Our review of contemporary social class research published in leading sociology journals suggests that the role of class analysis in terms of a critique of capitalism is marginalized. Capitalism figures as an "absent presence" in the reviewed contemporary social class research: when mentioned it is occasionally critiqued, and no alternative to it is advanced. On the other hand, our historical case study of Yugoslav class scholarship during state-socialism illustrates how class analysis drew on both Marxism and liberal thought as tools for systemic critique. At the time this meant criticizing socialism-in-practice as being unjust. Although one could criticise contemporary sociological research published in mainstream journals for providing too little alternative to the capitalist system when juxtaposed to Yugoslav class research and its critique of socialism-in-practice, we suggest that for sociologists and their readership during statesocialism radical changes of the system also seemed like a more plausible future scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs responsible fathering as a theoretical framework and explores the transnational fathering practices of wild geese fathers--middleclass Korean fathers who remained alone in their home country while sending their wives and children abroad for their children's education. Based on in-depth interviews with 64 wild geese parents in the United States, Canada, and South Korea, it analyses how wild geese fathers strived to fulfil components of responsible fathering--providing economic support and emotional/physical care for children--in the transnational context by utilizing three tools of transnational fathering: remittances, transnational communication, and face-to-face encounters. It revisits the one-dimensional and economically-oriented portrait of transnational fatherhood by documenting wild geese fathers who actively renegotiated the gendered boundary of parenting and practiced more affectionate, expressive, and involved fatherhood from a distance. It highlights the significance of social class, legal status and technology as critical resources of transnational father-child intimacy. In sum, its analysis of the middle-class Asian transnational fathering contributes to better understanding the growing diversity of transnational fatherhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on literature on habitus and class-based dispositions (Bordieu 1990); social class, occupation, and values (Kohn 1969); and parental work and home environment (Parcel and Meneghan 1994), this paper examines the relationship between parental occupation, class background, and the college aspirations of first-generation college students. Using ELS: 2002 data, I focus on how the intersection of working-class culture and gender influence college major choice. Regression analyses investigate whether the effects of parental occupation on student major selection vary by gender, social class, and first-generation status. The findings reveal significant interactions between gender and first-generation students' field of study and relationships between parental occupation and choice of applied versus academic major. This research can inform policy around enrollment gaps and patterns of attrition by gender and among low-income working-class first-generation college students, while also speaking to broader sociological questions and issues of inequality, mobility, and status attainment trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of the previous research on cultural taste supports class determinism. However, rapid cultural flow following globalization makes it possible for consumers of different classes to access various cultural products, which declares the failure of class determinism in cultural taste. The paper proposes the regional shift and the classificatory shift in taste research. It also examines the effect of globalization on cultural taste through "horizontal" and "vertical" omnivorousness in East Asian societies. The study finds that: (1) social class fails to predict cultural omnivorousness; (2) individuals with higher level of globalization have a wider range of cultural taste; (3) the process of globalization on national level encourages people to appreciate various cultural products. The discussion on the effect of globalization on cultural omnivorousness in East Asia helps to better understand patterns of cultural taste in a globalized context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the class nature of globalization in the 21st century from a critical, global perspective. Focusing on class as the motive force of social change and social transformation, the paper provides an analysis of class relations and class conflict on a global scale, stressing the centrality of this phenomenon in defining social relations across societies in the age of globalization. Going beyond the analysis of class and class conflict globally, the paper addresses the role of the state as a major force in class relations that impact the outcome of class conflict in contemporary capitalist society throujghout the world. The paper highlights some of the key aspects of class relations that are examined in great depth. Looking at the internal and external contradictions of contemporary capitalist society, it explores how class relations and class conflict may lead to class struggles, revolution, and social transformation in the age of globalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines South Korean farm bachelors' motives to look for wives from Southeast Asian countries by probing an association between the declining agricultural industry and the perceived decline of Korean farmers' masculinity, and argues how the gender hierarchy intersects with the global hierarchy in Korean men's construction of masculinity. By using the concepts of "doing gender" (West and Zimmerman 1987) and the world gender order (Cornell 1998), this paper contends that Korean men, whose masculinity is perceived to be curtailed by local Korean women's rejection for their low socio-economic status, attempt to restore masculinity through international marriage in which patriarchal idea and practice of "marriage gradient" are maintained, and their "doing masculinity" is understood in relation to their migrant wives especially within Korean men's perceived nation-state standing in the global economy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the current processes of globalization are in continuity with colonial liberal globalism. That is, while from a chronological and linear point of view neoliberal globalism of the late 20th century is a continuation of national developmentalism, from a world historical viewpoint it is a continuation of 19th century colonial globalism. Utilizing this world historical perspective, the paper then argue that the historical (nation-based) debate on the "future of peasantries" did not conceptualize the spatial dimensions of class formation and value relations as a global process. Conceptualized in its global and historical context "accumulation by displacement" explains the current condition of the world peasantries, that is simultaneous dispossession by displacement and deproletarianization on a world scale. The analysis considers the political history of capital relative to dispossession and displacement in the longue durée--an approach that allows for uncovering abstract similarities and continuities as well as the concrete differences and discontinuities across space and time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of race, religion, class, and culture in post-civil rights politics in order to sort out the misunderstanding and confusion in the current analyses of politics in the contemporary U.S. In the paper, I address how black voting rights and attention to black interests have affected party coalitions, the assumption that racial politics became religious politics, the role of the New Right and the sources of their funding in the emergence of the Religious Right, the influence of the South in contemporary politics, the controversy over the political affiliations of the white working class, and the conflict within the Democratic Party between "New Democrats" and the "Democratic wing of the Democratic Party." I also discuss the confusion that is evident regarding political attitudes and the relationship to political behavior and the current close division between the two major parties that have created what some have called the "50/50 state." I end the paper with a discussion of the implications for both major parties in their efforts (i.e., struggle) to create a "permanent" majority out of the currently polarized electoral landscape in U.S. politics. The highly volatile political situation currently evident in the U.S., however, exists in the context of an electorate whose political attitudes have not changed much in the last several decades and whose political values appear to be trending toward liberal views. Finally, I discuss why these two seemingly incompatible circumstances appear together in post-civil rights politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The identity and history of the University of Mississippi (Ole Miss) has been the subject of immense political discussion and popular debate in recent years.  Utilizing the concepts of stigma and neutralization, this paper examines the debate through the lens of football recruiting at Ole Miss.  Qualitative interviews with prominent football players and program administrators (e.g., coaches, recruiters) at the University of Mississippi, as well as prominent football players at Mississippi State University who were recruited by Ole Miss, highlight a number of negative recruiting strategies competing schools use to stigmatize Ole Miss.  Negative recruiting techniques stigmatize Ole Miss as (1) a historically anti-black institution in a state with a distinctively racist past, (2) a school currently characterized by strained race relations, and (3) an elitist university catering to upper-middle class whites.  In turn, Ole Miss enlists a number of tactics designed to neutralize each type of stigma.  This paper underscores the need to examine stigma and neutralization at both the structural (institutional) and situational (interpersonal) levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employment environments, like school contexts, may be those of opportunity for some, but not others. Some jobs may facilitate positive socialization by promoting the 'soft' or non-cognitive skills that facilitate successful transitions into adulthood (including post-secondary education and career-track employment) while others may do the opposite. Prior research has made strides to illuminate the complex relationships between ascription, social class, race/ethnicity and gender, achievement, and work patterns of adolescents. However, the relationship between household structure and resources available to the adolescents and their employment patterns is poorly understood. In this paper, I present evidence that family resources differentially impact work trajectories of students by gender. In addition, this paper aims to unpack gendered patterns of adolescent work by examining the variation in occupational sectors in which students are employed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cruise ship employers in the United States have demonstrably utilized the "divide and conquer" tactic in assembling an international (75-90 different worker nationalities aboard) working class. A critical component of the "divide and conquer" strategy is employers' creation of "racialized" hierarchies between workers. This is clearly the case in the cruise ship industry regarding the division between "staff" and "crew" workers position within the workplace hierarchy. A key theoretical underpinning of "divide and conquer" theory is that this employer strategy is successful because workforce heterogeneity and racial antipathy can be manipulated to fragment the working class. The cruise ship industry provides important insights on workforce heterogeneity and employers' tactics in a globalized context. Among the crewmembers (who are exclusively from the global "south"), this paper explores a central questions pertaining to working class solidarity within an international workforce. Do workers have to possess a shared cultural heritage to forge group solidarity? More directly, can crewmembers from vastly different nationalities and cultures "overcome" these cleavages to create a workplace culture of solidarity? Based on ethnographic observations and qualitative interviews with crewmembers aboard cruise ships, this paper argues that crewmembers display critical elements of inter-national working class cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the changes in size and reward structure for various occupational groups in India between 1983 and 1999-2000. Using data from four large household surveys over this period, the paper argues that government officials, managers and professionals have benefited disproportionately over this period as compared to other occupational groups. India began a liberalization program in 1985 that was further accentuated following structural adjustment in 1991. This liberalization involved specific changes in government policies that are directly responsible for the growth in incomes for these middle classes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an analysis of social class and the ways that it is manifested and unfolds in an urban neighborhood. It is an examination of the process of gentrification in what had historically been a working class neighborhood. This study is accomplished by focusing on the different positions taken by gentrifiers and long-term residents regarding each group's connection to and participation in the local community. This paper investigates through participant observation the activities of school aged children in Greenpoint, Brooklyn. Through the activities of children, parenting styles by social class are also included in the analysis. The primary distinction is between working class and gentrifying residents, although finer differences are also made. This paper finds a contradiction between the ideology that gentry families publicly present, and the ways in which they live (which includes their children's activities). The children of gentrifiers are kept separate from children of lower socioeconomic status, who are seemingly "not good enough." In the neighborhood, gentry children are with each other. They are simply not participants in the larger community of Greenpoint. Thus, a parallel culture for each group exists. The working class (and immigrants) continue to engage in traditional, local institutions (church, ethnic organizations, PTA), while gentrifiers do not join what exists, but create new social milieus with others like themselves. In the final analysis, the status quo is maintained. Social segregation continues, and social inequality is reproduced. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world systems perspective taken in this paper envisions Germany as embedded within an interactive network. Systemic conflict is seen as frequently emerging during periods of hegemonic instability or rivalry, often as a result of economic cycles. In this case, the same 19th century technological innovations that facilitated the rapid rise and integration of European economies, nation-states, and social classes also helped create conditions conducive to global instability. Each European nation also had its own network of elites. This paper advances the idea that instability also accompanies changes in elite networks, especially when a core of key elites is replaced simultaneously. The German story involved a small core of key political-military elites who enjoyed a lengthy tenure (approximately 1860 to 1890) and provided a certain stability despite the period of hegemonic decline. Their rapid replacement presaged a growing instability among elite European networks and their representative nation-states. A rapid or erratic turnover in personnel can be very disruptive to the operation of a business or a nation- especially when the turnover involves key personnel. My contention is that several core elite networks were replaced across Europe nations beginning in 1890 and the result was a dramatic shift in economics, policies, and alliances that resulted in systemic conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the strategies to improve economic condition of Indonesia used by Soeharto when he took office in the late 1960s was to give special preferences to some people so that they could build a strong capitalist class. However, unlike in East Asian countries, the policy never created a strong, independent capitalist class. The paper argues that there are two reasons for this. First, there are elements in Javanese cultureâ?”namely the priyayi cultureâ?”that are not conducive to capitalism. As Soeharto injected Javanese ideas into his regime, the values of Priyayi (aristocrat class in traditional Javanese social structure) permeated to other segments of the society regardless of their ethnic background. Second, the dynamics of ethnic relationships makes it difficult for Indonesian government to promote business-friendly values in the society.The paper tries to combine Developmental State theory with Cultural Explanation theory in explaining the success and the failure of an economy. Social classes are used only to explain how culture affects economy. At the end, the paper suggests that Indonesian government should stress on different aspects of Javanese culture. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies some demographic changes associated with transition of the horse from a 'work' animal to a 'play' companion in recreational activities. This transition is notably association with a dearth of data on horses in the U.S. particularly between 1960 and 1990. Horse populations in the U.S. were probably lowest sometime between 1945 and 1960 by which time only cowboys still needed 'work' horses on a daily basis. Social class dynamics in the East and in urban areas effectively eliminated the likelihood than those 'second nature' practices around horses passed their knowledge and attitudes to subsequent generations. In the West, ranching preserved a niche for such individuals and creating opportunities for their knowledge and practices to be spread both to subsequent generations and increasingly to the world. Today's culture, and the social class dynamics associated with horses as status symbols and recreational creatures, served to build the natural horsemanship 'culture' in the West and present barriers to its diffusion into the East . The structural 'need' for natural horsemanship as well as its ideological appeal are now breaching those barriers and spreading it to an expanding audience. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrant entrepreneurship is viewed positively for its role in immigrant economic adaptation. With the professionalization of children of self-employed immigrants, small business ownership is seen to promote intergenerational mobility. To examine what role immigrant entrepreneurship plays in the mobility of the second generation, this paper compares the educational and occupational achievements of children of professionals, children of entrepreneurs, and children of workers. The comparisons reveal that a greater proportion of children of professionals and children of entrepreneurs attended selective colleges, obtained professional occupations, and earned competitive salaries than children of workers. Despite the educational disadvantage of self-employed Chinese fathers compared to professionals, children of entrepreneurs attended selective colleges in higher numbers than did children of professionals. Although self-employed fathers had similar educational attainments as fathers who were manual workers, it was the children of entrepreneurs, rather than children of workers, that paralleled the educational and occupational achievements of children of professionals. This suggests that immigrant entrepreneurship can provide the resources for educational advancement of the second generation, serving as an important stepping-stone to intergenerational mobility. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An ongoing debate amongst social scientists is whether class matters for African Americans in determining their residential proximity to whites. Some argue that class does not matter, that African Americans of all classes are highly segregated. On the other hand, other research suggests that blacks of higher socioeconomic status do have more contact with whites. What previous research is unclear on is whether these patterns have changed over time. This paper examines how blacks' ability to translate individual characteristics into proximity to whites changed over the 1970-2000 period. The results presented here suggest that between 1970 and 1990 it became more difficult for blacks to translate their individual endowments into proximity to whites. After 1990, however, it became easier for blacks' to blacks to translate their individual endowments into proximity to whites. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though many reviews have drawn together scholarship on identity and difference, the work they cover generally addresses specific types of identity (e.g. race, gender, class). The most well-known attempts to combine existent theories of unique identities have been feminist scholar's attempts to bring race and gender into focus under one lens in order to articulate the experiences of women of color. In this paper I explore a new way of thinking about the problems unearthed by the debates around identity and difference within feminist discourse. By conceptualizing identities such as race or gender as a part of social structure, as described by William Sewell, I propose a possible source of the similarities as well as the problems and pitfalls of a unified theory of identity. I suggest that schemas of difference have at least two things in common: 1) they are based on a logic of essential authenticity and 2) they provide standards of evidence for determining membership to categories. I use the notion of schema to signal that these classifications are not inevitable, eternal or immutable, but their place in Sewell's theory of social structure suggests that they do have material consequences and are in that sense very real. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes the author's previous Bourdieu-inspired analysis of class differences in adult sport participation. It then summarizes Lamont's analyses of class boundary making in the U.S., outlines the two theorists' predictions for patterns of adult sport participation, and tests those predictions. Bourdieu argues that even in the U.S. there are lifestyle divisions between culturally and economically dominant fractions of the dominant classes and that these divisions are gendered. Lamont found little evidence of this division and argued that what is distinctive about the U.S. is the salience of moral capital. She also downplays the importance of habitus, arguing that national repertoires and other remote structural factors are more determinate of symbolic boundary making. Logistic regression analysis of data from the 1998 National Health Interview Survey (n=24,480) on adult Americans activity in sixteen sports uncovers a pattern that more closely fits Bourdieu's predictions. This may be because the NHIS data measures behavioral patterns more reflective of unconscious class habituses, while Lamont's method of inductive interviews is more apt to elicit beliefs that make up national cultural repertoires. The conclusion discusses the relative strengths of the theories for studying sports and outlines a program of research to further test these theories. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural capital, which refers to the role certain cultural behaviors and abilities play in the reproduction of social class, has emerged as a powerful concept for studying social class and the intersection of social structures and individual action. Previous studies examine the effects of cultural capital in a wide range of areas including: education and family life, marital selection, political attitudes, the legal system, and high school sports participation. Researchers, however, have paid little attention to the relationship between social location and cultural capital, and have neglected consideration of this relationship in corporate settings.This study takes place at the headquarters of a major, multinational corporation located in a major city in the Midwest. I use data from extensive personal interviews with employees, as well as participant observation data, to investigate the relationship between social location and knowledge of important cultural capital processes and resources. Preliminary findings indicate that class and race have the strongest effects on employees' knowledge of key cultural capital resources. Gender does not have a strong effect. This paper is part of a larger project on social location and cultural capital. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I revisit the relationship of queer theory and sociology in order to address some critical issues around conceiving the subject and "the self" in sexualities research. I suggest that while sociology and queer theory are not reducible to each other, sociology has its own deconstructionist impulse built into pragmatist and symbolic interactionist analyses of identity and subjectivity that is often overlooked by or reinvented through queer theory. But, conversely, queer theory has a very specific deconstructionist raison d'etre in relation to conceiving the sexual subject that marks its key departure from Foucault and sociology more generally. This deconstructionist mandate, by definition, moves queer theory away from the analysis of self and subject position-including those accruing from race, class and gender-and toward a conception of the self radically disarticulated from the social. This "anti-identitarian" position has been a source of criticism among some sociologists, who find in queer theory an indefensible "refusal to name a subject" (Seidman 1993:132). But this criticism, I suggest, stems from a misplaced effort to synthesize queer theory and sociology, when in fact, the two approaches to the subject represent incommensurable positions. Rather, I argue that the very promise of queer theory rests in a strong deconstructionism that exists in tension with, rather than as an extension of, sociological approaches to the self. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will attempt to use a sociological lens to investigate the particular institution of American public schooling. The use of a sociological method of investigation necessitates that the researcher look beyond the perfunctory and stated goals of the institution of study and attempt to render clear the hidden and powerful goals that guide the institution's operation away the light of judgment. In this case the institution of investigation has a long and varied history. American public schooling has in some ways and for some citizens, been a triumph of democracy and equality for the citizenry. In other ways and for other citizens, public schooling acted as a gatekeeper - condemning most students from lower social class homes to the same economic lives as their parents and at the same time guiding students from higher social class families into the economic arena of their parents. Using C. Wright Mills distinction of troubles, which, "occur within the character of the individual and…have to do with his self," and issues, which, "have to do with matters that transcend these local environments of the individual…They have to do with the organization of many," it becomes apparent that the social reproduction is very much an issue and must be investigated as such and confronted as such (Mills, 1959, 8). How has history so changed an institution, which Freeman Butts described as an "unflagging search for freedom," founded to be a tool to promote economic and social mobility, into quite the opposite? (Butts, 1971, 50) ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]