Search

Objectives: (i) To determine the current state of online grocery shopping, including individuals' motivations for shopping for groceries online and types of foods purchased; and (ii) to identify the potential promise and pitfalls that online grocery shopping may offer in relation to food and beverage purchases. Design: PubMed, ABI/INFORM and Google Scholar were searched to identify published research. Setting: To be included, studies must have been published between 2007 and 2017 in English, based in the USA or Europe (including the UK), and focused on: (i) motivations for online grocery shopping; (ii) the cognitive/psychosocial domain; and (iii) the community or neighbourhood food environment domain. Subjects: Our search yielded twenty-four relevant papers. Results: Findings indicate that online grocery shopping can be a double-edged sword. While it has the potential to increase healthy choices via reduced unhealthy impulse purchases, nutrition labelling strategies, and as a method to overcome food access limitations among individuals with limited access to a brick-and-mortar store, it also has the potential to increase unhealthy choices due to reasons such as consumers' hesitance to purchase fresh produce online. Conclusions: Additional research is needed to determine the most effective ways to positively engage customers to use online grocery shopping to make healthier choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global trade in the 21st century is characterised by complex value chains. Successful exporters usually rely on quality imports, and exported goods cross borders many times before reaching their final consumer. This poses challenges to economic measurement as well as policymaking because it becomes difficult to characterise the true interdependencies between countries. Currently, estimates of the share of imports from a trade partner destined for re-exports, and the share used in the domestic economy, are crude at best. We develop a novel approach to estimate these shares. Instead of assigning imports for re-exports proportionally across all source countries, we consider the origin of imports for each trader who re-exports goods. The method is illustrated for the Netherlands, a major re-exporter. We find that non-European member states export 10 billion euros of commodities to the Netherlands that are destined for re-export to the United Kingdom. We also find that the goods trade deficit between the Netherlands and the United States is drastically reduced when taking re-export flows into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on the recent willingness among British, Canadian, and imperial historians to question older national histories, and to re-examine how the divergent societies, economies, and polities of the empire once interacted in a wider 'British world'. It argues that the press acted as a key mechanism for the transmission of political ideas through the permeable internal boundaries of empire. This is demonstrated through analysis of contemporary debate over the Canadian American reciprocity proposals of 1911. This controversy provided an opportunity for political groups in Britain and Canada to use the press to forge alliances with each other and work together on a specific issue. Two key forces made this possible. In Britain, constructive imperialists had since 1903 sought to rally Dominion support for tariff reform, initially with limited success. In Canada, neither western farmers nor eastern manufacturers seemed interested in imperial preference. It was the reciprocity proposals that changed the situation, providing the second driving force. Canadian manufacturing interests, seeking to prevent the lowering of tariff barriers against United States rivals, began to court British constructive imperialists. As a result political conflict was reshaped both in colony and metropole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ability to identify which factors best capture systematic return covariation is central to applications of multifactor pricing models. This paper uses a common data set to evaluate the performance of various proposed factors in capturing return comovements. Factors associated with the market, size, past return, book-to-market, and dividend yield help explain return comovement on an out-of-sample basis (although they are not necessarily associated with large premiums in average returns). Except for the default premium and the term premium, macroeconomic factors perform poorly. We document regularities in the behavior of the more important factors, and confirm their influence in the Japanese and U.K. markets as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the two series of the dollar-sterling exchange rate presented from 1791 to 1834. Basis of the series; Use of the series to examine the gold points during the period; Overview of a study which covered the monetary standards and foreign exchange rate of the United States and Great Britain.

The article focuses on Ebenezer Smith Platt, a young British colonial, confined in London's infamous Newgate prison during 1777. On February 17, John Wilkes, the controversial politician, pamphleteer, and propagandist, rose to address the British House of Commons to illustrate the oppressive, unwarrantable and alienating effects of the proposed act on Americans by citing the case of Platt. Platt, whom Wilkes identified as an American merchant from Georgia, accused of treason, had allegedly been denied his basic judicial right to habeas corpus, and Wilkes intimated that the notoriety of this case was influencing the American commissioners in Paris to seek a French alliance. Ebenezer Smith Platt was possessed of a prominent family lineage--one that reached back to New England's first Puritan settlements. The travels of Ebenezer began during his Long Island boyhood. By the late 17605 Jonas Platt had taken his family to New York City, leaving his elderly father and half-brother Jeremiah to administer the family's extensive Suffolk County landholdings.

This paper focuses on powerful third parties whose interests in a conflict are closely aligned with a single disputant's interests. I show that such third-party bias reveals private information about an intervener's willingness to secure an agreement using force. When a highly biased power intervenes in a crisis, a peaceful settlement is likely because warring parties are certain the third party will enforce an agreement by military means. When an intervener shows less favoritism, negotiations tend to fail because the disputants doubt that it is committed to use force. Peace is again more likely when the third party is unbiased because such a party behaves as a mediator, seeking agreements both adversaries find acceptable. These findings, coupled with evidence from U.S. and British interventions in the Balkans, suggest a possible explanation for why major power intervention can bring about drastically different outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an abstract of a conference paper comparing the development of corporations in Great Britain and the U.S.

Compares the methods for producing iron in the United States (U.S.) and Great Britain in 1890. Impact of the divergence in the methods used in the U.S. on the industrial power of Great Britain; Cause of the failure of British iron entrepreneurs.

Discusses the military nuclear relations between the United States and Great Britain under the terms of the McMahon Act, 1946-1958. Relationship between the military establishments of the two countries; Ties between the United States Air Force and the Royal Air Force; Importance of understanding military relations for an understanding of the high politics of nuclear relationship.

This paper examines trends in the instability of personal incomes in Britain in terms of changes in the transitory variance and in volatility, measures that have received much recent attention in research about the USA. It is shown that, although US measures have trended upwards over the past two decades, there is no such trend in Britain between the early-1990s and the mid-2000s. Explanations for these differences are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A number of scholars have noted a negative relationship between ethnic diversity and social capital or social trust, especially in the US. Evidence from other countries has been more mixed and sometimes contradictory. In this paper we provide the first Anglo-American comparative analysis of the relationship between neighbourhood diversity and social capital, and show how this relationship varies across ethnic categories. We apply multilevel structural equation models to individual level data from the 2000 Citizen Benchmark Survey for the US and the 2005 Citizenship Survey for Great Britain. The findings suggest that while for attitudinal social capital among Whites the negative underlying relationship with diversity is apparent in both countries, the effect is much weaker or reversed for minority groups. For structural social capital the negative relationship is apparent for minorities but not Whites, but this is mainly attributable to other neighbourhood characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important property of any party system is the set of choices it presents to the electorate. In this paper we analyze the distribution of parties relative to voters in the multidimensional issue space and introduce two measures of the dispersion of the parties in the issue space relative to the voters, which we call measures of the compactness of the parties in the issue space. We show how compactness is easily computed using standard survey items found on national election surveys. Because we study the spacing of the parties relative to the distribution of the voters, we produce metric-free measures of compactness of the party system. The measures can be used to compare party systems across issues, over time within countries, and across countries. Comparing the compactness of party systems across countries allows us to determine the relative amount of issue choice afforded voters in different polities. We examine the compactness of the issue space and test the impact it has on voter choice in four countries: the United States, the Netherlands, Canada, and Great Britain. We demonstrate that the more compact the distribution of the parties in the issue space on any given issue, the less voters weight that issue in their vote decision. Thus we provide evidence supporting theories suggesting that the greater the choice offered by the parties in an election, the more likely it is that issue voting will play a major role in that election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the recent view that economic distress was not an important cause of English immigration to the United States before 1860. Use of demographic information to show that characteristics of males on suspect passenger lists matched those of laborers on other lists; Sampling methods and distributions of immigrant occupations; Comparing the questionable and good passenger lists; Discussion.

Focuses on a study which examined the development of the insurance function of trade unions in the nineteenth-century Great Britain. Results of the study; Primary functions of British trade unions in the nineteenth-century; Issues about the impact of benefit policies on the power of union leaders relative to employers and union rank and file.

Examines the perceptions and attitudes in the American government, under the administration of President Lyndon Johnson, regarding Great Britain's Labour government. View of British Prime Minister Harold Wilson as a Soviet asset; Perception of Britain as a country in economic decline and weak morale; Tension between London and Washington known as `The Hessian option.'

We examine the cross section of stock returns using an original dataset consisting of annual observations on price, dividends, and shares outstanding for nearly all stocks listed on U.K. exchanges between 1870 and 1913, supplemented with additional information about attrition. The only clear pattern in the historical U.K. data is the high returns of extremely small stocks. Among the largest 99.8% of stocks, the historical U.K. data do not display the pattern found in modern U.S. (CRSP) data of excess returns for small stocks or stocks with poor past performance. Unlike CRSP data, stocks that do not pay dividends do not outperform stocks that pay small dividends during this period. However, as in the modern data, there is a weak relation between dividend yield and performance for stocks that pay dividends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nestlé Nutritional Profiling System (NNPS) has been developed to guide food and beverage reformulation. The WHO published guidelines to develop and validate nutrient profiling systems. The objective was to conduct validation tests of the NNPS following principles of the WHO guidelines. French (Individual and National Survey on food Consumption 2006–2007) and the USA (National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys 2011–2012) nationally representative dietary surveys were used. NNPS outcomes (PASS, FAIL, out-of-scope) of foods were compared with the validated UK Ofcom nutrient profiling system outcomes. Contributions of NNPS outcomes to energy intakes were compared between diets nutritional quality classes defined by two methods: based on a food-based quality indicator (Programme National Nutrition Santé Guideline Score in France, Healthy Eating Index 2010 in the USA) or on a combination of three nutrient-based indicators (mean adequacy ratio, mean excess ratio and energy density). In both countries, food items with a NNPS FAIL outcome had a lower nutritional quality according to the UK Ofcom, with an overall agreement between the two systems of 75·7 % in France and 68·8 % in the USA. In both countries, a high (respectively, low) contribution of NNPS PASS (respectively, NNPS FAIL) was positively associated with diet healthiness. Absolute associations were stronger between the contribution of NNPS FAIL products and measures of diet healthiness. Foods and beverages reaching NNPS standards appeared to have a higher nutritional quality and would be more likely to contribute to healthier diets, mainly linked to a reduction of nutrients to limit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To systematically review the literature and map published studies on 4-8-year-olds' intake of discretionary choices against an ecological framework (ANalysis Grid for Environments Linked to Obesity; ANGELO). Design: Articles were identified through database searches (PubMed, PyscINFO®, Web of Science) in February and March 2014 and hand-searching reference lists. Studies were assessed for methodological quality and mapped against the ANGELO framework by environment size (macro and micro setting) and type (physical, economic, policy and socio-cultural influences). Setting: Studies were conducted in the USA (n 18), Australia (n 6), the UK (n 3), the Netherlands (n 3), Belgium (n 1), Germany (n 1) and Turkey (n 1). Subjects: Children aged 4-8 years, or parents/other caregivers. Results: Thirty-three studies met the review criteria (observational n 23, interventions n 10). Home was the most frequently studied setting (67% of exposures/strategies), with the majority of these studies targeting family policy-type influences (e.g. child feeding practices, television regulation). Few studies were undertaken in government (5·5%) or community (11%) settings, or examined economic-type influences (0%). Of the intervention studies only four were categorised as effective. Conclusions: The present review is novel in its focus on mapping observational and intervention studies across a range of settings. It highlights the urgent need for high-quality research to inform interventions that directly tackle the factors influencing children's excess intake of discretionary choices. Interventions that assist in optimising a range of environmental influences will enhance the impact of future public health interventions to improve child diet quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vitamins play a crucial role in health, but modern lifestyles may lead to suboptimal intakes even in affluent countries. The aim of the present study is to review vitamin intakes in Germany, the UK, The Netherlands and the USA and to compare them with respective national recommendations. Data on adults from the most recently published national dietary intake surveys for the first three countries and data for adults from the US National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey from 2003 to 2008 for the USA were used as a basis for the analysis. The proportions of the populations with intakes below recommendations were categorised as < 5, 5–25, >25–50, >50–75 and >75 % for each vitamin. The data generated are presented in a ‘traffic light display’, using colours from green to red to indicate degrees of sufficiency. The trends found were compared with the results from the European Nutrition and Health Report 2009, even though in that report, only information on mean intakes in the different countries was available. We showed that, although inter-country differences exist, intakes of several vitamins are below recommendations in a significant part of the population in all these countries. The most critical vitamin appears to be vitamin D and the least critical niacin. The variation between the countries is most probably due to differences in recommendations, levels of fortification and local dietary habits. We show that a gap exists between vitamin intakes and requirements for a significant proportion of the population, even though diverse foods are available. Ways to correct this gap need to be investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The subject of when nuclear weapons might have to be employed by the United States during the early Cold War period was the setting for a prolonged and uneasy dialogue within the Anglo-American relationship. While British governments pressed for a formal agreement that there should be prior consultation before the atomic bomb was ever used, the Americans were determined to retain the freedom to take this crucial decision alone. This article explores the debates that ensued and the tensions that were created by this issue, between the meetings of Attlee and Truman in December 1950 and the Indochina crisis of 1954, and highlights the contrasting geopolitical positions of Britain and the United States as they sought to reconcile their views. For the British, playing host to a clutch of important US airbases, the risk of early nuclear devastation in any outbreak of general war was a paramount consideration. Although impatient with British caution, the Americans recognized an overriding need for allied support in general war giving British views the capacity to exercise a restraining influence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The UK's domestic intelligence agency, MI5, has become increasingly involved in the realm of law enforcement over the last decade. This article puts the British experience in perspective by comparing it with France's main domestic intelligence agency, which has pushed deep into the law enforcement arena in recent years. A similar perception of Islamist terrorism underpins these parallel developments in the two countries. However, differences relating to accountability, legal systems and conceptions of the state mean that the French intelligence agency has expanded its role considerably more than its British counterpart. The analysis indicates that MI5's move into law enforcement is likely to remain a relatively conservative one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that there are five major challenges currently facing Western intelligence communities. First - ensuring skills retention for intelligence officers and analysts, while developing knowledgeable managers and customers, all in an increasingly-complex security environment. Second - instituting and inculcating knowledge and expertise in these staff - while addressing an opponent in al-Qaeda which demonstrates increasingly sophisticated use of IT, new media, etc. Third - drawing-in outside expertise from the research and business communities, as is done currently in the US and Canada but in only a very limited manner in the UK. Fourth - overcoming institutional rigidity in dividing the foreign and domestic - alongside rigid sharing and co-operation relationships. Fifth - creating truly collaborative environments that offer genuine socio-cultural incentives to collaboration rather than mere 'IT solutions'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing number of scholars, commentators, and pundits describe the contemporary US as an empire. This article argues that these authors have not paid sufficient attention to the historiography of empire and imperialism. Indeed, the historiography of the British and American empires offers important lessons for current debates including what is the appropriate definition of the American empire, what are the social and political foundations of the American Empire, and what are the consequences of the American Empire for the US and the wider world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the features of the sub-prime crisis, that began in August 2007, was its unexpected nature. It came as a surprise not only to most financial market participants but also in some degree to the policy community. In this context, we seek to assess whether early warning systems based on the logit and binomial tree approaches on the UK and US economies could have helped to warn about the crisis. We also consider a 'check list approach' of indicators based on history. Although not all of the complementary approaches are successful, we contend that our work suggests that a broadening of approaches to macroprudential analysis is appropriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bulletin of the British Association for American Studies (1956-66) provided a valuable platform for many British pioneers in the study of American history, politics and literature, and laid the ground for a more professional and permanent American studies journal when the field had become well established in this country. Here I have both attempted to analyse the Bulletin's content and commented on the professional background and intellectual interest of its contributors, including the very limited number of women whose work appeared in its pages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some elected governments impose short-term costs to invest in solving long-term social problems while others delay or merely redistribute the pain? This article addresses that question by examining the politics of pension reform in Britain and the United States. It first reframes the conventional view of the outcomes - centred on cross-sectional distribution - demonstrating that the politicians who enacted the least radical redistribution enacted the most dramatic intertemporal tradeoffs. To explain this pattern, the article develops and tests a theory of policy choice in which organized interests struggle for long-term advantage under institutional constraints. The argument points to major analytical advantages to studying governments' policy choices in intertemporal terms, for both the identification of comparative puzzles and their explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The businesses of developed Europe-transporting freight by a more advantageous mix of ships, trains, and horses-encountered logistic barriers to trade lower than those in the sparsely populated United States. Economically integrated, compact northwest Europe was a multinational market space larger than the United States, and, arguably, as open to interstate commerce as the contemporary American domestic market. By the early twentieth century, the First European Integration had enabled its manufacturers to build more than half the world's giant plants-many more than in the United States-as variously required by factor endowments, consumer demand, and scale economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of the debate over free trade and tariffs in Britain during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have not taken adequate account of the impact of the protectionist United States. The article first examines how American protectionism influenced the cause of imperial preference. It then looks at how both rides in the fiscal debate used the American economic experience to bolster their cases. Finally, it is demonstrated that the economic success and liberal democratic character of America compelled free traders to attack the American example on a moral and political basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACTIntelligence sharing among countries with different technical capabilities and local knowledge is particularly valuable for countering terrorism, transnational organized crime, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. States participating in intelligence-sharing arrangements must balance the benefits of more and better intelligence against the possibility that their partners will withhold or distort the information they share or will pass along to others the information they receive. Participants can balance these benefits and risks by introducing elements of hierarchy into their sharing agreements. Hierarchical arrangements allow a state to monitor more effectively for defection and to reassure others of its own commitments to the terms of their sharing arrangement. I evaluate this argument by analyzing intelligence sharing between the United States and Britain and West Germany during the early cold war, and conclude with some insights the approach sheds on contemporary sharing arrangements and problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the 1888 Cost of Living Survey, I estimate the demand for calories of American and British industrial workers. I find that the income and expenditure elasticities of calories for American households are significantly lower than the corresponding elasticities for British households, suggesting that American industrial workers were nutritionally better off than their British counterparts. I further find that the calorie elasticity differential between the two countries was driven by the higher wages enjoyed in the United States. Additional analysis reveals that the relative price of calories was approximately 20 percent greater in Great Britain than in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Work exploring the relationship between public opinion and public policy over time has largely been restricted to the United States. A wider application of this line of research can provide insights into how representation varies across political systems, however. This article takes a first step in this direction using a new body of data on public opinion and government spending in Britain. The results of analyses reveal that the British public appears to notice and respond (thermostatically) to changes in public spending in particular domains, perhaps even more so than in the United States. They also reveal that British policymakers represent these preferences in spending, though the magnitude and structure of this response is less pronounced and more general. The findings are suggestive about the structuring role of institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an alternative explanation for the development of national penitentiaries in Great Britain by comparing the emergence of these institutions to their primary penal substitute, the transportation of felons to the U.S. and Australia during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In all, some 50,000 British convicts were transported to the American colonies between 1718 and 1775. The centralization of state power transformed the capacity and willingness of broad segments of the populace to pressure national power-holders into protecting them from arbitrary state actions, including punishments. By contrast, the purpose of the nineteenth- century penitentiary was to punish and reform criminal offenders. Nevertheless, similar to reformist accounts, an important component of revisionist accounts was the persistent examination of punishments from the viewpoints of the ruling gentry and emerging mercantile and industrial classes. The removal and sale of felons overseas shifted the entire burden of their correction onto the shoulders of private citizens. By contrast, transportation served the interests of justices of peace, it increased their existing discretionary authority, and it helped minimize the administrative burden of their office. In sum, in the eighteenth century, the widespread imprisonment of felons was slow to develop, and Britain relied upon transportation as a form of punishment. Transportation's succession by imprisonment was also influenced by a more general transformation in social relations centered on the practical experience of liberty.

The article presents information related to the relative Great Britain and the United States output. In the September 2003 issue of the journal, benchmark comparisons of income of the two places from 1870 to 1990. Estimates show the United States leading from 1870 in terms of income per capita and output pr worker. Professor Stephen Broadberry criticizes this on various grounds. He charges that the estimates are inconsistent with his sectoral productivity comparisons. He chastises on the grounds that the price benchmarks conflict with standard price indices, and he queries the nominal GDP estimates.

We provide 16 purchasing-power-parity-adjusted estimates of U.K. and U.S. income per capita and output per worker between 1872 and 1990 based on new estimates of their price levels. Our income benchmarks depart from current estimates in four crucial respects. The United States, not the United Kingdom, led in income per capita in the 1870s. The United Kingdom kept pace with the United States through the late Victorian era. Most of the United Kingdom's relative decline occurred between 1905 and 1950. Finally, the post-1950 performance of the U.K. economy was stronger than is now estimated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attitudes towards the political system have often been assumed to be stable attributes that are not easily influenced by short-term forces. We examine the extent to which attention to media coverage, campaign activity and electoral outcomes can mobilize support for the political system in the context of an election campaign. Using pre-election and post-election survey panels from the United States, Britain and New Zealand, we find only small shifts in aggregate measures of system support. However, we find that there are significant shifts in system support at the individual level that can be explained by status as election winners, attention to the media, particularly serious news coverage and economic perceptions. The results have implications for the debate over measures of system support such as trust, cynicism and efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reassesses the preparatory negotiations which launched the Kennedy Trade Round (KTR) of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), in search of a role for Britain. My purpose is to make two challenges, one theoretical, the other empirical. Theoretically this study questions the predominant focus on the structural power of major states that characterizes the study of international relations in general, and of the GATT in particular. This is a case-study of middle power influence that focuses on the negotiating skills and experience of state-level actors at the KTR. Empirically, I question the generally accepted view that the Anglo-American special relationship was merely a British myth and had no significance to US foreign policy interests in the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the authors' comments on the models of the governing party's success in special elections in the U.S. and Great Britain. The authors have observed that voters treat special elections as referendums on the party in power. According to them, special elections' outcomes are built on the base provided by prior elections and carry over to the future. They say that the governing party's chances are better if special elections are held soon after general elections.

To review books introducing students to the British political system will not strike everyone as an edifying experience even when, as here, the task includes only some of many available textbooks plus a few supplemental works. Focusing on textbooks, despite their often admirable scholarship, reflects primarily our concern as teachers. My concern comes from almost forty years of teaching British politics in American classrooms. What I look for in a text probably differs from expectations of teachers in Britain. But I may also evaluate such books differently from American colleagues who teach British politics only within a broader and more popular course covering several nations. I am among the modest number of American professors devoting an entire semester to British subject-matter, and I can only try to take into account other teaching experiences when I describe the books at hand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the difference of the inter-election changes in the U.S. and Great Britain. It cites the contributions of David Butler and Donald Stokes on the "Political Change in Britain", which analyze the electoral voting shifts. Moreover, the contributors also introduces the votality of the British election in the 1960's and demonstrate its party conversion. In addition, its acknowledges that the analysis develop through the publication and extended evaluation on vote changes for the general elections.

The article discusses the party realignment theory of V. O. Key in relation to its application to the political system in the U.S. and Great Britain. According to the author, the realignment theory is a current but flourishing sub-branch of the study of American political parties. The differences between two nations and states prohibit any attempt to apply a theory derived from the U.S. history. Key stated that some presidential elections had a greater effect than others on the existing power relationship between parties. Key observed features associated with elections such as the unusual degree of excitement and intensity in the political conflict, emergence of new issues that change the political agenda and the unexpected volatility in the attitude of voters to their supported parties.

The article reports on the housing tenure and party choice in Great Britain, Australia, and the United States. It states that housing type in across the population of these three countries are very similar because majority of the dwellings are either in the process of being bought or owned by their occupiers. According to the author, these high levels of home ownership depart from the patterns found in other industrialized societies. The housing markets' description of the three countries suggests two patterns. Firstly, the U.S. and Australia have housing markets in which it is ways to move from renting to owning a house. Secondly, housing market is divided between owners, private tenants and council tenants which represents an altogether different pattern is represented by Great Britain.

The article focuses on the history of the American Revolution. The American Revolution refers to the period during the last half of the 18th century in which the thirteen colonies gained independence from the British Empire to become the U.S. The American Revolution included a series of broad intellectual and social shifts that occurred in early American society, such as the new republican ideals that took hold in the American population.

Presents a study which argued that apprenticeship endured in Great Britain because of its efficiency advantages and of customs, inherited from the guilds that favored training certification for entry into skilled jobs. Analysis on the weak response of the United States labor market on apprenticeship; Countries where apprenticeship is most accepted by the labor market; Factors affecting the acceptance and rejection of apprenticeship in a country.

Examines the trading activities of British firms in Chesapeake, New York during the years 1675-1775. Imposition of high customs duties on tobacco; Inquiry about the nature and scale of the firms engaged in some of the American trades.

Presents a study on the 1807-1809 Embargo imposed by the United States against Great Britain. Reason for the failure of the embargo; Relative price of agricultural products in Great Britain.

Presents an analysis on the effect of capital-labor relations on wages, labor productivity and choice of technique in cotton spinning in Great Britain and the United States in the 19th century. Limitations of the theory of choice of technique.

Comments on several studies on conspiracy history. Effect of the Green Revolution policy in Pakistan during the British occupation on the funding for agricultural research in Great Britain; Analysis of the conspiracy among automobile manufacturers in the United States to replace the urban transit system with motor vehicles.

Focuses on a study on the characteristic behavior of the quantity of money over long periods in relation to income, prices, an interest rates in the United States and Great Britain from 1878 to 1970. Rate-of-change observations for each country; Definitions of money and income.