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This paper explores the emerging 'triangle' in commercial relations between the EU, China and the United States, using the concepts of 'complex interdependence' and 'bi-multilateralism' as organising and evaluative devices. The paper argues that in the 'triangle' there are important areas of unevenness and variation reflecting differences of power, institutional factors and norms, but that nonetheless there can be discerned important elements of 'complex interdependence' as defined by Keohane and Nye. This can be observed in the bilateral relationships between the three parties; at the same time, however, the EU-China-US relationship is central to power, institutions and norms in the changing multilateral commercial system, centred on the World Trade Organisation. This means that many of the commercial policy negotiations between the three parties are essentially 'bi-multilateral': on the one hand, the management of bilateral relations creates externalities for the multilateral system, and on the other hand the evolution of the multilateral system creates new forces shaping the management of bilateral relationships. The paper explores two cases, China's entry into the WTO and the management of trade disputes over textiles, to illuminate the ways in which 'bi-multilateral' elements enter into the EU-China-US 'triangle'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a heuristic model for the international development of nonproliferation education programs. The paper draws on the examples of five nonproliferation education programs at U.S. universities, plus a program currently being developed at Fudan University in Shanghai, China. Three phases of the developmental process are studied for both international and domestic programs: program development, curriculum development, and sustainability. Lessons learned from each of the three phases are combined into a developmental model, intended to serve as a guide to the further development of these programs by practitioners. The factors that contribute to program development, where the focus is on creating a viable institution of learning, are much the same for domestic and international programs alike. The factors that contribute to curriculum development are different for domestic and international programs. For domestic programs, the locus of development is the organization. For international programs, the center of gravity is a collaborative network. In the latter, the central challenge is maintaining the commitment of multiple participants, all in the pursuit of a shared intellectual enterprise. As a curriculum matures and comes to be recognized as the hallmark of a program, the need for a robust international collaborative network diminishes. Domestic and international programs eventually converge in their developmental paths, with each facing similar sustainability issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates crises in which the Chinese government requested an apology from the United States, and the official and popular reactions to these incidents. Two contentious episodes are studied: the 2001 EP-3E airplane collision near Hainan Isl ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research question of this paper is: “Does economic growth make China a threat?” Bearing this question in mind, I review the “China threat” literature and its counter-arguments since the early 1990s. This paper examines the offensive realist theoretical basis for the “China threat” literature, and it outlines several oversimplifications that the “China threat” arguments often suffer. Moreover, it is argued that while the “China threat” literature tends to support its arguments by rejecting the liberalist interdependence peace hypothesis and democratic peace hypothesis in the China context, a Marxist dependency framework may be more relevant to explore China’s capabilities and intention to pose a threat to the United States. And, in order to fully assess the strategic implications of China’s economic growth, we need to place the economic growth in the background of economic globalization as well as to take China’s domestic social relations in the process of economic growth into consideration. My conclusion is that economic growth will not make China a threat. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper overviews sophisticated triangular relations among Taipei, Beijing and Washington after 2000. Then, it scrutinizes the development of US mediation as a form of third-party intervention in such complicated dynamics in the Taiwan Strait. The pattern of contemporary US mediation is studied in an analytical way. Then, it analyzes the role and approaches (strategies) of the US in mediating between the ROC and the PRC, as well as evaluates preliminarily the future of US mediation. Some key findings include, for example: the US is gradually moving towards the role of real mediator in the cross-strait dispute, the characteristics of the US itself and the environment are positive forces driving further effective US mediation, as well as the US will continue to play a mediating role throughout the George W. BushÂ’s presidency but has to be cautious of the effectiveness of its mediation and the differences between Taipei and Beijing in order to find a useful way to enhance the understandability and acceptability of its official position on the peaceful resolution of the cross-strait sovereignty dispute. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since becoming a net oil importer in 1993, China has sought to expand and diversify its international partners in the energy trade, facing tough competition from Western consumers, especially the United States. Thus Beijing has increasingly courted 'rogue' energy-producing states which have been eschewed by Washington, including Iran, for expanded 'energy diplomacy'. Tehran has developed into an increasingly important energy partner for China, with both countries assuming stronger roles in each others' foreign and economic policies. However, in addition to the China-Iran relationship having the potential to greatly alter the West's dominant role in global petropolitics, the link may also have the added affect of allowing Iran to break though the barriers created by the US-led containment regime and significantly weaken it. Yet two issues, Iran's possible pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability, and Tehran's desire to enter the Beijing-dominated Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, will complicate the relationship and prevent the development of a strong Sino-Iranian alliance without significant changes in Tehran's foreign policy behaviour. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the 9.11 attacks, a new optimism emerged in U.S.-China relations with the hope that the great powers would join to combat the terrorist menace that threatened them all. There was an expectation that this common threat could overcome the tendencies toward rivalry, which had been building during the 1990s and reached a new apex during the EP-3 crisis in April 2001. Unfortunately, these grand hopes have now been scaled back considerably. It is quite apparent now that Beijing is prepared to work with Washington to achieve pragmatic ends. Thus, China has offered crucial support in various phases of the War on Terror -- most notably in lobbying Pakistan after 9.11 to support Operation Enduring Freedom. On the other hand, it is also clear that Beijing intends to increase its soft and hard power in order to challenge U.S. hegemony. Thus, China not only wields radically increasing commercial clout in all regions of the globe, but is also willing to deliberately ignore human rights issues in order to achieve diplomatic advantage with respect to the United States. Concerning military development, Beijing's rapid, deep, and wide-ranging modernization in capabilities ranging from diesel submarines to micro-satellites will enable it to increasingly dominate the East Asian littoral, in addition to its massive continental flanks. The continuous development of rivalry between the United States and China is natural to some extent, of course, but it also the result of flawed policies on both sides of the Pacific. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]