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Feminist studies of Filipina domestic workers in various contexts has resulted in an extensive literature that has advanced considerably our understanding of this phenomenon. The great majority of this work has, rightly, focused on the gender effects of this sort of work. Regrettably, scholars of International Political Economy (IPE) have largely ignored these contributions. IPE has much to learn from this literature, and concomitantly, I argue that feminist studies of migrant domestic workers have too often overlooked aspects that are traditionally the domain of IPE. My paper attempts to bridge these differences in two ways. First, I demonstrate that the familiar understanding of this forced migration must be understood in terms of the explicit strategy of exporting governments adapting to changes in the global political economy. From a critical IPE perspective I argue that the focus on gender too often elides questions of class which can more fully inform our study of domestic workers. The second argument I present is based on a more pronounced focus on class. Utilizing Marx’s dual freedom thesis I demonstrate that while the conditions of employment for these women are indeed exploitative the dual movement from non-wage to wage labor and from domestic to overseas work produces surprising effects. Among these effects are a more pronounced sense of consciousness as women, workers, and agents of social change. My paper is based on research conducted in Hong Kong, including interviews with domestic workers, union activists, and NGOs involved in furthering the interests of domestic workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Hong Kong's return to China in July 1997, the Chinese government has begun implementing its "one country, two systems" in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) arousing boiling international attention. Some are concerned about China's interference into the HKSAR's governance and even skeptical of any effective democratic development in Hong Kong under the "one country, two systems." Nevertheless, over the past 10 years, Hong Kong has gradually regenerated itself from once downcast and depressing period of development to moving towards stability, prosperity and improved democratic development with continuous political, economic, and social progresses. Under such circumstances, how would the HKSAR government devise a democratic system suitable for Hong Kong? Will the people of Hong Kong support the government's mechanisms under the existing political systems by adjusting themselves from British rule to the "one country, two systems" confinement? What impact and implication will the "one country, two systems" in Hong Kong have on China's counterpart Taiwan? This paper intends to explore both positive and negative impact of the "one county, two systems" on Hong Kong's democratic development since the return. Through an integration of pertinent democratic development and "one country, two systems" contentions, it attempts to probe into and analyze the signaling effect of the "one country, two systems" in Hong Kong's democratic development as well as the implications for Taiwan. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hong Kong has long enjoyed a vibrant civil society, but Hong Kong has fallen short of developing full democracy after decolonization started 20 years ago. This paper discusses the evolution of civil society movements in Hong Kong and its relations with democratic development in Hong Kong. It discusses the ideology, mobilization structures, internal dynamics, and relations with political society and the state of the civil society organizations (CSOs). It shows that the vibrant civil society is under multiple constraints from the state and faces own problems of organization and mobilization, weakening its impact on democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the One Country Two Systems concept, China, keeping its socialist system (with Chinese characteristics), allows Hong Kong?s capitalistic system and way of life to continue. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) is to exercise a ?high degree of autonomy?, with ?fifty years no change?. Deng Xiaoping, China?s paramount leader, who heralded China?s opening to the world in 1979, held that this could be a model to resolve international relations problems left over by history. In 2006, HK once again topped the Heritage Foundation?s annual index of economic freedom, for the twelfth year. Yet HKSAR has seen tensions, with half a million people demonstrating on 1 July 2003 against a draft security bill. The first HKSAR Chief Executive (CE) was so unpopular that he had to resign, and the second CE Donald Tsang was a senior civil servant left over from the British colonial days. He is quite popular in HK, and has the support of Beijing, and so is expected to be re-elected in 2007 for a full five-year term. As HK?s economy strengthens in 2006, social tensions are lower. But the overall question remains as the 1C2S concept as practised in HK is under challenge: has China managed HK?s return well or not? HKSAR will celebrate its tenth anniversary on 1 July 2007. The ten years under Chinese rule offers a glimpse into China?s foreign policy and how HK fits into China?s scheme of things as a rising global power. Much as China guards jealously its sovereignty over HK and fears HK is being used as a base of subversion by foreign interests, notably the US, HK is a matter of international concern. HK could be seen within the context of China?s international relations: is China undergoing a ?peaceful rise? or a threat to the international community, particularly to US interests? Since HK has been running an open economy, and as China is increasingly integrated into the international community, the interactions among the three levels ? the sub-state actor, the sovereign and the international community ? present opportunities as well as dilemmas. Specifically, the paper seeks to elucidate the origins of the 1C2S concept, to examine its application in HK thus far, and to identify the factors affecting its success (or failure). In fact, the 1C2S concept was designed in the first instance by China to re-unify the ?renegade? province of Taiwan. HK is supposed to demonstrate to Taiwan that all would be well under Chinese sovereignty. Yet, President Chen Siu-bian categorically stated that Taiwan is not HK. Beijing?s passage of the anti-succession law has rattled cross-straits relations, yet the visits by opposition leaders, and Beijing?s courtship of KMT leader Ma Ying-jeou represent a class united front play of Beijing to isolate Chen and raised hope for some kind of accommodation between Taiwan and the Mainland. The paper will conclude with a discussion on the implications of the HK experience for Taiwan. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the One Country Two Systems concept, China, keeping its socialist system (with Chinese characteristics), allows Hong Kong?s capitalistic system and way of life to continue. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) is to exercise a ?high degree of autonomy?, with ?fifty years no change?. Deng Xiaoping, China?s paramount leader, who heralded China?s opening to the world in 1979, held that this could be a model to resolve international relations problems left over by history. In early 2005, HK once again topped the Heritage Foundation?s annual index of economic freedom, for the eleventh year. Yet HKSAR has seen tensions, with mass demonstrations. The State Department?s Country Report on Human Rights Practices ? 2004 suggested it ?has been tested severely this year?. And Amnesty International?s 2005 Report noted ?a mainland ruling in April restricting Hong Kong?s freedom to push ahead with political reform heightened concerns about an erosion of human rights in Hong Kong.? Clearly the 1C2S concept as practised in HK is under challenge. It raises the question: has China managed HK?s return well or not? The nine years of experience offers a glimpse into China?s foreign policy and how HK fits into China?s scheme of things as a rising global power. Much as China guards jealously its sovereignty over HK and fears HK is being used as a base of subversion by foreign interests, notably the United States, HK is a matter of international concern. Since HK has been running an open economy, and as China is increasingly integrated into the international community, the interactions among the three levels ? the sub-state actor, the sovereign and the international community ? present opportunities as well as dilemmas. Specifically, the paper seeks to elucidate the origins of the 1C2S concept, to examine its application in HK thus far, and to identify the factors affecting its success (or failure). In fact, the 1C2S concept was designed in the first instance by China to re-unify the ?renegade? province of Taiwan. HK is supposed to demonstrate to Taiwan that all would be well under Chinese sovereignty. Yet, President Chen Siu-bian categorically stated that Taiwan is not HK. Beijing?s passage of the anti-succession law has rattled cross-straits relations, yet the visits by Lien and Soong, the opposition leaders, to the Mainland represented a class united front play of Beijing to isolate Chen and raised hope for some kind of accommodation between Taiwan and the Mainland. The paper will conclude with a discussion on the implications of the HK experience for Taiwan. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes regional governance perspectives in Greater China. It explores the micro governance among the People's Republic of China (PRC), Taiwan and Hong Kong to show the modes of development shaped by their daily economic, trade, human and knowledge interactions. The author shows the catalyst of changes based on integration, interdependence, indifference and independence. The author argues that the deterioration of relations between Taiwan and the PRC was caused by many political as well as institutional factors.

The article offers legal perspective on the conflict and compatibility in the cross-strait relations between Mainland China and Taiwan. It notes that the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) was eventually recognized in 1971 by the United Nations General Assembly as the only lawful representative of the entire China in the organization. Also compared and discussed is the legal framework created for both the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) and the Macao SAR.

In this paper, the cosmopolitan aspect of the Hong Kong’s identity is taken to mean the people’s consciousness of themselves as part of the global world, acceptance of international norms and standards, tolerance of different cultures, and aspiration for ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are regions embedded in autocratic political spheres able to maintain their autonomy, democracy and freedom? This paper examines this question through an analysis of the political and socio-economic impacts of China's integration of Hong Kong. Recent theories of democratization have emphasized the democratizing potential of international linkages to Western countries. The case of Hong Kong represents an interesting "reverse" test for such theories. Will integration with an autocratic central government overwhelm progress toward democracy in Hong Kongâ??or might Hong Kong's historical linkages to the West have a democratizing impact on the Chinese polity? To answer this critical question, we evaluate several key performance indicators, including World Bank governance data, for China and Hong Kong in the post-1997 period. In spite of serious constraints on Hong Kong's polity and flaws in their democratic institutions, the data yield the surprising conclusion that the transition to Chinese authority has not undermined governance in Hong Kong; on the contrary, indicators for voice and accountability have shown a marked improvement during the past ten years. We seek to explain this surprising result and conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings for China, Taiwan and cross-strait relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the One Country Two Systems concept, China, keeping its socialist system (with Chinese characteristics), allows Hong Kong’s capitalistic system and way of life to continue. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) is to exercise a “high degree of autonomy”, with “fifty years no change”. Deng Xiaoping, China’s paramount leader who heralded China’s opening to the world in 1979, held that this could be a model to resolve international relations problems left over by history. In 2007, HK once again topped the Heritage Foundation’s annual index of economic freedom, for the thirteenth year. Yet HKSAR has seen tensions, with half a million people demonstrating on 1 July 2003 against a draft security bill. The first HKSAR Chief Executive (CE) was so unpopular that he had to resign, and the second CE Donald Tsang was a senior civil servant left over from the British colonial days. He is quite popular in HK, and has the support of Beijing,. He was re-elected in 2007 for a full five-year term. As HK’s economy grows, social tensions are lower, but Beijing refuses to let the HK people elect the CE and the whole of the legislature directly. The overall question remains as the 1C2S concept as practised in HK is under challenge: has China managed HK’s return well or not? HKSAR will celebrate its tenth anniversary on 1 July 2007. The decade under Chinese rule offers a glimpse into China’s foreign policy and how HK fits into China’s scheme of things as a rising global power. Much as China guards jealously its sovereignty over HK and fears HK is being used as a base of subversion by foreign interests, notably the US, HK is a matter of international concern. HK could be seen within the context of China’s international relations: is China undergoing a “peaceful rise” or a threat to the international community, particularly to US interests? Since HK has been running an open economy, and as China is increasingly integrated into the international community, the interactions among the three levels â€" the sub-state actor, the sovereign and the international community â€" present opportunities as well as dilemmas. Specifically, the paper seeks to elucidate the origins of the 1C2S concept, to examine its application in HK thus far, and to identify the factors affecting its success (or failure). Not to be forgotten is Macao, which was returned to China on 20 December 1999 after four and a half centuries of Portuguese administration, also under the 1C2S policy. Fuelled by its casino industry which outstripped Las Vegas in 2007, the seeming economic boom was shattered by a policeman firing five shots at an anti-government demonstration on 1 May 2007. The glaring income inequality is under sharp focus. Yet somehow Macao, rather than HK, has become more a bridge between the Mainland and the “renegade” province of Taiwan. Significantly, the 1C2S concept was designed in the first instance by China to re-unify Taiwan. HK is supposed to demonstrate to Taiwan that all would be well under Chinese sovereignty. But independence-minded President Chen Siu-bian categorically stated that Taiwan is not HK. Beijing’s passage of the anti-succession law has rattled cross-straits relations, yet the visits by opposition leaders, and Beijing’s courtship of KMT leader Ma Ying-jeou represent a classic united front play of Beijing to isolate Chen and raised hope for some kind of accommodation between Taiwan and the Mainland. The inclusion of Taiwan in the US and Japan security zone has alarmed Beijing... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the continuing underside of globalization as it has been manifesting for Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong since the 1990s. It argues that hyper-modern, "techno-muscular" global capitalism (Global Restructuring I)is actually reliant on low-wage and highly sexualized and racialized labor (Global Restructuring II) which serves the comopolitanites in GI, service that is enforced by traditional constructions of culture, religion, and family. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The people in Hong Kong had been seen as a special branch of Chinese diasporas before 1997. After the handover of Hong Kong’s sovereignty, Beijing still wishes to highlight the unique status of the Hong Kong people as Chinese diasporas in the internationa ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s resumption of the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong (HK) in 1997 under the One Country Two Systems (1C2S) concept which allowed HK’s capitalistic system and way of life to continue while China would keep its socialist system (with Chinese cha ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

McDonald?s imposed their first glocalized advertising campaign in 2003. In Hong Kong, 3 sets of advertisements were produced to fit in the topic of youth, fun and lifestyle. A successful glocalized advertising campaign should bring resonance to all the audiences. Therefore, through focus groups and interviews, the author investigates whether this glocalized ad campaign is a successful one. The author examines how local-raised (south), westernized (west) and mainland youth (north)who resided in Hong Kong values fun, youth and lifestyle, and whether these values congruent to the ?I?m Lovin? it? campaign in Hong Kong. It was found that both local-raised and westernized youth did not find any resonance towards this ad campaign. However, to mainland youth in Hong Kong, it is found that they want the life shown in the ad, as a reflection that they think Hong Kong youth are bounded by regulations. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]