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This paper explores the political economy of three significant policy decisions taken by the Congress â€" United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government between November 2005 and February 2006, which have improved the incentives for foreign investment in India’s telecommunications sector. This was a notable departure from the past when policies had clearly favoured domestic investment over foreign investment. The paper argues that these decisions occurred due to the increasing sensitivity of the Department of Telecommunications (DOT) to the needs of the relatively smaller Indian service providers, who were dependent on foreign capital. They were not driven by a crisis of investment or foreign pressure to change policies in India’s telecommunications sector. The paper challenges explanations for embracing globalization such as those based on economic crisis or those based on a clear technocratic consensus. The political economy of this shift to foreign investment friendly regulations in the telecommunications sector suggests that economic reforms in India can occur in normal times. They depended to a large extent on the nature of the political economy that the ruling party was willing to support. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That states and markets are ‘mutually constituted’ has become a respectable position in both political science and sociology. For all its respectability, however, there are few works that explicitly theorize this mutual constitution. Building on works on state formation in comparative politics and comparative historical sociology this paper proposes a framework for studying this mutual constitution, which is expressed as a function of the power relationship between pre-state governing elites and capital holders in a society. Power is defined as dependence, and as such is not an attribute of an actor or a group of actors, but a property of the social relation under investigation. The paper further uses this framework to illuminate the effects of colonialism on state and market formation by comparing such relationships in the United States to those in India over time. This is done by linking the variation in the relationships between rulers and capital holders to changes in the structure of capital markets across countries and over time within the same country. This problematizes institutions as legacies of past relationships and thus affords us a better understanding of how and why such relationships and their institutional avatars change. Also, by changing contrast spaces from intra developed country comparisons or intra developing country comparisons to historical comparisons between now-developed countries and now-developing or underdeveloped countries that we can throw new light on phenomena or conceptual categories that are often taken for granted in the context of the now- advanced industrial states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical experiences, collective beliefs, and ideas shape the way nation-states behave in the international system. In the conduct of war, or during the construction of foreign policy, actor’s strategic preferences are informed by a cultural system operating at the domestic level. This research papers draws on the constructivist literature in international relations scholarship to trace the strategic cultural shift at present in India, one from non-alignment to that of strategic engagement. It makes the claim that since the time of Indian independence, Indian strategic culture has been defined by a norm of non-alignment. However, in the present strategic context, Indian strategic policy appears to be increasingly informed by a policy of greater strategic engagement. The paper will trace this process of change, and argue that the norm of non-alignement might have perhaps been undermined by polices for greater engagement, but its efficacy and influence is not lost on India's strategic elite as well as its local populace. The paper will demonstrate that ideas with regards to security poliy shapes the ideational lens through which an actor views the world and conducts itself in the international system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite recurrent last minute defections, developing countries such as India continue to rely on forming coalitions with other like-minded countries during multilateral trade negotiations. This paper seeks to explain why they do so and to assess the extent to which such a strategy brings benefits by looking at India?s experiences during 1995-2001. It argues that in India?s case coalition formation should be seen within the context of India?s search for a new strategy for multilateral trade negotiation after the conclusion of the Uruguay Round. The impetus for the new strategy came from the perceived ?selling-out? of India?s interests during the Uruguay Round. That experience also generated a negative perception in India about the World Trade Organization, a perception that was further strengthened as its agenda was sought to be expanded by the United States and the European Union beginning in 1995-96. The attempt at enlarging the agenda also strained the meager negotiating resources that India had at the time. On each of the new issues that were proposed, India?s position was farthest from that of the US and the EU. It was obvious that India would have to work hard to protect its interests and in the absence of adequate resources of its own, working in coalitions turned out to be an obvious choice. The strategy has allowed India to have a much larger voice in these negotiations than what we would expect looking at its global trade share. In the area of furthering Indian interests, the success of the strategy has been more modest. . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We often imagine that countries with nuclear energy programs are nuclear weapons states waiting to happen. Yet there are multiple ways that states can enhance their nuclear security, even when they possess the requisite technology for a weapons program. They may undertake diplomatic efforts to reduce the level of threat, they may seek shelter under an ally's nuclear umbrella, and they may adopt unilateral military measures, up to and including the development of a nuclear arsenal. Over the past five decades, India has engaged in all three of these approaches. Since India's pursuit of nuclear weapons is already well-documented, this article focuses on its efforts to elicit nuclear restraint from other states through diplomacy and to seek the protection of nuclear-armed allies. Drawing on archival documents and interviews in New Delhi and Mumbai, it documents how Indian leaders eventually became disillusioned with these two alternatives to nuclear armament. In doing so, it depicts India's emergence as a nuclear power not simply as a response to regional threats, but also as the result of dissatisfaction with alternative paths to nuclear security. The paper concludes by exploring the implications of this finding for possible U.S.-Indian cooperation in nuclear energy in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how India's alignment posture and broader foreign policy orientation is evolving as the country's influence grows. It focuses in particular on India's relationship with the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increasing economic and strategic clout of China and the vulnerability of the American power in the Gulf, the US policy makers are searching for a new strategy in the Asia Pacific region. Their ultimate purpose is to neutralize the preeminence of China.Pentagon is trying to forge a new alliance of three well-established democracies-US,India and Japan. On April 16,2007 all the three nations began a joint military drill in the Pacific. More or less at the same time, the first India-US Defence Joint Working Group met in New Delhi.These two develpments have certainly raised the temperature in Beizing.Recently China has raised its defence budget by 17.8 percent and successfully tested its antisatellite ballistic missile.No doubt the Pacific military exercise by US, India and Japan has been taken as an alarming signal by China.The proposed paper will try to explore the evolving strategy of the US in the Asia Pacific region.One has to explore as to what extent such a three nation joint exercise is addressing the unprecedented rise of China in the politico-economic and strategic affaires of the region. We will also examine as to how far the existing American policy of strategic engagement with China is being reexamined. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While almost a decade old, Ted Hopf's observation that the democratic peace is an observation in search of a theory still has some validity. In particular, the mechanisms behind the observed lack of war between democracies are poorly understood, making it difficult for scholars to provide a compelling explanation. While there has been some innovative work, particularly with respect to learning and the ability of an increasing number of democracies to cement democratic norms, Müller and Wolff note that normative and structural explanations are monadic explanations for a dyadic phenomenon. Underappreciated in the existing work is the role of identity and the importance this has for driving the democratic peace. With a focus on developing a dyadic democratic peace mechanism and using a case study approach, this paper utilizes the Copenhagen School's securitization framework to examine how identity plays out in the U.S. response to the Indian and Iranian nuclear programs. It finds that in fact identity does play a significant role in how security policy is constructed. The potential implications of this finding, particularly on policy, are significant. If the democratic peace does rely on identity to trigger the constraining norms that limit the escalation of conflict to violence, it is unlikely the democratic peace can be spread by force and it is possible that states nominally democratic can be excluded from the community of democracies if their behavior or significant other aspects of their perceived identity are at variance with the accepted democratic identity standard. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two papers will focus on creations of “new enemies/rivals” by the Westphalian logic of competition and anarchy: Banerjee and Ling will look at constructions of India and China by mainstream defense intellectuals in the US; Hwang and Chen will examine how defense intellectuals in Taiwan respond to such attempts at “triangulation.” ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests of May 1998, a considerable scholarly literature has compared deterrence in South Asia with the historical U.S.-Soviet context, illuminating similarities as well as important differences. However, one potentially fundamental difference has not been sufficiently scrutinized: recent India-Pakistan crises have played out under a deepening U.S. engagement in South Asia, whereas the Cold War superpowers had no comparable recourse to third-party intervention. Though the possibility of intervention may help stabilize the regional deterrent balance, it might also have the opposite effect: either Pakistan or India--or both--may have incentives to exaggerate their confrontational intentions (through bellicose rhetoric or low-level force use) in order to raise American fears of a nuclear war, in the hope that U.S. intervention might lead to an outcome more favorable to their regional interests. The potential danger of such a strategy is that neither of the principals can neatly compartmentalize the audience for its conduct: rhetoric or action intended to raise the stakes for the U.S. may inadvertently cross an ill-defined "red line" for the adversary, and thus trigger an escalatory response. This paper will argue that South Asian deterrence is a dynamic situation in which both principles have experimented with escalation, at least in part, to "scare Uncle Sam"--Pakistan in the 1999 Kargil War, and India in a 2001-02 major military mobilization along the international border--only to see the strategy backfire and the U.S. intervene in ways that temporarily limited rather than expanded their strategic options. It will also examine the relevance of Timothy Crawford's concept of "pivotal deterrence" to the contemporary South Asian context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper "India, Russia and the War against Terrorism" that was prepared for the "Annual Convention of the ISA" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It argues that the differing security of these countries is likely to be a contingent cooperation in this war. It also claims that the Indo-U.S. tie against terrorism is grounded on a stronger strategic foundation than the Russia-U.S. nexus because of a closer correlation between the aspirations of India and U.S. Presidents George W. Bush.

Discusses the responses of the governments of India and Pakistan to the war in Iraq. Criticism of the Indian government against the war; Counter-hegemonic strategies of India; Effect on the relations of the countries with the U.S.

Whereas European foreign policy used to be defined through the alliance with the United States, it is now clear that this one-sided orientation is no longer sufficient. This is especially the case for global environmental governance, where Europe stands in most negotiations, almost by default, against the United States. The core examples are the almost universally recognised biodiversity convention of 1992, its Cartagena protocol on safety in the trade of genetically modified organisms, the Basel agreement on the transboundary shipment of hazardous waste and their disposal, and, most crucially, the Kyoto protocol to the UN framework convention on climate change. All these agreements have been rejected by the United States of America. In this situation, we argue that if Europe wants to make progress in environmental and other issue areas, it needs new and stable alliances, in addition to the old transatlantic linkage. We will direct attention towards possible partners in Asia and primarily address the great powers of Asia: Japan, China and, in particular, the world’s largest democracy, India. We argue for a twofold strategy. Internally, Europe must unite more strongly. The old Kissinger question still has to be answered: which phone number does the US president?or the prime minister of India?have to call if he or she wants to get Europe’s opinion? The European Union must improve the coherence of its foreign policy, primarily through becoming further communitised. The office of a EU president could take joint responsibility for foreign and security policy in the medium term. Externally, Europe needs to reform its foreign policy and rethink well-trodden paths. This applies in particular to redefining the traditional North-South antagonism in international negotiations, which hardly corresponds any longer to the reality of the international system in many policy areas. New international partnerships between the European Union and the large Southern democracies could redress the traditional confrontation between the group of Western industrialised countries and the ‘Group of 77’, possibly pointing out solutions if global governance projects should threaten to fail because of unilateral rejection by the USA. The political drifting apart of the ‘First World’, the dissolution of the ‘Second World’ and the political, economic and social differentiation of the ‘Third World’ thus offer scope for the recharting of world politics. The development of a multilateral global governance structure requires a strong global alliance of democratic players: many recent environmental treaties?but also the international criminal court, the anti-landmine treaty and other examples?show that Europe and the Bush administration often no longer act together but rather against each other. The European Union must therefore look for other partners?to complement rather than replace the United States of America. We argue that increased dialogue and more intensive political co-operation on the part of Europe with the world’s biggest democracy, India, could be one element of such a reorientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study will determine the external and internal influences on the Eisenhower adminstration in its making of U.S. policy toward Tibet. Using the Kegley-Wittkopf model, research will focus on foreign influence from external sources such as China, India, Taiwan and the Tibetans themselves. Internally, the study will determine which governmental, societal, role and individual sources influenced Eisenhower in determining policy outcomes. It is hoped that the study will further illuminate U.S. foreign policy deliberations and implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S.-India economic relations evolved substantially between the 1989 Super 301 trade dispute and the 2002 India-Pakistan crisis over Kashmir. Traditional models of economic diplomacy focusing on the leading role of governments and their relevant ministries, in which business had a subordinate lobbying role in the decisionmaking process, could be used to describe the low-level U.S.-India economic and security relationship that prevailed in the 1980s. However, the conclusion of the GATT Uruguay Round, the technology boom of the 1990s and other structural factors have intensified the economic relationship between the two countries significantly. The attacks on New York, Washington and New Delhi in 2001 culminated a process of convergence of the two countries’ security interests. A complex network of diplomatic interactions between governments, U.S. and Indian global firms, and the U.S.-Indian business and cultural diaspora contributed to convincing the Indian Government to defuse tension with Pakistan in summer 2002. Understanding this process requires an updated model of economic diplomacy that incorporates the role of non-state actors, multiple channels of communication and integration of domestic and international politics. Neo-Gramscian notions of hegemonic power structures integrating political leadership, transnational capital and civil society contribute to explaining the exercise of power in these newer, complex business-government diplomatic networks [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on existing norms literature in order to explain the process of international human rights norms diffusion into domestic settings using the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in the United States, South Africa and India. The CRC is the most widely ratified United Nations Convention with 192 countries party to the treaty. This widespread ratification suggests that a set of universal children’s rights norms may exist. The majority of the International Relations literature that addresses norm diffusion processes links the ratification of a human rights treaty by a state to the automatic adoption of the norms codified within the treaty into domestic law. Yet the process by which this happens -- and the extent to which it happens at all-- remains largely unexplored in the literature. This paper questions the idea that children’s rights are universally celebrated norms and that ratification of the CRC translates into full enforcement of those rights within a country. The paper's research suggests that the number of treaties ratified by a state is a weak indication of the existence of a universal human rights norm. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of international law and norms in shaping international law regarding the death penalty for child offenders under the age of 18. Drawing principally on the archives of Amnesty International USA in Boulder, Colorado and the University of Minnesota?s human rights library in Minneapolis as well as other primary and secondary legal sources, the paper will present the history of the norm abolishing the death penalty for child offenders. This inquiry will include the sudden international cascade of abolition in the 1960s and 1970s as well the concerted activism responsible for achieving compliance with international norms and law regarding the death penalty and children in the last two decades. By contextualizing two pivotal cases, the United States and India, within the norm?s lifecycle, the study will analyze how international law shapes national law and policy regarding children and justice. Through the theories of constructivism, sociological institutionalism and international law, it will investigate domestic versus international sources of law including the role of emulation, international pressure, and social movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2005, the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the United States President George W. Bush issued a Joint Statement declaring that ?as a responsible state with advanced nuclear technology, India should acquire the same benefits and advantages as other such states?. Many took this to mean that the US had accepted India?s self-declared status as a NWS. Just over seven years earlier, after exploding five nuclear devices in the Rajasthan desert, India had declared itself a Nuclear Weapon State. Bush?s predecessor, Bill Clinton then described the tests as putting India ?at odds with the international community? and ?on the wrong side of history.? In 2005, however, it seemed that India had emerged on the right side of the non-proliferation regime. It had left its undefined and worrisome past behind and was now entering a new era with a validated nuclear identity. How did the Indian state pull off this feat? This paper analyzes the resources?both geopolitical and normative?that India drew on to make its nuclear program acceptable not only to the hegemon, but also to the rest of the international community. Material resources include India?s growing economy, its rapprochement with the US and its rivalry with China. India also deployed international norms such as its democratic polity, its role in counter-terrorism and its restraint in nuclear exports. The paper also makes predictions about the future success of such strategies in a world increasingly concerned about nuclear proliferation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that increasingly international conflict is likely to be a manifestation in countries that have not formulated a national identity and are hence "pariahs" in the global community. Such states, whose statehood depends precariously on dictatorship and/or external support, have not managed to carve a national idea and are not viable political entities with no adhesive to hold them together. The basis for the paper is the idea that all national identitites are manufactured and replenished, and states that are unable to do this successfully lose and collapse (such as Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, Somalia etc.), while other states like the US, UK, France etc. successfully fashion and sell a national identity. The study will examine a successful nation-state - the United States; a moderately successful one - India, and a failed state - Iraq, and investigate the mechanisms by which each entity tried to evolve a national identity, and why the rate of success differed. In doing so, factors such as religion (Hindu-Muslim, Shia-Sunni, different Christian sects), external agents, and the role and nature of government will be examined. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the significance of the bilateral strategic partnerships between Russia and China, Russia and India, and China and India by analyzing how the complex interactions among these countries influence their attempts to carve out an enhanced role in the world during a period of American dominance. Chinese aspirations for world leadership are more immediate than those of India, while Russia is engaged in reviving its lost status by reclaiming at least a strong regional role in Eurasia. Their attempts at developing bilateral ties with each other define both the challenges and opportunities facing these countries as they position themselves for a stronger presence in Eurasia under the shadow of the United States. The central question this paper seeks to address is whether the security dynamic will trump the many economic synergies among these countries or whether they will seek common cause in retraining the overweening power of the United States. This paper will argue that the policies of the United States toward each of these countries will play a vital role in shaping the geopolitical landscape in Eurasia. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US-India nuclear agreement is widely seen as a major shift in US policy, not only with respect to relations with India, but in terms of nuclear non-proliferation and global strategic alliances. India, self-proclaimed leader of the ‘non-aligned’ but perceived to be on the Soviet side during much of the Cold War years, also underwent a double policy volte-face in the last decade of the twentieth century. Faced with a severe international financial crisis it abandoned “socialist” economic policies and started on the road of economic reform; and in the ‘unipolar’world following the collapse of the Soviet Union, it cultivated relations with the sole superpower despite setbacks such as the immediate aftermath of its nuclear tests in 1998.The profound policy shift between US and India posed questions about the placement of Europe in this strategic re-alignment. Despite the march of the European project, “Europe” as a conceptual unit was largely missing from public discourse in India. As the US and India moved towards a new strategic embrace, it remained to be seen to what extent Europe in this context would be viewed and view itself as part of the transatlantic community, and to what extent it might develop a distinct strategic identity in a future multi-polar world.This paper will explore the representation of the shifting strategic relations between the US and India, and its implications for Europe’s strategic self-perception, in selected newspapers in the US, India and Europe. It will do so by examining the coverage of the US-India nuclear agreement, focusing on three ‘moments’ in this developing ‘story’: the initial understanding during the Indian Prime Minister’s visit to Washington in July 2005, the passage of the agreement through the US Congress, and the failure of US-India talks on finalizing the deal in India in May 2007. The representative newspapers are the Washington Post in the US, The Hindu and Indian Express in India, Le Monde in France and Die Zeit in Germany. All are newspapers noted for discussions and critiques of national policy and international security issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has the second highest number of HIV infected individuals. Of these approximately 2,02,000 are children. These children face some of the most tragic consequences of HIV infection: being orphaned, replacing a breadwinner, nursing sick and dying parents, struggling for survival on streets. Mother to child transmission is the largest source of HIV infection in children below 15 years. This vertical transmission can be drastically reduced by PPTCT ( Prevention of Parent To Child Transmission) Programmes.With good PPTCT programmes, countries in Western Europe and USA have been able to reduce the number of children born with vertically transmitted infection. The risk of transmission has been brought down to less than 1%. Without intervention, the risk of transmission is 25-45%. In India, this translates to around 30,000 HIV positive infants born each year. This paper discusses the components of the PPTCT programmes implemented in these countries and studies the causes of lack of an effective programme in India. Some measures implemented in the Western countries are: primary prevention of HIV among parents- to- be through education and counseling, prevention of pregnancy among HIV positive women, testing of HIV status of all pregnant women, provision of anti-retroviral drugs to HIV positive mothers, replacement feeding for infants. The major barriers to their implementation in India have been the lack of infrastructure and cost. Only few places have adequate antenatal services with voluntary counseling. Even in places where such facilities exist, due to existing customs, the mothers -to â€"be leave for their parental homes during the last trimester of pregnancy, thus leaving the programme. There is shortage of trained counselors. Majority of the deliveries occur outside the hospitals. The costs involved in the anti-retroviral treatment is a major factor. Last but not the least, is the stigmatization of HIV which limits the uptake of testing, treatment and infant feeding modifications. . ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the visit of Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to the U.S. in July 2005, the Bush administration declared its ambition to achieve full civil nuclear energy cooperation with India. In pursuit of this objective, the Bush administration agreed to "seek agreement from the U.S. Congress to adjust U.S. laws and policies," and to "work with friends and allies to adjust international regimes to enable full civil nuclear energy cooperation and trade with India, including but not limited to expeditious consideration of fuel supplies for safeguarded nuclear reactors at Tarapur." India, on its part, promised "to assume the same responsibilities and practices and acquire the same benefits and advantages of other leading countries with advanced nuclear technologies." The U.S.-India nuclear pact virtually rewrote the rules of the global nuclear regime by accepting India as a nuclear state that should be integrated into the global nuclear order. The nuclear agreement creates a major exception to the U.S. prohibition of nuclear assistance to any country that does not accept international monitoring of all its nuclear facilities.This paper will examine the implications of this nuclear pact for global non-proliferation regime and argues that this agreement reflects how strategic considerations drive the non-proliferation priorities of great powers. Nuclear weapons states have always subordinated their non-proliferation agenda to their strategic interests. The Bush Administration believes that it is in the strategic interest of the US for India to emerge as a major global player and the nuclear agreement is merely a means towards the end. Global political realities have, once again, trumped the institutional imperatives of the nuclear non-proliferation regime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pace at which greenhouse emissions are rising together with the strengthening scientific consensus that emissions must be dramatically reduced mean that the recently implemented Kyoto Protocol is already obsolete; the fulfillment of all Kyoto obligations will reduce global emissions only minimally. The U.S.--the world's biggest emitter--and future emissions giants including China and India must be brought into a substantial emissions-limitation regime within a very short time. Unless their legitimate needs for development are addressed, developing countries have little incentive to participate in such a regime. Climate-equity NGOs argue that global emissions trading on the basis of per capita (or per capita plus) allowances, which would give large numbers of saleable permits to the world's low-emission majority, could supply the incentive for developing-country participation and counter the U.S. argument about 'unfair favorable treatment' for developing countries under the Kyoto regime. Such a strategy would represent a dramatic departure from the 'grandfathered' Kyoto emissions allowances, which base reductions requirements on 1990 emissions and thus help to 'lock in' the position of developed countries. In this paper, I evaluate the potential of "climate equity" per capita and per capita plus regime proposals to attract developed and developing countries, and to achieve their stated goals of climate adequacy and equity in the present growth-oriented global political economy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the 2001 attacks on the US, thousands of individuals were swept up by the long arm of the law. Two of these were Muslim men from the city of Hyderabad in South India?Mohammed Azmath and Syed Shah-who were accused by American authorities of being linked to the 9/11 terrorists. Azmath and Shah were finally released and deported in 2003 after having served time for credit card fraud. During this time, Indian authorities also tried to deport Azmath?s wife, who was revealed to be a Pakistani citizen who had overstayed her visa in India. This story is a microcosm of the intersections of nationalism and globalization, overlaid with new concerns about terrorism and religious militancy. The contradictions between ethnicity and citizenship are played out both in the US and in India as both these multicultural states struggle to redefine themselves in the face of concerns about Islamic fundamentalism. Using the story of two individuals, this paper shows how immigration complicates the security calculations of states, focuses their fears, and demonstrates the limits and extent of their power in an age of globalization. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 5 or more years since the Iraq war the doctrine of pre-emption continues to represent to many the dangers of hegemony within the international system. Whilst the rhetoric of the Administration has been toned down since the Iraq war began, it is cl ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have the United States and India only recently come to regard each other as close allies when strong common interests between them were apparent for decades? We argue that a shift in policy may not reflect a change in preferences or interests per se as it does a changed understanding of how the world works which removes constraints on decision makers' options. When India became independent from Britain in 1947 close relations with the US seemed a logical course to follow for at least two reasons. First it was logical to expect the US to sympathize with India's struggle for independence given the two peoples' similar experiences with British colonial rule. Second, India like the US, embraced democratic governance and a pluralist political system. Despite these commonalities, US-Indian relations were a casualty of policymakers in both countries following an oversimplified model of the world. The US containment strategy was based on a very narrow Realist interpretaion of how the world was structured. The dominant US mental model was bipolarity which interpreted the world and international power structures in terms of their impact on American security imperatives based on Realism. India's mental model of non-alignment was based on dependencia and anti-colonialism. The convergence of the two countries' policy orientations toward cooperation reflects a shift from realism and balance-of-power vs. Dependencia to Neoliberalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The setting up of the gas pipeline from Iran to India via Pakistan represents a study in how economic collaboration possesses the power to transcend political boundaries among countries and what potentials it might have to change the geo-strategic relations between them. Not only does it provide insight into what may change the face of regional politics in terms of country-to-country interaction (Iran-Pakistan, Pakistan-India, and India-Iran), but also affect international politics beyond the region. India has found an economically strong partner in Iran in the pursuit of an Asian oil market. From the Iranian perspective, the Indian initiative on regional cooperation dovetails with its own policy of shifting its oil and gas trade to the Asian region so as to reduce its market dependence on the West. The natural gas pipeline venture poses huge implications for the United States foreign policy in both the Middle East and Asian regions and also challenges the nonproliferation regime with both India and Pakistan forging renewed ties with Iran. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indians in United States have emerged as the single largest as well as fastest growing component of the Indian Diaspora worldwide. Their achievements and status make them distinct from other communities in the United States. In addition to the achievements of Indians in the Silicon Valley, Washington D.C.’s Indian community has blossomed, largely because of a highly educated, English-speaking community of doctors, lawyers, and financial professionals with homes in upscale areas like Potomac and McLean. The Dulles corridor attracts many software engineers and high-tech entrepreneurs. The Indian Embassy estimates that 1.7 million Indians live in the United Statesâ€"twice as many as ten years agoâ€"with about 100,000 in the Washington area.Organized along political lines in Washington D.C., many Indian Diaspora organizations realize the importance of Diaspora communities in their bilateral dealings, serving varied roles as stakes or instruments in state-to-state interaction. The Indian Diaspora settled in the DC area use their position to lobby, both directly and indirectly, issues of concern for their countries of origin. Usually this includes both economic and political concerns. Consequently, migration, in such situations, loses its traditional image as a sector of ‘low politics’ and may alter or even advance to other priorities in international relations. Migration thus changes the nature of power between two countries and becomes multidimensional, changing from actor to actor in specific issue areas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the post 2002 dialogue in the context of ethnic and political overlap among the U.S. India and Pakistan and describes the prospects of peace on the basis of changes in perceptions and policies in Southeast Asia. The imbalance of power between India and Pakistan is one of the compelling factors in the political geography of the region. It notes that the changes in economic and political perceptions in India and Pakistan has transformed and visibly improved the prospects of Indo-Pakistan cooperation.

The article presents a process-tracing constructivist theory to reconstruct the interaction of the U.S., India and Pakistan between the Pakistani military coup of October 12 1999 and the al-Qaeda attacks of September 11, 2001. It also discusses how concurrent autobiographical narrations of interactions by international subjects generate actions and reproduce themselves collectively. It traces the processes of reproduction of structures in international society by specifying the impact of narratives upon actions and actions upon narratives.

Traditionally the United States has adopted sanctions based foreign policy approach to punish states that do not meet with international norms. The objective of these sanctions is to shock economically and politically opponents into accommodating new orde ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States and India have embarked on an ambitious plan to synergize their strengths across various sectors such as nuclear energy, aerospace, defense, and biotechnology. The U.S.-India civil nuclear cooperation agreement is thus a smallâ€"albeit cr ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policymakers in the US, Japan, and elsewhere have recently taken limited steps toward the realization of a quadrilateral strategic alliance between the US, India, Australia, and Japan. The development of such an 'Asia Democracy Partnership,' supported in ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In announcing the US-India nuclear deal in July 2005, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that by signing the agreement India had now joined a "new nuclear world order." Does the US-India nuclear deal foretell the emergence of a new international nu ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2005, President Bush and Prime Minister Singh formalised a deal for the transfer of nuclear material and technologies for India’s civilian nuclear program, in a reversal of 35 years of US nuclear policy towards India. The following September, sta ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil-military relations in both India and the United States were greatly affected by the development of nuclear weapons. The presence of nuclear weapons raised new and different questions for the division of labor between civilians and the military. When ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nonproliferation regime today is under siege from many directions. The US as the pre-eminent world power is currently engaged in efforts to modify the regime without striking at its fundamental principles. One such attempt was the July 2005 declaration signed by US President Bush and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. While this agreement has mixed implications for the health of the nonproliferation regime, my research suggests that the overall impact is likely to be minimal. This is because states acquire or give up nuclear weapons because of regional and domestic political factors or due to fear of US intervention. I also find that the nonproliferation regime is unable in its present state to accommodate rising powers such as India, which desire to behave responsibly towards the world. In this period of regional power transition, the regime needs to be adjusted accordingly. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A dramatic transformation has occurred in India-US relations in the last decade. The interactions between the two democracies have expanded enormously and their impact is beginning to be felt beyond the bilateral realm. This evolving partnership holds the potential to shape not only the regional politics of South Asia but the international relations of the wider Asia-Pacific region. Some analysts project an even grander vision, claiming that this relationship may play a decisive role in determining the future global order. Taking these projections as a point of departure, and recognizing the impressive strides that have been made in Indo-US ties, this research focuses on the strategies, outputs and consequences of this foreign policy engagement. Its impact on Asian stability in the context of a rising China is also analysed. The research also studies the dynamics between the three major Asian powers, India, China and Japan, whose bilateral equations with the US are divergent and therefore of concern to the smaller powers of the region. How these major powers relate to one another and whether their mutual interactions can be autonomous are some of the questions that this research explores while charting the course of Indo-US relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My overarching objective is to understand if Christian believers in the United States adhere to the Articles of Faith and compare such outcomes to the religiosity studies from the most recent research in sociology (Barro, McCleary, Finke, Stark). Overall, I want to know if the increases in religion adherence rates mean anything in relation to the practice of such faith. Secondly, I want to know if any doctrinal changes occurred because of the free market system in the United States and what impact has such changes made to the economic framework of the believer. Thirdly, I am going to explore how such changes altered the philosophical moral position of Christian believers and how it has impacted their actions in general over the past one hundred years. Lastly, I want to see if changes that have taken place in the United States have had a similar impact on countries such as India and China who have recently adopted free market principles. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]