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With China's economic rise and influence, financial statecraft has increasingly been deployed to serve the country's national interest. The growth of China's financial statecraft in the region has drawn greater media and academic attention. Notwithstanding the abundant literature on China's financial statecraft in Southeast Asia, the previous studies lack a detailed analysis of various financial statecraft instruments deployed by China. To get a better understanding of China's deployment of financial statecraft over the years under Xi Jinping's administration, this article fills the gap in the existing literature by delving into various factors that influenced various financial statecraft instruments with respect to the objectives, trends or patterns and agencies involved in the region. Given Xi's successful bid for continued political rule by eliminating a term limit on the presidency as well as the escalating China-US strategic rivalry, it is important to examine how the interaction of domestic and international forces has shaped the evolution of financial statecraft in Southeast Asia. Due to the changes in domestic politics and shifts in the geopolitics and geoeconomics, an important question that deserves our attention is how these changes has influenced China's deployment of various financial statecraft instruments in different Southeast Asian countries. The paper focuses on two middle-income countries (i.e., Malaysia and Thailand) and two low-income countries (i.e. Cambodia and Laos) in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the development of China's reform and opening up policy, China's identity has gradually shifted from a solely foreign investment destination country into one that prioritizes capital exports. Among the capital receiving countries, Malaysia has been definitely attractive. As the first ASEAN country that has fostered diplomatic relations with China, Malaysia instituted friendly exchanges with China more than 2,000 years ago. This paper summarizes the history of investment and trade in the Malaysia and China in the ancient Chinese historical books based on the chronicle, and concludes the characteristics of investment and trade in various periods. With the qualitative method, it specifically analyzes the related research materials and historical writing records and focuses on the reasons why China has been willing to invest in Malaysia. The paper finds both countries' complementarity of goods, the continuous accumulation of exchanges, mutual understanding, influx of Chinese immigrants, and Malaysia's unique geographical advantages, which have contributed to the fact that China chose to invest and cooperate in Malaysia for two thousand years. This paper can help understand the development of the China-Malaysia relations and can accelerate understanding between the two countries, thus helping in removing hindrances against Chinese investment in Malaysia due to various modes of incomprehension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Jardine Matheson & Co.'s (JM) response to the riots, strikes, and boycotts that the Chinese people, particularly the workers, engaged in from 1925 to 1926. The occurrence was widespread and lasted for a considerable amount of time. spreading from the south to other regions. The British were a prime target of protests, strikes, and boycotts. JM became one of the British companies that were immediately impacted by the disaster as a result. JM's business's shipping, port, and manufacturing sectors were severely disrupted and destroyed.JM suffered a large loss because of the riot's property damage. JM was also required to comply with the workers' requests for pay increases. To defend JM's position and business interests in China, JM reacted to the incident because of the circumstance. Therefore, qualitative research methods and library research were utilized to examine JM's response to episodes of riots, strikes, and boycotts that happened throughout the time covered by this paper. Primary sources for the study included letters, reports from the London Foreign Office (FO371), meeting materials and minutes from the JM Company, and British business organizations including the China Association. While secondary sources are the results of earlier research, including books and journals. Both sources were used in the creation of this article. The results of this study are expected to add to the corpus of additional knowledge in the study of modern Chinese history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Management of the South China Sea disputes must consider the "hedging" behavior of the claimant and non-claimant countries. This behavior is characterized by an insistence on not aligning with any of the competing powers, through intentionally contradictory actions to offset multiple risks, or through a continuous effort to maintain a fallback position. Indeed, in the face of China's increasingly assertive actions and U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, nearly all the states in the region have avoided "balancing" (fully aligning with the U.S. to check China) and none of them have adopted "bandwagoning" (fully aligning with China for economic reasons but at the expense of autonomy and other national interests). Instead the Southeast Asian states have insisted on hedging. This paper argues that this proclivity to hedge is a result of both structural and domestic factors. Structurally, the high uncertainties surrounding China's intentions, U.S. commitment, and future U.S.-China ties have compelled the smaller states to avoid putting all their eggs in either power's basket. Domestically, for their political legitimation, the ruling elites in the states hedge to offset multiple risks and pursue mixed policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the inception of the open-door policy in 1978, China has progressively become more integrated into the global economy through trade, foreign direct investment, and, more recently, outward direct investment. This economic integration has gained momentum with initiatives like the 'Go Global' strategy, China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, and the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative in 2013. China's economic ascent, coupled with its increasing political influence and military power, prompted the United States (US) to initiate a strategy of rebalancing in the Asia Pacific region, starting with the Bush administration and continuing through the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. During the Trump administration, this rebalancing strategy was supported by decoupling strategy, ultimately leading to a trade war with China. Despite its intention to avoid the initiation of a new Cold War and to adopt a more moderate stance towards China, the US-China trade war has evolved further into a tech war under the Biden administration. Given this context, this article aims to outline the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China during the Biden administration, comparing it to the Trump administration and assessing its impact on both nations. The central argument of this article is that the primary characteristics of the US economic policy towards China under Biden administration are rebalancing and decoupling, carried over from the policies of the preceding Trump administration, and there are clear signs that these characteristics are deepening. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that the extensive decoupling measures enacted by the US have proven effective in diminishing China's role in global industrial and supply chains, particularly in industries related to semiconductors and chipmaking equipment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 19th century, a multifaceted dynamic unfolded among China, Vietnam, and France. France's ambitions to extend colonial control over Vietnam posed a potential threat to China's security and regional stability. This article delves into the historical context, exploring China's diplomatic and military strategies aimed at safeguarding Vietnam from French colonization. By analyzing historical accounts and scholarly sources, the study illuminates China's efforts to preserve Vietnam's sovereignty. Focusing on pivotal events, diplomatic initiatives, and military campaigns undertaken by China, the research sheds light on the perspectives of notable Chinese diplomats, including Zeng Jize, Tang Yanggeng, Chen Baozhen, and Zhang Peilun. The essay underscores China's pivotal role in protecting Vietnam and maintaining regional security concerns. It highlights the intricate nature of managing diplomatic relations with both Vietnam and France, necessitating a delicate balance. Through a comprehensive examination of historical dynamics, this article enriches our understanding of the intricate connections between China, Vietnam, and France during this critical period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to explain why China-Vietnam relations, which were based on tributary ties, broke down when France conquered Vietnam in the 19th century. As such, it traces the history of China- Vietnam-France relations, particularly on the eve of the French invasion of Vietnam, and explores China’s efforts to defend the country. This study is significant because it sheds light on the history of the French conquest of Vietnam while it was under the Chinese tributary system. For almost a century, China claimed to have power as a presidential state over Vietnam. However, the French did not acknowledge China’s power. Moreover, one by one, the territories of Vietnam were seized and eventually conquered by France. In this study, qualitative content analysis was applied to primary and secondary sources to evaluate the extent to which the tributary system affected and influenced the international external relations between the three countries of the three countries. The study’s findings showed that Vietnam had autonomy in theory but was submissive and willingly under China’s protection regarding its foreign affairs. However, the French did not recognize the tributary system as a foreign relationship, and they continued to mobilise colonial efforts in Vietnam in the mid-late 19th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses the changes in Malaysia's foreign policy towards China during the Abdul Razak era from animosity to the normalisation of relations. Three questions are highlighted in this research; first, what are the factors that influence the changes in Malaysia's foreign policy towards China; second, how the three levels of analysis structure Malaysia's foreign policy towards China and third, to what extent the established relationship has an impact on the national interests of the two countries. The arguments of these three factors are analysed through three stages namely the international structure, domestic changes and the role of leaders. The neoclassical realism theory is applied in analyzing the structuring of Malaysia's foreign policy towards China during the Abdul Razak era. This research applies a qualitative method of obtaining primary data through structured interviews with key informants; an analytical method based on chronology; and supported with empirical evidence from the secondary data. Overall, this research concludes that harmony interest and pingpong diplomacy influenced the changes in Malaysia's foreign policy towards China. Although the two countries are suspicious of one another in diplomatic relations, there was an increase in comprehensive cooperation through trade and political aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the history of opium smoking and anti-opium movements in Federated Malay States (FMS). By the end of the 17th century, the Chinese community consituted the majority of opium smokers due to the British and Chinese capitalists greed to gain profits through the rapidly growing opium trading. The emergence of antiopium movements in FMS was triggered by a number of key elements such as the development of anti-opium movement in Britain and China, and the spirit of nationalism among local Malayan Chinese towards their Mainland China which was gradually weakening due to escalating number of opium problems. Spearheaded by Chinese capitalists and a few Europeans, the anti-opium movement was transformed into several anti-opium organizations that carried out various initiatives to suppress the opium smoking habits. This study found that the anti-opium movement in FMS had played an important role in influencing the British government to change its view and policies on trade and smoking opium habit by 1910. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has implications for climate politics. Carbon emissions from states are expected to increase rapidly when the states strive to maximize their production in a post-pandemic world. The two countries that are crucial in combating climate change are China and the US, which are respectively the first and secondlargest carbon emitters in the world. Nevertheless, the growing tensions between these two countries on several issues are hindering the climate cooperation and the implementation of the Paris Climate Agreement. The objective of this article is to explore the evolution of climate change debate between China and the US and to analyse the factors that are likely to shape the climate responses of these two countries in the future. This article argues that without forging cooperation between China and the US combating climate change would be very difficult. This article analyses that China is unlikely to stick on to its Paris emission reduction commitments without the US re-engagement with the Paris Agreement. This article has employed a qualitative methodology in carrying out research collecting data from the primary and secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship and effort made by Jardine Matheson & Co. (JM) to establish the relationship with Ch'ing Government. The discussion started establishment of JM in 1832 until the end of the Dynasty Ch'ing in 1912. During that period, the relationship between Jardine Matheson & Co. (JM) and Ch'ing Dynasty undergoes a phase of change. In the early stage, they do not have good relationship due to different policies and views related to diplomacy and trade. The Ch'ing government practices the 'closed door' policy whereas the West practices free trade. The Western traders like JM see China as a profitable economic source and trade. However, the unwillingness of Ch'ing Government in changing the policy and imposing law restrictions upon the British traders leads JM to influence the British Government to use force against China. Finally, the British Government agrees to declare war and China had to conform to British's strength. British's victory enables JM to expand in China. During the middle of 19th century, JM does not only depend on opium trade alone, but started to involve in manufacturing, services and others. To strengthen the company's position, the second generation of JM starts to restore the relationship with the Ch'ing government. Various efforts are made by JM such as appointing the Chinese as the comprador or middleman, giving financial loans and assisting in developmental plans by the Ch'ing Government. Therefore, this research conducted through history research methodology by examining the records, documents and correspondence of JM and the Ch'ing Government at the Janus Archives, University of Cambridge and The National Archives, London. The findings show that JM has successfully established relations with the Ch'ing Government economically due the Ch'ing Government itself needs the help and support of the West in its efforts to develop and modernize the Self- Strengthening Movement (GMD) in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southeast Asia and Europe are key regions for the implementation of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). A comparison of China's attempt to promote the BRI in both regions reveals that China acts both as a norm-setter and norm-taker. Both the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the European Union which established distinct regional governance systems perceive China's growing ability to set norms in their region as a strategic threat. However, the 17+1 (formerly 16+1) cooperation format, established by China in Central and Eastern Europe as an umbrella for its bilateral relations, is embedded in the EU's governance system. In Southeast Asia, China cooperates with the individual governments on a bilateral base, but also utilizes the existing ASEAN infrastructure schemes. The article argues that China needs to be better included in the established international and regional governance mechanisms. It concludes that after mutual compromises of the participants and reforms the New Silk Road could function as a respected framework for multilateral collaboration that complements, but does not replace the existing governance structures and principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at China studies produced in Pakistani think tanks, and then it explores nexuses between knowledge and policy. Think tanks are considered as 'knowledge reservoirs'. Their knowledge is taken as input and feedback on important policy issues. Their close relationship with policy institutions, in terms of, their contributions, feedback, inputs, and ideas help shape policies. In Pakistan, think tanks have played a pivotal role in generating ideas, discourses and public opinion in society. Interestingly, these domestic images on China and Pakistan-China relations in Pakistani think tanks show how historical knowledge could contribute to shaping Pakistan's China policy. The study argues that the previous studies on China and Pakistan-China relations have been dictated by power politics factors in which India and US have loomed large. In this article, a Constructivist perspective of International Relations is chosen to understand, how ideas, discourses, studies, and knowledge could shape Pakistan's policy towards China. Adopting the qualitative approach, this research collected data through primary and secondary sources. It conducted interviews from the senior think tank analysts in Pakistan. This study revealed that indigenous knowledge produced in Pakistani think tanks, in particular, China Studies, have positively contributed to shaping Pakistan's China policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Towards the 18th century, communities who settled on the China- Vietnam border along the paths of You Cun Ai in the Guangxi province, have begun to carry out trades along the border. However, the trading activities along the border were stopped by the Chinese authorities upon the outbreak of the Tay Son Rebellion (1771 - 1802). Hence, this article aims to investigate the motive for the ban on the China (Guangxi)-Vietnam border trades in the context of China-Vietnam's long-forged trade relationship. This is due to the fact that not only do the border trades supply daily necessities, but the ban on the trades have brought a huge impact on the socio-economy of the people who settled at the border. This research presents the view that the Tay Son Rebellion served only as an excuse for the Chinese to legally close the border trades of China-Vietnam when in actual fact it was for China's political survival. China fears that unrest in Vietnam will bring in elements of rebellion into its country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]