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This paper is a preliminary exploration into the intersection of economics, religion, and politics with regards to development issues in Indonesia. In specific, this paper’s hypothesis is that the Indonesian government often acts through and with religious organizations (and not as much or in the same ways as with secular civil society organizations) for economic and social development. The paper includes several sections: 1) Introduction and thesis. 2) Literature review: definition of civil society, how religious organizations fit into “civil society,” information about the political role of civil society, types of civil society organizations in Indonesia, and the extent to which civil society is really “outside” of governmental control (i.e., autonomy issues). 3) Background information about non-governmental organizations and information about their potential role in democratization processes. 4) Background for religious organizations: types of religious organizations in Indonesia and what they do. Special attention is given to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah (two of the largest and arguably most influential groups in Indonesia). 5) The nature of the relationship between the Indonesian government and civil society. 6) Information about religious organizations and economic development. Questions: a. Do religious organizations have a comparative advantage over secular organizations in supporting economic and social development? b. What does the government get in return for supporting (or controlling) religious organizations? c. Likewise, what do religious organizations obtain for supporting the government? 7) Conclusion and recommendations for future research. Each section by no means provides an exhaustive description or explanation of the topic, but rather instead serves to offer a general framework from which to start analyzing the aforementioned thesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will use an aesthetic interpretation John Dewey’s conception of the schoolroom as a model for an association in civil society that encourages liberal-democratic political characteristics in citizens. Although many have noted the implications of John Dewey’s work for contemporary civil society theory, this paper assumes a two unique positions. First, it not only makes the common claim that Dewey felt the democratic benefits of face-to-face association accrue from discussion among diverse participants that cultivates tolerance and encourages creative problem solving, but also it emphasizes how he stressed that associational discourse must occur with specific spatial and temporal characteristics. Dewey noted that such political talk must follow a particular pace, with a particular developmental direction, or it will devolve into a mire of unrelated assertions with no political benefit. Furthermore, the paper asserts that in order to maintain such a conversation, Dewey recommended that the actual structure of the discourse must occasionally limit freedom and discourage certain points of view. In contradiction to most understandings of Dewey’s progressive education, he actually foresaw the effective classroom as under the control of an assertive teacher who regulated the aesthetic-pedagogic characteristics of student discussion. When theorizing the implications of this fact for theories of civil society, it becomes clear that if Dewey’s classroom is used as model for face-to -face discussion that encourages democratic skills, in distinction to many contemporary writers, the associations where this discussion occurs need not exhibit a “logic of congruence”* with the characteristics they hope to encourage. This understanding depends upon a specific interpretation of Dewey. Although Dewey as a pragmatist possesses a reputation for a prosaic liberalism, his work is actually laced with aesthetic themes. And although most fully developed in his Art As Experience, even his earlier pedagogic work possesses these elements. It is through Dewey’s conception of the aesthetic, or spatial and temporal dimension of everyday physical and mental experience, that I interpret his work. In this paper I focus primarily upon two texts, his well-known School and Society (1900) and his lesser-known Educational Lectures Before Brigham Young Academy, (1900-1901) as exemplars of the aesthetic aspects of Dewey’s pedagogic work. Through these texts I demonstrate Dewey’s assertion that students need to experience the diverse subject matter constituent of an effective liberal education in a manner that encourages not only retention of material but also construction of connections between seemingly incommensurate disciplines and unrelated facts. The implication for theories of civil society should be clear: Just as students must make connections between varied disciplines for understanding, citizens must be able to build relationships with other individuals and political positions in face-to-face dialog that cultivates tolerance and effective political knowledge. And if Dewey is to be used as a model for discourse in small scale association, then the aesthetic characteristics of this conversation remains as important as its diverse substance. * I take this phrase from Nancy Rosenblum’s Membership and Morals: The Personal Uses of Pluralism in the United States. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two key puzzles about political legitimacy require answers grounded in empirical analysis of particular political systems: Does political legitimacy exist as an attitudinal among citizens, or is it just an invention of political scientists? And if legitimacy exists, how does it affect the behavior of citizens? This ?so what?? question about legitimacy has implications for political stability through its effects on levels and types of citizen political participation. In a companion paper, we have answered the first question in the affirmative, at least for one consolidated Third World democracy, Costa Rica, where we found seven distinct dimensions of legitimacy. In this paper we seek to resolve the second puzzle of legitimacy?s impact on citizen behavior. Empirical evidence from a 2002 national survey explores how legitimacy shapes citizens political participation and civil society activism. The relationships are complex, with some dimensions of legitimacy increasing some forms of participation while other dimensions reduce it. Belief in two dimensions of legitimacy, namely ?political community? and ?support for political actors,? encourages overall citizen engagement and local-level participation, while high levels of another dimension; ?system support? discourages them. Civil society activism overall is reduced by low ?support for regime institutions? but increased by ?support for local government.? Several legitimacy-participation relationships are curvilinear. We discuss these three relationship patterns for political stability and legitimacy theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As development practicioners have joined the academic community in affirming the constructive role of civil society, multilateral banks have embraced the norm of incorporating civil society representatives in consultations on loan requests and development projects. These processes increase the range of issues around which civil society organizations mobilize and the points at which civil society organizations can attempt to influence national governments and international actors. But this expanded terrain for civil society activism also raises questions about the representativeness of organizations invited to participate, the forms and quality of their engagement, and actual program consequences related to civil society consultations. This paper explores the civil society consultation process developed by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), focusing on consultations surrounding Plan Puebla-Panamá, an IDB-financed regional development initiative covering southern Mexico and Central America. In 2002, the IDB organized a series of workshops on this plan in each of the Central American countries; these were followed in 2003 with follow-up consultations at the sectoral and departmental level. Drawing on IDB reports and survey data collected at these meetings, supplemented with information from the author’s interviews with consultation participants in Nicaragua, this paper analyzes the process from the standpoint of representativeness, engagement, and impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how different existence of social capital under the socialist system affected different outcomes of democratization and economic growth during the transition period in Poland and Russia which adopted same transition policy. So far, studies on how social capital impacts democracy and economic development has mostly focused on developed or developing countries. Meanwhile, this paper examines how to define and measure social capital in post-communist countries, and seeks to apply theoretical analysis on correlation between social capital and development to transition countries. Distinguishing periods into communist and transition, this paper analyzes how different degree of social capital existed during communist period and how it has affected different process of transition in Poland and Russia. Using data from World Values Survey, this paper estimates the degree of voluntary civic participation and trust of Poland and Russia as operational definition of social capital. It also analyzes the correlation between social capital and economic growth/stability, and democracy respectively, using data from World Bank, IMF, 'Corruption perception index' from Transparency International, and 'Democracy score' from Freedom House. As a result, this paper suggests emphasis on reconstruction of social capital should be accompanied with establishment of formal system in transition countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the procedural and substantive outcomes emanating from new governance structures for managing livelihood and natural resource conflicts and challenges. Evidence on many fronts indicates that the recent efforts by developing countries to incorporate community groups in natural resource management (NRM) is at best very progressive. Collaborative efforts, at times referred to as co-management, are implemented through decentralized programs. This paper investigates why civil society was suddenly incorporated in these governance programs in Kenya. It argues that the state and civil society can partner effectively to handle resource related conflicts and challenges if they manage to operationalize the twin NRM paradigms of sustainability and good governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between the state and nonwhite civil society, specifically the connection between social policy regimes and the activities and ideologies that nonwhite organizations adopt. This paper conducts binary-logistic regression analysis of New York City Nonwhite Associational Dataset and the London Nonwhite Associational Dataset. This paper finds a relationship between governmental funding and the lack of a racial ideology in New York City and a relationship between governmental funding and the presence of a racial ideology in London. These findings reveal the influence of the neo-liberal social policy regimes of the United States and the United Kingdom, suggesting that the imperatives of the state more so than socioeconomic exigencies define the organizational tendencies of nonwhite communities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society has been encouraged by scholars as necessary to the successful democratization of developing countries. Women have also been cited as important actors in democratization processes, specifically in the context of post-conflict, peace-building activities (PCPB), but are often overlooked and/or excluded members of civic participation in developing countries. This paper seeks to further expand existing research about the role of women in African democratic transitions, using the Sudan as a case study, in which civil society and the role of women are vital to the future rebuilding of the country. In discussing the establishment of sustainable peace in Sudan, PCPB organizations, as well as other domestic civil society NGOs, with women as active leaders and participants, are providing support in the face of illegitimate, largely ineffective state structures. This paper considers relationships between the state and civil society in the Sudan, highlighting the current struggles and contributions of Sudanese women in assisting their country in peace-building and democratization processes offering insights for overall African state growth and democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The basic argument of the paper is that the success of the Bologna Process is not due to state actions such as legislation, but to the actions of civil society and market forces. The theoretical argument is thus that the successful progress of the Bologna Process is not a result of top-down efforts, but of bottom-up mechanisms.The paper is a contribution to the debate on the identification of the forces which are driving European integration; while many argue that efforts of national governments and their legislation are leading to the successful development of the European-level policies of higher education, there are just as many who argue that these successes are not due to the state governments' efforts, but rather to neoliberal market forces which were effectively unleashed through policies resulting from intergovernmental agreements and cooperation, effectively arguing that governments' efforts are only indirectly responsible for the successful coordination and development of European-level higher education policies. To support the argument of the latter, this paper will focus on the activities of national and European accreditation agencies and their role in the realization of the European Higher Education Area. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even after March 2006 presidential elections, Belarus remains the last dictatorship in Europe. When democratic opposition planned to launch a "color" revolution, its protest caused little commotion on the nation's political arena. Belarusian opposition failed to unleash public uprising, necessary to topple the government of A. Lukashenka and authoritarian regime still remains firmly entrenched in Minsk.This paper argues that at least two factors contribute to such lack of accomplishment on the part of Belarusian opposition. First, Belarus lacks an established civil society and its population suffers from a want of political knowledge and understanding. Such situation is resultant from the actions of authoritarian government, which limit the scope of liberal education and interfere in the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The study examines this first factor within the contemporary framework of authoritarian rule in Belarus, which has lasted for eleven years (1996 - 2007). Second, Belarusian people are still experiencing a severe identity crisis. Belarusian nation remains the most "soviet" amongst all the former Soviet Union republics. Lack of nationalism and inability to create common identity further contribute to political apathy. The paper examines lack of nationalism from a historical perspective, bringing to light historical underpinnings of Belarus' identity crisis.Methodologies used in this study include literature review, content analysis, case studies, and comparative analysis. This study contributes to understanding of both, democratic transitions in general and obstacles, which hamper democratic development in the former Soviet nations. Additionally, it increases the amount of scholarship written on the political situation in Belarus and helps evaluate the scope of the issues at play. Finally, the study could be translated into concrete policy suggestions, which could potentially lead Belarusian people to embark upon the path of democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By studying protest activism in Bulgaria from 1996 to 2005, this paper seeks to examine the possible transition to movement society in Eastern Europe as a way of assessing how civil society is reflected in protest organizing in the region. The paper argues that protest activism in the country, and possibly in Eastern Europe in general, has become institutionalized as part of the standard repertoire of political participation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we describe the efforts of women's organizations to attract public attention for the issues that concern them, and we ask how successful they are, and why. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the origins, structures, and functions of three types of environmental NGOs in China. It examines how various political and resource constraints have shaped their impact on civil society and democratization in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the participation of civil society organizations in the CAFTA negotiations, focusing on the activities of "critic negotiators" and "transgressive resisters" in El Salvador. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developments surrounding the media in post-Soviet countries highlight a nagging issue facing theorists and proponents of civil society and social capital. On the one hand, analysts argue that a strong civil society and ample supplies of social capital provide the free flows of information and trust necessary to both stimulate economic development and promote good governance. On the other hand, little guidance exists as to how these institutions develop; particularly in countries evolving from socialist regimes where former state structures essentially crowded out the so-called third sector. Analysts like Robert Putnam point to the existence of virtuous circles, a reciprocating and mutually reinforcing effect between civil society and economic development – but few analysts have indicated how these circular relationships are first set in motion. If students of democratic and market transitions are to understand how civil society develops in relation to the economy and state, they must identify the points of origins of key, tangible, social institutions like a free media. In this paper, the author brings a wealth of cases to the examination of this issue by examining the relationship between media freedom and a set of demographic, economic and political variables drawn from each of the 88 (minus the Chechen Republic) regions of the Russian Federation. Given the marked variation on key indicators across Russia’s regions, a subnational analysis of this issue allows one to isolate the socioeconomic, demographic and political variables of interest while controlling for a host of cultural factors which might otherwise hinder a cross-national study. Furthermore, the study benefits from a rather sophisticated media freedom measure developed by the organization "Obshchestvennaia Ekspertiza" (Social Expertise) which draws upon a complex set of measures related to information access and the production and distribution of media products for all of Russia’s federal subunits. The author concludes that, while economic diversification and development are key prerequisites for a free media, other factors, like a more liberal political culture and the nature of Russia’s asymmetrical federal structures, have a small role to play. The results indicate that levels of media freedom were mostly determined by economic development and the diversification of local economic structures during the 1990s. Nonetheless, the models also hint at some role for a latent liberal political culture existing in some regions as well as a measure signifying whether or not the region is an "ethnic" republic. Together these outcomes indicate that, while economic development appears to be a necessary prior condition for the development of a strong Post-Soviet media, certain regions appear to exhibit a preexisting liberal political culture that can at least enhance the development of regional media freedom. Furthermore, the significance of the ethnic republic measure supports the assertions of other authors (Kahn 2003) that the special status of these units has promoted the growth of regional authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The democratic transition and consolidation literatures recognize the key role that civil society plays in the consolidation and deepening of electoral democracy. As a corollary, societies with a weak civil society will have a difficult time consolidating an already vulnerable democracy. This then begs the question, how can civil society be encouraged to grow? Civil society can be encouraged to develop indirectly through a variety of mechanisms including funding for civil society organizations and tax deduction laws that create legal incentives. However, in some Mexican states controlled by the PAN, state governments have tried to create civil society directly by establishing neighborhood committees to mediate between government and society. The neighborhood committees are intended to build consensus about desired infrastructure projects, petition the government accordingly, and mobilize resources to pay for projects. This paper seeks to determine whether these committees are a successful government led creation of civil society or merely a different form of the same government control that has plagued organization life in Mexico’s past? This study proposes a survey of, and selected interviews with, the presidents of Tijuana’s neighborhood communities. Controlling for income and service levels, the study examines democratic practices within the committees, links to other civil society organizations, and their relationships with the PAN lead government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the state-dominant structure of Communism and the undertaking of state-building in post-Soviet Russia, this paper focuses on state actors and institutional arrangements which structure the development of civil society within the dynamic context of state-society relations. Political context matters for civic engagement in terms of the timing of its collective action, the outcomes of its activity, and the form of its organizations. In the protracted process of democratic transition, the origins, formation, strength, and weakness of civil society in the former Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia have been shaped by political opportunity structure and institutional arrangements unique to the national context in which they are embedded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While considerable attention has been given to comparative studies of lustration laws across Central Europe (mostly focused on Poland and the Czech Republic), fewer however have looked at reasons behind accepting different forms of lustration. This paper uses a case study approach by focusing upon post-communist Romania where calls for decommunisation were motivated both by the nature of Romanian communism and doubts over the genuine character of the 1989 (r)evolution. They were mainly championed by civil society and opposition circles to challenge the legitimacy of the post-communist establishment dominated by former communists. My argument is that while verdicts of "guilty" by nominating individuals responsible are resisted and opposed, impersonal distribution of "guilt" to be shared by the whole society is more acceptable. Moreover, there seems to be an intrinsic difficulty to transpose the discourse of decommunisation into law due to their different points of departure. Retroactive justice bases its legitimacy upon moral and ethical arguments and starts somewhat from a presumption of guilt, whereas the legal process relies upon rules and procedures aimed at protecting the individual and starts from a presumption of innocence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the case of same-sex marriage in China, a hypothetical but not improbable proposition, this paper explores two fundamental questions: What might motivate a non-democratic state to promulgate a progressive human rights policy? And more importantly, when a non-democratic state adopts such policies, what might the impact be on civil society at large? I argue that same sex marriage legislation, like other human rights issues, could be used strategically to improve China’s human rights reputation. I further suggest that studies on the strategic use of human rights norms, in focusing attention on the impacts upon the norm itself have overlooked the effect on domestic civil society; in promulgating a same-sex marriage policy the government might also, unintentionally, eliminate an issue around which Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans-gender/-sexual (LGBT) groups might coalesce issuing a blow to one sector of China’s fledgeling civil society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The search for religious moderates preoccupies analysts of both American and international politics. However, much of this analysis is deeply flawed, seeking religious leaders from Kansas to Karachi who fit comfortably into a liberal-democratic mold. This paper examines the amorphous concept of the “religious moderate,” and distinguishes distinct forms of moderation that one could seek from religious civil society groups. Such a nuanced look at religious moderation is an important step in increasing social science’s grasp of the dynamics of religion in contemporary international politics. Religious moderation is heavily influenced by national-level variables, especially a state's tradition of religion-state relations. Thus, attempts to export "religious moderation" should be undertaken with great care. The distinct treatment of Muslim civic assocations in France and the United States demonstrates two quite different takes on moderation, and the implications that conceptions of moderation have on the make-up of religious civil society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resurgence of attention to civil society as a concept of political thought and practice as well as of social science research in the past two decades has been intimately connected to the fall of communism in Europe. In fact, the connection has been so close as to render some of it myopic, not always clear on what it is that one is looking at, what is denoted and what is meant to be achieved by the term ‘civil society’ in reference to the events, actors, and processes preceding, affecting and succeeding the political change in the Eastern block. This paper systematically reviews the various ways in which civil society has been conceptualized and employed in the literature focusing on the past two decades of Central and Eastern Europe, exploring the extent to which certain assumptions underlying the concept have been challenged, explicated, or, conversely, taken for granted. It traces the fluctuating vision of civil society as a tool and as a cause, posited as an explanatory variable and as a dependent variable, but always in connection to transition to and consolidation of democracy, and assesses whether the literature to date has shown the concept of civil society in Central and Eastern Europe to have analytical value-added. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international aspects of civil wars are profound. Civil wars can result from conflict at the international level and civil wars can cause international conflict. However, existing research on the subject of civil war is limited in its treatment of these international factors. This paper focuses on the causal mechanisms by which civil wars lead to international conflict at the dyadic-level of analysis. To do this I use a strategic interaction approach to examine the behavior of three key actors: the focal government, the opposition and a second state. The theoretical model that I develop has three key variables; affinity, power and rivalry, which affect each of these actor's decision-making process. To test my theory I analyze politically relevant dyads from 1945-1997. I find that strategic rivalry has the most consistent influence on the likelihood of a civil war leading to international conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely believed that efforts to overcome the collective action problem are more likely to succeed when the level of social capital is high. In the developing countries, efforts to improve the quality of life may depend fundamentally on small scale, cooperative efforts to develop economic infrastructure, provide education, clean drinking water, and social services. The analysis in this paper is based on Afrobarometer survey data gathered for Ghana and Nigeria. The statistical analysis explores the variables that influence social capital and political trust. The most important determinant of interpersonal trust in Nigeria and Ghana is political trust. The findings also suggest that the dimensions of social capital do not form a syndrome as organizational membership has a negative association with interpersonal trust in Nigeria. Thus, the results of this study support the institutional explanation of social capital, while they fail to support Putnam’s civil society explanation. Several demographic variables, such as education, age and ethnicity, also affect social capital and political trust. Contrary to other studies, this study finds a significant negative relationship between education and interpersonal trust. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the gaze and practice of leading Western intellectuals and policy makers, democratic governance is purported to be attainable by any given polity; however, whether a state or society is considered a democracy is many times simply a statement about a people or state's perceived proximity to a Western, often Protestant, identity. Dominant visions of democratic theory often locate working democracies in the geo-temporal space of 'Westerness,' which has meant that democracy has become a legitimating discourse of neo-colonialism. This paper argues that conventional claims about a state's level of democracy do not actually address the foundational values, governmental institutions, or norms that constitute a polity's citizenry/subjects, governing structures, or civil society. Rather, these claims reflect the way the discourse of Western elites create and respond to Otherness by naming those closest to home 'democratic' and those perceived farthest the inverse-'autocratic'. Preliminary evidence for these claims is provided through a close reading of Dahl and Whitehead's texts: while theoretically disparate, these texts are ultimately congruent in the empirical referents they employ in deducing their notions of democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do social movements affect democratization? In the context of the "third wave" democratizations in Latin America, many scholars have reached consensus in pointing to the important role of civil society actors in the deepening and expansion of democratic politics. However, the conventional state-centric approach to democratization fails to account for the enactment and, consequently, the implications of democratic participation outside the realm of formal government institutions. This paper argues that the Nicaraguan anti-water privatization social movement's creation of new spaces for citizen participation and deliberation, contributions to citizen empowerment and competence, and effect on government accountability and responsiveness demonstrate both the legitimation of formal institutions as well as the production of extra-institutional democratic spaces that contribute to democratization beyond its state-instituted structures. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 2006 all of the post-communist states of East and Central Europe (ECE) had adopted laws on Freedom of Information (FOI). This is intriguing considering that it took most “traditional” democracies much longer to pass such laws. The paper asks why the laws were adopted so quickly in ECE and if they are truly effective. The study identifies three mechanisms that contributed to the adoption of FOI laws: a) pressure from civil society; b) unexpected consequences of membership in transparent international organizations; c) direct involvement by international actors. It argues that the differences in the processes leading to FOI law adoption in these countries have translated into differences in their effectiveness. I generate a series of hypotheses and test them by developing two gauges of effectiveness of FOI laws: 1) the public’s use of laws (based on the number of FOI requests received), 2) the implementation of laws by officials (based on the proportion of requests receiving answers). The research looks at developments in Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia and Slovenia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A robust and active civil society is fundamental for democracy to succeed. Many political scientists have lamented the decline in traditional forms of civil society, warning of an imperiled form of democracy in the United States. This paper provides evidence that civil society is burgeoning in a new form, thanks to new technology. Today, citizens have more and varied outlets through which to add their voice to political debates and elections. This, in turn, encourages greater political participation and voter turn-out. Social networking communities allow citizens to connect to one another via varied organizations. Today, instead of people forming a neighborhood organization, citizens are turning to the internet to connect with others, utilizing networking websites to form organizations. These forms of civil society may be a casual cooking club or a group that plays basketball together each weekend. While pursuing these activities, people are also discussing issues that are important to them. Yes, the old form of civil society may be extinct, but this new, more-connected version proves that democracy is still alive and well. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will analyze the creation of constitutional citizenship during Reconstruction and the efforts of African Americans to reconstruct citizenship and civil society on the ground from 1865-1880. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to offer insight into the potential and limits of civil society as a vehicle for deepening democratic values in newer democracies. I analyze a large cross-national survey of Latin American citizens in 18 countries to examine the question: Is civil society in Latin America nurturing democratic values or breeding authoritarian sentiments? A multidimensional analysis of civil society brings nuance to our understanding of the relationship between civil society and democratic values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates continuity and change in third sector-state relations since the the start of democratization. The discrete cases of Poland and the Czech Republic are discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maternity leave policy is gendered in nature, enabling women to reconcile responsibilities within the public and private spheres. Despite recognition of the value of leave policies, extreme cross-national variation in policy exists. This paper is founded in feminist theory and builds upon the concept of representation as developed by Hanna Pitkin (1967). The analysis extends the literature by applying Pitkin's theory of representation to maternity leave policy. Based upon the model developed by Beckwith & Cowell-Meyers (2007), the analysis investigates the explanatory power of descriptive representation, along with parliamentary factors and civil society contexts, which predict substantive representation, operationalized as maternity leave policy. A large-n, cross-national, quantitative analysis was conducted to determine the variables that significantly predict maternity leave policy. The results reveal that female labor force participation and children under the age of 15 both significantly predict the variance in the dependent variable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I address the question of what particular problems for the democratic theory are posed by the development of post-communist democracies of Central Europe (my attention focuses on Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic). These countries do not represent a type of democratic regime in its own right, but to look at them just as imperfect realizations of the various existing Western models of democracy (or, put even less accurately, the Western model of democracy) would fail to do justice to their specific historical and cultural traditions. Their record on democracy is improving, but some notorious problems persist: insufficient accountability of various levels of government to the general public, low transparency of public bodies' decision-making, weak civil society and low levels of civic engagement; other serious shortcomings are not so commonly commented on: institutional immaturity of states and civil societies, limited capacity of the agents of public discourse formation (independent media, academia) to exert influence upon political decision making, or the weakness of both the government agencies and the public sphere vis-à-vis powerful economic interests. Theoretically interesting is the observation that even if the Schumpeterian minimalist conception of democracy as the system of government based on periodically held and free elections is fulfilled in these countries, illegitimate use of power is not fully mitigated. The overview of principal deficiencies of Central European democracies highlights the need for more demanding normative models of democracy, such as those proposed by J. Habermas or J. Cohen. These models, in contrast to the minimalist conception, can provide the necessary guidelines for further democratic improvements in countries that have done very well in their democratization efforts, but can do even better. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society is often touted as a key player in a meta-system of checks and balances in a polity. This paper examines the ability of national level NGOs to bring about lower levels of corruption and clientelism in Latin America. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disagreement over charter schools and school vouchers is heated and complicated, but theories of deliberative democracy can make these issues more tractable by clarifying opposing viewpoints and norms of democratic legitimacy. Deliberative democrats generally conceive of democratic legitimacy in terms of consistency between political decision-making and the deliberative preferences or will formation of ordinary citizens. Thus, in order to assess deliberative democratic legitimacy it is necessary to examine the relationship between political the decision-making practices of government officials and the discursive practices of citizens in civil society. However, deliberative democratic theorists have had little to say about how their theories of democratic legitimacy should be applied to many current political controversies. Hence, this paper represents an attempt to clarify the connection between deliberative theory and practice by pursuing the implications of deliberative theories for debates over school choice in the United States. This paper outlines three main strains of deliberative democracy and evaluates discourse over school choice according to the competing norms of democratic legitimacy that define the deliberative democratic theories of John Rawls, Jurgen Habermas, and Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson. My analysis evaluates the structure and content of discourse over school choice in civil society by addressing two main sets of questions: (1) how do different deliberative democratic theories, with their unique conceptions of democratic legitimacy, provide competing assessments of particular arguments for and against school choice? What kinds of policy positions, arguments, and strategies are consistent with these competing theories of deliberative democracy? and (2) how can understanding the differences between these conceptions of deliberative democratic legitimacy improve political discourse or the political deliberation and judgment of ordinary citizens and public officials? I argue that these different theories of deliberative democracy provide competing standards of democratic legitimacy for assessing the quality of discourse and decision-making over school choice policy and that the quality of deliberation improves as citizens and public officials learn to frame their views or preferences according to defensible standards of democratic legitimacy. Finally, I suggest that the appropriateness of different norms of democratic legitimacy depends largely upon the context of the particular political issue or what is at stake in the issue under consideration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the end of the Cold War, much faith has been put into the importance of non-state actors in shaping the growth of civil society and thus contributing to democratization. Yet the proliferation of NGOs in states undergoing transition has, in many instances, failed to produce highly-anticipated results. In fact, often, internal quarrels and corruption among non-state actors have contradicted the very democratic ideals they grew to represent. Why is it that in some cases NGOs have been successful in democracy building while in others they have failed to serve as intermediaries between the government and citizens? In this paper, we address this fundamental question, which has both significant theoretical and policy implications and builds upon existing research. Unlike previous studies which usually analyze either successful or failed NGO performance, we employ a comparative approach with variation on the dependent variable. Thus, by focusing on cases of both successful and failed NGO performance, we can delineate the conditions under which NGOs contribute to democracy building and when their existence is insignificant. We argue that successful NGOs provide a model of democracy by increasing their own accountability to potential members which is crucial to the growth of activist network among the targeted population. To acquire the necessary membership base, we further hypothesize, NGOs need to deliver benefits to their members and fill the vacuum in providing public goods. As a result, we expect that successful NGOs are the ones which provide the necessary public goods to gain the support of the local population. In addition to providing a theoretical insight, this paper offers important policy implications. As more states undergo democratic transitions, there is a need to focus on non-state actors which can provide a model of democracy and play a strategic role between the government and citizens-two groups adjusting to the new political environment. If we discover, for instance, that domestic NGOs lack accountability to their members because they mismanage international funding they receive from foreign networks, then this might suggest a need to reinforce or modify monitoring policies by international NGOs to prevent corruption at the domestic level. We rely on Duke University’s data on NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations Research Guide) along with the World Bank data and employ case studies (Poland, Kenya, Kazakhstan, India) and statistical analysis to test our argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society is better understood as the condition of society under a legal-rational state than as set of organizations opposed to the state. This resolves significant problems for understanding antisocial organizations and failing states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I ask whether members of civil society in Romania participate in larger numbers proportionately relative to the rest of society, and if so, what causal mechanisms explain this outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article elaborates a new theory of how nations negotiate wherein people negotiate, not just political leaders, and the negotiations of the latter are affected by the former. The authors developed an integrated theory of how citizen peacebuilders build the democratic social, cultural and human capital necessary to effectively engage national level politics by first building peace and democracy at the grassroots and in local politics. The authors also described the development of a "peacebuilding organism" involving specialized citizen peacebuilding organizations who coordinate to produce mutually reinforcing growth toward peace and democracy at all levels of society.

In our relatively new knowledge-based society, technology in the classroom has been equated with offering more opportunities for engagement in civic society and overall, promoting a more democratic society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to explain variation in civil society ? government relations and the creation of political opportunities for civil society organizations to address problems of water and sanitation along Mexico?s northern border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom maintains that dissent (i.e., behavioral threat) increases state repression. Existing research generally ignores, however, the possibility that repressive behavior responds to the efforts of government officials. For example, after a "political" threat is established - identifying a potential challenge, authorities could attempt to eliminate dissent before it emerges or escalates. Analyzing repression within the United States from 1948 to 1982 (the bulk of the Cold War), I examine the relative importance of behavioral and political threats. As found, when authorities identify that international and domestic challenges exist, repression generally increases - regardless of actual dissident behavior. Results further disclose that political threats are more important determinants of state repression than any other explanatory variables included within estimated models. The influence of "bringing politics back into" the study of repression is important because it significantly challenges previous research on the topic and it compels this work to explore new areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project examines the impact that the people with whom we hold interpersonal relationships ("peers" or "social network") have on how we participate in civil society. The analysis makes use of new survey data that were collected by the author. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Students of civil society argue that citizen involvement in organizations, or civil society, develops forms of social capital that promote and sustain democracy. Others respond that large-scale contextual factors contribute more to the formation of social capital than civil society. We investigate these competing contentions about social capital formation, specifically citizens? interactions with and attitudes toward the state. Using 1990s public opinion survey data from six Central American nations during the early and mid 1990s, our analysis of individual intensity of activity within various types of voluntary associations shows that civil society activism contributes to social capital, though the impact is complex, but that political and economic context has larger effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the use of Islam as a political discourse by the nationalist elites and the civil-military bureaucrats created an environment that aided the Islamists in advancing their political programs in the post-colonial state, Bangladesh. The failure of the nationalist elites to establish their hegemony over civil society, especially over the subaltern classes and groups based on secular identities and culture, secured ?dominance without hegemony? in this Muslim populated country. This prompted the nationalist elites to restart the process of Islamization, which they thought would help them to overcome their ?hegemonic crisis? in civil society. A consequence of relying on Islamic discourse rather than indigenous culture was that this ultimately helped the Islamic parties to advance their politics in this ?peripheral? state. The article analyzes the failure of the nationalist elites to organize the Bangladesh movement as a unified project, and at a later time, the relying on Islam by the ruling, as well as non ruling political elites for overcoming their hegemonic crisis, created a space for the Islamists, which at present, pose challenges not only to the state and civil society, but also to the subaltern culture and tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the transitional justice literature has grown significantly over the past twenty years, there are as of yet very few normative theories of political reconciliation. This paper presents a normative theory of reconciliation based on reciprocal respect and tolerance. It distinguishes itself from two broad approaches: substantive-theological approaches which emphasize reparations, forgiveness and social solidarity (Tutu, Petersen, Kraybill), and legal-minimalist approaches which focus on basic procedural justice and formal constitutional provisions to manage conflicting perspectives and minimize violence (Hampshire, Bhargava). I outline an alternative based on a modified critical theory of mutual moral respect, and identify a number of corollary norms (truth-telling, recognition and accountability) that provide an empirically attainable and normatively satisfactory conception of reconciliation. The paper traces the emergence of these norms among different social actors: elites, civil society, and institutions (trials and truth commissions), and draws on cases to illustrate its practical manifestations, possibilities and limitations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which political processes/events facilitate political reforms? Post-1990 Nepal offers a unique opportunity to study this question because it went through electoral democracy, insurgency and autocracy and is undergoing extensive political reforms in two decades. The marginalized indigenous nationalities, Dalit (‘untouchable’), Madhesi (plain residents) and women faced widespread exclusion till 2006. The paper will show that major political reforms did not occur during the democratic, insurgency and autocratic years. The usurpation of power by the King in 2005, however, set the stage for political transformation by uniting progressive forces. The subsequent 2006 regime change unleashed political reforms, including significant inclusion of the traditionally marginalized groups. The paper will argue that the non-democratic forces played a catalytic role for the political reforms. The rise of the Maoist insurgency led the monarchy to usurp power in an attempt to address it; the usurpation united the parliamentary political parties, civil society, and the Maoists against the monarchy; and the unity resulted into the downfall of monarchy and the old order; and the change unleashed major political reforms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shall identify and analyze resistance to the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) in Nicaragua and Costa Rica, and the political legacies of that resistance in those countries and throughout the region. CAFTA-DR was ratified by five Central American states and the Dominican Republic in 2006 and 2007, however, the criticisms of it that surfaced during its development remain salient throughout the region. I have identified key political, economic, and civil society actors that opposed passage of CAFTA-DR. This paper shall illuminate the interest-based and ideological motivations behind the opposition, and the impact of the resistance on contemporary politics. I focus on two dissimilar cases in order to identify the role of domestic political institutions in the development of the resistance. My analysis will help us understand the effects of trade policy on domestic politics and policy in general and in Nicaragua and Costa Rica in particular, and it will contribute to our understanding of the rise of the left(s) in the region. I shall incorporate findings from my fieldwork in Central America this past summer, as well as archival research and interviews to be conducted in the spring of 2009. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of voluntary associations in the East German city of Leipzig in order to assess the strength of post-communist civil society. Due to structures put in place by the city government to encourage citizen input in policy decision and relatively widespread democratic participation before and after the fall of communism, Leipzig presents an interesting case-study in assessing the vibrancy of civil society, and thus democracy, in a post-communist city that appears to embrace ideals of democratic participation. It focuses on how environmental and citizens' associations contribute to city development policy, such as preserving historic buildings, repairing the infrastructure and creating green spaces. Utilizing data from 35 qualitative interviews with members of these associations, local parliamentarians and city officials, the paper addresses theories about the role that voluntary associations play in strengthening city society. Based on the theoretical literature, it analyzes the extent to which associations are able to develop civic competence among members, create city-wide civic networks that allow cooperation in pursuing political goals, and influence policy decisions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the conceptual, political and organizational tensions between the service-delivery organizations and the movement organizations in civil society and their implications towards democratic political change. It argues creating social capital and trust do not help advancing democracy. The civil in civil society needs to get politicized. The service delivery organizations have created a culture of dependency among the masses. On the contrary, by using the language of rights, the movement groups have turned the ‘civil public’ into, what Habermas has called, the ‘political public’ and helped decentering domination, assert selfhood and chart out democratic discourses affecting the politics of everyday social life. The paper concludes that civil society would contribute actively towards democratization when it makes a transition from ‘capacity building’ to ‘capacity mobilization’; emphasizes on the ‘politics of accountability’; and start building a ‘counter-hegemonic’ force at the grassroots. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2005, allegations of corruption made headlines in Korean newspapers, as Kim Woo-Choong, founder of Daewoo Group, returned to Korea after spending six years in hiding abroad. As the chairman of what was once Korea’s second largest conglomorate, he was charged with fraud and embezzlement that lead to the downfall of Daewoo. More recently, the Samsung group was charged for government bribery and tax evasion among others.. Such scandals are common in Korea. The irony is that Korea’s civil society is frequently acclaimed for its rapid growth and contribution in fighting corruption. The role of Korea’s civil society in the process of democratic consolidation so far has been full of praise. Thus, it is paradoxical that there is much acclaim for the growth of Korea’s civil society, while at the same time the problem of corruption remains, if not worsens. .x000d.Thus, this paper addresses the question why is there still widespread corruption in Korean politics today despite all the anti-corruption efforts by the civil society? In other words, what are the limitations of civil society in fighting corruption in Korea? The paper attempts to answer this question by examining the development of civil society in Korea. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]