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Although many studies have examined the economic status of immigrants, most studies of immigration have neglected immigrant opinions. When immigration is addressed at all using survey data, studies almost exclusively focus on native attitudes toward immigration and not on attitudes of immigrants themselves. In this paper, we investigate whether immigrants and natives have systematically different attitudes toward social spending and redistribution. We employ surveys from Germany and Great Britain that sample a relatively large number of immigrants compared to typical national election surveys. In addressing this potential “opinion gap,” we control for socioeconomic characteristics, such as income and education as well as immigrants’ ability to assimilate into their new country’s labor market by comparing an immigrant’s skill level with his or her actual occupation in the new country. We also include contextual covariates to account for potential network effects. Our statistical analyses use ordered logistical regressions and are fully interactive (following Franzese 1999), consistent with our theoretical expectation that the models’ independent variables affect natives differently than they do immigrants. Once these controls are included, we observe that immigrants are never more likely than natives to favor increases in social spending or to endorse redistributive measures. In instances where we do find a significant opinion gap between natives and immigrants, the latter tend to support more conservative positions, favoring tax cuts at the expense of social spending. While some of our findings are preliminary in nature, they nevertheless represent a significant contribution to the extant literature, which, to our knowledge, does not include comparative studies on the political attitudes of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I test whether treatment group subjects' political awareness, partisanship, and media trust moderates the persuasive impact of positive news about the UN, and different media sources reporting that information, on subjects' UN policy preferences. Of particular interest is whether subjects' level of trust in the news media moderates the impact of the treatments on subjects' stated UN policy preferences. Building on the Reception-Acceptance-Sample model's theoretical axioms (Zaller 1992), this paper hypothesizes that media trust plays a central role in moderating the persuasive impact of political messages shaping political opinions. OLS regression results suggest that treatment group subjects' policy preferences were generally more positive compared to the control group, taking into consideration the relevant moderators. The strongest positive policy preferences were associated with strong Democratic treatment group subjects with high political awareness and high general media trust. OLS regression analysis did not indicate any statistically significant interaction effect among treatment group subjects' political awareness, partisanship, and trust in specific media sources that they were exposed to in the experiment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on 2008 public opinion surveys in eighteen Latin American countries, the paper investigates the parameters of the gender gap in political participation and finds evidence that it is modest. It then explores the relative effects of political context, resources, agency, and political attitudes on women's and men's political involvement. Separate regression equations for women and men allow for investigation of whether different social processes influence the kind and extent of political engagement undertaken by the two sexes. The study utilizes data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project which surveys public opinion and behavior in the Americas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do regional achieve electoral success? Using Italian national electoral survey data, this paper examines how voter perceptions on patronage as well as the interaction of national and regional party platforms impact regional party success. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens when ordinary citizens have an opportunity to express their political opinions to decision makers? Does the simple act of expressing voice lead to greater satisfaction with the political process and an increased sense of fairness, regardless of the ultimate outcome? Or do people care more about end results than the chance to be heard? And are these relationships similar across different sorts of participatory processes? This paper addresses these questions by focusing on a real political controversy in which ordinary citizens expressed their views to local decision-makers. Tom Tyler and his colleagues have put forward a strong set of hypotheses about the role of voice in judgments of fairness. They argue that “the opportunity to speak may have value in itself, irrespective of its influence on decisions” (Tyler, Rasinski, and Spodick 1985). This “value-expressive” perspective has been most successfully applied to legal settings in which individuals have a chance to present their case to a neutral judge, though Tyler has also extended it to more explicitly political decisions, such as city council hearings. John Hibbing and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse (2002) are far more skeptical about the beneficial consequences of voice. They insist that in non-legal political settings, where individuals tend to be far more skeptical about the motivations of decision-makers, voice alone is not enough to satisfy ordinary citizens. Speaking to non-responsive decision-makers can actually make the situation worse, these scholars argue, because it leads to increased frustration with the political process. This paper offers new insights into these scholarly debates by moving outside the laboratory to explore the attitudes of real citizens who experienced an actual political decision-making process. What’s more, these citizens had an opportunity to talk in two distinct formats – one an attempt to replicate the sorts of “ideal deliberation” envisioned by some democratic theorists, the other a more familiar but conflict-ridden opportunity for public voice in front of the local town council. Thus, I am able to test the impact of voice across two very different discursive opportunities. In exploring these issues, I draw on a new data set that includes both citizens who took part in each of the two participatory opportunities as well as citizens who did not attend meetings or speak up. With the help of these rich data, I contribute a unique perspective to the debates about procedural justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how exposure to interpretations of political issues that are racialized in turn by the source of the message and by the framing of the issues influences African Americans' political opinions. Challenges the conventional wisdom that African Americans see all political issues through a racial lens. Argues that racialized messages can prime racial group identification among African Americans. Contends that the mental processes underlying this racial priming for African Americans differ from those for whites. Highlights the racial implications of the 2003 use of military force in Iraq, blacks' attention shift away from partisan considerations to a more racialized understanding the military conflict.

We investigate the sources of citizen satisfaction with state governmental institutions, considering how personal connections to government, information levels, and institutional realities drive citizen evaluations of subnational institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although public opinion moves predictably over time, we know little about who moves it. Is it the opinion elite or the uninformed? In this paper, I break down the Mood measure by political sophistication to see who moves when Mood moves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors determine Korean public opinion on Anti-American sentiment? I wish to explore whether or not nationalism, issue oriented political spectrum, ideological predisposition, gender, and generation gaps are correlated with public’s stances on Anti-Americanism. Although this is a significant area in the study of Korean foreign policy, few studies investigate the correlates of Korean public orientations on U.S. South Korea security relations based on quantitative data. The leading theories in international relations highlight the growing importance of domestic public opinion in the policymaking of foreign policy, yet the correlates of Korean public opinion on US Korea security issues has not been explored in extant research. Using data from a 2004 Global Views survey (N = 1,000), this paper examines the impact of nationalism, issue oriented political spectrum, ideological gaps, gender, and generational gaps in public attitudes toward U.S. Korea alliance. I find that issue oriented political spectrum and generational gap is strongly associated with Anti-American orientations among Korean public. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1988, political participation in Mexico became a major goal for civil society. Intellectuals realized that the social change the country was experiencing, offered new opportunities to express their ideas and establish contact to a boarder public, thanks to mass media and the development of public opinion. Currently, every news program on TV must have an intellectual to express opinions about different topics on power, politics and democracy. There are now very interesting debates between intellectuals that criticize political decisions and governmental actions that should be studied. The paper intends to offer a general view about Mexican intellectuals in public opinion, their role as critics of the Mexican political landscape, and points out that, intellectuals in Mexico has become one of the most benefited elites in the country since political and economic changes took place. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While studying the impact of patterns of elite conflict on opinion, this paper will shed light to the interplay of political ideology and awareness in the formation of public opinion during the course of Iraq war. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using recently developed matching techniques, this paper tests the effect of Roe v. Wade on public opinion toward abortion and toward the Supreme Court itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines public support for military interventions as a function of political sophistication levels and intervention stages by developing a formal model and conducting a set of experiments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1969-70, the Nixon administration classified, tracked, and targeted a group of Americans who identified with the concept "silent majority" as part of its drive to create a new center-right electoral coalition. Using public opinion polling to capture a specific group of voters opened a new era in constituency politics. It marked the first time a presidential administration had used survey research to disaggregate the electorate for the purpose of coalition building. The silent majority represented the first poll-defined voting group in American history. Unlike traditional voting groups, whose members shared certain social or economic characteristics, the silent majority's members shared a common set of political attitudes. This paper uses primary sources to examine the Nixon administration's use of polling to shape and capture the silent majority ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large literature evaluates the correlates of mass attitudes toward democracy because such attitudes are assumed to be critical for democratic consolidation. This work has provided rich descriptions of shifting political attitudes in new democracies but has not yet evaluated the validity of this underlying assumption. This paper uses a variety of public opinion and barometer surveys to test three hypotheses derived from this assumption. Specifically, we test whether aggregate levels of democratic satisfaction, democratic support, and rejection of authoritarianism are related to the level of democracy, the stability of democracy, and the deepening of democracy. Using a variety of statistical techniques, we find no support for this central assumption. Level of democratic legitimacy has no effect on whether democracy deepens in a country and cannot predict whether a country's democratic quality declines. Alternatively, democratic legitimacy is significantly shaped by the prior institutionalization of democracy, suggesting that the causal arrow may run from democratic institutions to the development of mass attitudes. We conclude with several suggestions on the most fruitful directions for future research on the relationship between mass attitudes and democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops the Spiral of Silence theoretically, characterizing opinion “hard cores” along three dimensions: doctrinal absolutism, a strict conformity to one’s reference group, and the use of alternative communication channels. Strict groups’ doctrinal absolutism means that members consider public opinion on an issue to be irrelevant. Therefore, the threat of social isolation does not affect them. The strict conformity requirements within these groups ensure that members are more influenced by group than collective pressures. In addition, the fanaticism with which members of strict groups communicate their own messages effectively insulates them from public opinion. These ideas are further developed through a review of the relevant social psychological literature on dogmatism, social comparison and social categorization theories, and persons’ selective exposure to cognitively dissonant information. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is designed to test if Europeans respond differently to questions of "public support" and "trust." The goal is to understand if we can speak about trust in a meaningful way that is different from the studies on public support. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the connection between public opinion on high profile legal cases and how those cases are "re-created" on television. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to generate a basic model of the relationship of elite dissensus and reporting of poll questions in the media to deepen an understanding of the conditions under which the public voice, in the form of polls, appears in public deliberative processes. In particular, it is hypothesized that as elite dissensus increases, Schattschneider's theory of the conflicts suggests that polls ought to have a more prominent role in the policymaking process. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this paper is to develop a strategy to reshape public opinion regarding unpopular policy. Observations of political behavior from the public will be used as well as modern examples of latent policy recovery. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the effect of the popular idea that having children is the best way to make life feel meaningful on people's political attitudes and behaviors. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates variation in citizen support for government programs from which they can expect no private benefit and compares that measure to an existing indicator of "mood" regarding levels of U.S. government activity. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how publics respond to new information about war, and how and when these dynamic responses affect inter-state war bargaining processes. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an online sample of voters from the state of Texas, we measure voter opinion and candidate placement on immigration, taxes, energy, and health care policies. These data allow us to test proximity voting (Downs 1957) across a range of different policy dimensions and for a variety of groups. In addition, we estimate voter sophistication (Luskin 1989) and ask for voter assessments of McCain and Obama across a number of trait dimensions. These measures facilitate a more comprehensive test of the role of issues versus traits in presidential voting. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much speculation in the popular press that the TV show "24" increases support for torture in dangerous ways. Reseach into the impact of entertainment television on public opinion, however, indicates that while certain effects (including agenda-setting and priming effects) are certainly possible, a direct link between viewership and attitude shift is unlikely. I used a laboratory experiment in a naturalistic setting to test empirically the potential impact of the show. Participants were randomly assigned to watch either an episode of "24" or an episode of another military-tinged action drama, "NCIS." They then answered questions about their political attitudes, including questions designed to test three hypotheses: 1) viewers of "24" are more likely to claim terrorism as an important issue facing the country than are viewers of "NCIS," 2) viewers of "24" are more likely to judge President Bush's performance overall based on their assessments of his job on terrorism than are viewers of "NCIS," and 3) despite the speculation in the popular press, viewers of "24" are not more likely to endorse torture as a response to terrorism than are viewers of "NCIS." Results are discussed, and conclusions are drawn. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the underrepresentation of women in elective office has struggled with two major limitations. First, we have relatively little reliable data on how Americans feel about this situation. Second, we have few data sources that are designed to investigate the role of gender stereotypes in shaping people's attitudes towards the appropriate place of women in office. The project presented here draws on an original survey of 1300 U.S. adults to gather data designed to specifically examine these issues. The survey includes measures of trait and issue competence gender stereotypes, general attitudes toward the current underrepresentation of women in elective office, and specific measures of the reasons for women's underrepresentation. I hypothesize that gender stereotypes play a role in shaping public attitudes toward the appropriate role for women in office - that people who hold traditional political gender stereotypes will articulate greater satisfaction with the current status of women in office and will explain the low number of women in office with traditional gender explanations. The project also employs an original measure of gendered political knowledge to examine these attitudes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the recent research on mass public opinion has focused on identifying how messages with ideological cues affect individuals' attitudes regarding politics. But citizens also receive politically relevant information—including facts about the state of the world and their own personal experiences—that does not come with an ideological label attached. Who uses this information, and to what extent? It is difficult to explore these questions using observational data, because individuals may be exposed to such information in a selective fashion, and self-reports of exposure may not be reliable. In this study, we identify one piece of information that is devoid of ideological content and to which Americans are exposed at random—their local weather—and show that it leads a significant share of the public to reassess its beliefs about the evidence for global warming. This effect is much stronger for the less educated and those with weak partisan ties, and virtually non-existent for the most educated and most partisan citizens. Our results suggest that when politically relevant information is conveyed without ideological cues, political sophistication may prohibit the integration of this information into political beliefs regardless of the direction of one's predispositions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1969, draft numbers randomly assigned to birth dates became important in determining which young men would be called up to fight in Vietnam. We exploit this natural experiment to examine how vulnerability to the draft influenced opinions about the Vietnam War, party identification, political ideology, and attitudes toward salient political figures and issues of the day. Data analyzed come from the Jennings-Niemi Panel Study of Political Socialization, which surveyed high school seniors from the Class of 1965 both before and after the national draft lottery was instituted. We demonstrate that males holding low lottery numbers expressed more negative views of the war in Vietnam, more liberal policy views and ideological identifications, more negative evaluations of Republican and conservative elites, and voted much more strongly for McGovern than did those whose high draft numbers protected them from the draft. Drafter number effects typically exceed those found for pre-adult party identification and are not mediated by military service or the acquisition higher education. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine military opinion in the wake of the Iraq war to answer two main questions. First, has partisan moderation occurred in the military community? Second, how have patterns of opinion response in the military compared to those in the mass public? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When inequality is too high and thus harmful for a democracy is not as straightforward a question as it might seem. Inequality can be a problem both because it is too high in absolute or relative terms, and because the public thinks it is too high. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using individual-level data, I test under what conditions sub-national regionalists are pro-EU. It appears that these strange bedfellows, sub-national and supra-national regionalists, provide a convenient if unusual alliance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I test four major theories from two traditions that explain public support for war against the case of Iraq. None of the theories explains as much as a more complete model that accounts for both real world cues and the dynamics of news coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homosexual (Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual) publics exhibit a distinct consensus in their foreign policy preferences and distinct political orientation along partisan and ideological lines. They are more liberal and democratic on their views on foreign aid and more conservative in the confidence they award the U.S. Military than other Americans with similar demographic characteristics. Using pooled data from the 1988 to 2002 General Social Survey of nearly 14,460 Americans, including 439 who identified themselves as engaging in either same sex or bisexual behavior, I find evidence that, same sex behavior strongly influences these individuals to take liberal positions on foreign policy issues. Survey researchers and political scientists are missing an important dimension of the sources of public attitudes on foreign policy by not making a more consistent and substantial effort to gather data on sexual behavior and sexual orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the interest in Stimson’s (1991) concept and measure of Policy Mood, we examine the extent to which issue-specific opinions--on issues like the environment and national defense--exist independent of this national Mood. Using Stimson’s database of time-series opinion data, we will examine the coherence of issue-specific opinion, and the causal dynamics behind why these opinions will sometimes follow, and sometimes deviate from, the national Mood. In particular, we will probe the roles of feedback from the policy system as well as issue salience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Who do Mexicans trust the most to guide their political actions: opinion leaders or their own predispositions? While opinion leaders “filter” information and guide media debates, political party identification is the perceptual screen through which individuals assess new information and understand politics. Thus, when retrieving new information, individuals face two strong opposite forces: leaders’ opinion and their own biases. Using the 4th National Survey of Political Culture and Civic Practices (ENCUP) 2008, carried out by Mexico’s Secretary of Interior, I will observe which one of these two forces shapes individuals’ political and civic attitudes the most. Moreover, it will show which opinion leaders are preferred by each group of partisans and independents, as well as their political and civic attitudes. My research will not only uncover opinion leaders’ traits regarding political and civic cultures, but by explaining the determinants of both partisans and independents’ sources of political and civic attitudes in Mexico, it will suggest possible lines of action to design public policies that may help to strengthen Mexican’s political culture and civic practices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on research in public opinion and political communication, this research examines a highly pervasive form of communication that has often overt political content, yet one that has been largely overlooked by scholars: music. While the macro-level relationship has been broadly discussed and supported, the micro-level relationship remains relatively unexplored. This project helps to identify where it is possible to predict political attitudes based on musical preferences, and vice versa. I explore and advance a theory which links music preferences and political attitudes through a model I term selective group feedback. I test this model using original survey data (n = 900) of college students conducted in 2006 at UC Santa Barbara. My findings show associations between key political attitudes and certain music preferences, namely Country, R&B, Rap, and Hip-Hop. These findings suggest that not only is music an effective and influential form of political communication, but also that particular political norms are constructed and encouraged among particular political genres of music. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using original and secondary survey data, I show that Mexicans who are dissatisfied with democracy in their country vote and participate in other conventional ways less, while changing electoral preferences and protesting more. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After several decades' worth of work proclaiming that politicalcampaigns have --minimal effects,'' recent studies have begun togrant these events a central role in shaping voter behavior. Aleading impetus behind the shifting wisdom has been scholars'claim that campaigns --enlighten" voters. However, to date, thisburgeoning case for campaign learning has ignored a keydifficulty: campaigns reinforce partisanship. And thus, ascampaign intensity builds over an election cycle, voters shouldhave not only greater access to politically relevant information,but also greater motivation to resist it. This study exploresthis tension through the lens of partisan learning. Anincremental analysis of public perceptions of economics and warnot only shows how and when campaigns affect voter understanding,but also elucidates why scholars have heretofore drawncontradictory conclusions about the nature and quality of partisaninference. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has shown that the media exerts a significant influence on citizen attitudes. However less work has been done examining the role of the media in shaping the attitudes of black citizens vis a vis other black citizens. Cathy Cohen argues that secondary marginalization plays a significant role in determining what types of issues black elites choose to mobilize around. I refine the theory of secondary marginalization by making a distinction between externalized and internalized consensus issues. Arguing that contrary to ten years ago HIV/AIDS has become a consensus issue, but one that is blamed on black men, I use an innovative experimental design to test the proposition that media narratives that focus on black male transmitters generate negative attitudes towards black men. I find that individualist narratives about HIV/AIDS cause black men and women to feel colder towards black men in general. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, political scientists are rejecting the notion of citizens as cold, rational actors and recognizing the ways emotion shapes public opinion and political behavior. Research on the political implications of emotion have linked emotional experiences to perceptions of candidates and vote choice (Taber and Lodge, 2006; Brader, 2005), media consumption and learning (Marcus and MacKuen, 1993; Lau and Redlawsk, 2001; Huddy and Feldman, 2005) and policy attitudes (Huddy, Feldman, and Cassese, 2007). Early research in this area relied on valence models of emotion, which focus on the distinction between positive and negative emotions and mood states. Recently, political scientists have noted important differentiation among both positive and negative emotions. Attention to these discrete emotional states - such as anger, anxiety, sadness, and disgust - has revealed stark differences in their consequences for political attitudes and behavior. Much of this work draws on cognitive appraisal theories of emotion, which posit people experience discrete emotional states that are differentiated by unique patterns of cognition and motivation. This theoretical framework has received considerable attention in the psychological study of human emotion which, to date, has far outpaced work in political science. In this study, we draw on cognitive appraisal theories of emotion to understand how emotions influence the ways in which people think about crime. Specifically, we investigate how experimentally induced discrete emotional states shape attributions for criminal behavior, orientations towards punishment versus rehabilitation, and confidence in the criminal justice system. The results suggest a strong link between emotion and attitudes in this domain of public opinion and highlight how differentiating between discrete emotional states offers considerable insight into the relationship between emotion, political cognition, and public opinion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study provides a content analysis of political articles in American newsmagazines and partisan opinion magazines, as well as political weblog posts, in order to describe the contribution of these media to American political discourse. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2002, panel respondents to the National Election Study were asked the following open-ended question: “What do you think the [9/11] terrorists were trying to accomplish by their actions?” The answers to this question were rich and varied, providing a window into the minds of Americans as they struggled to understand the horrific events of September 11, 2001. Drawing on the answers to this survey question as well as data from the 2000 and 2004 National Election Studies, we set about accomplishing two goals. First, we try to draw a conceptual map of the nation as it reflected on what the 9/11 hijackers were trying to accomplish by their actions. Second, we treat the attacks of September 11 as an opportunity to explore how citizens’ interpretations of dramatic historical events affect their political preferences, focusing on how Americans’ interpretations of 9/11 altered their defense and foreign policy preferences. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I compare the ability of typical indicators of general foreign policy attitudes and the ability of commonly held domestic welfare attitudes to explain variation in micro-level public opinion regarding government spending on foreign assistance. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evaluation of young adults' attitudes in 2 middle Georgia institutions of their perceived homosexual's rights. Significant differences were found by gender and partisan membership. Religious affiliation did not produce as many significant differences ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore the ways in which socioeconomic status affects dynamic citizen response to political or economic stimuli. We show that most socioeconomic groups respond similarly to the political context and, as a result, send similar cues to policymakers ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A test of 'hard' and 'soft' predictors of public support for Turkish membership in the European Union and the role played by the media in shaping and changing public opinion ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]