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A conference paper about the impact of Western tradition on political thought regarding the prospects for good government is presented. It mentions that the conflation of the Athenian regime with majority faction has overlooked misreading of classical texts from antiquity. It adds that the misreading of the lessons to be learned from the history of Athenian democracy has given rise an anti-democratic public rhetoric.

This paper examines the fate of certain Polish republican symbols and notions with reference to the American political culture. It focuses especially on the image of Gary Cooper from the film "High Noon" which became a widely recognized symbol of the first Polish free elections after World War II. The histories of modern Polish and American republicanisms are, however, intertwined since the very beginning of both traditions of political thought. Unfortunately, because of unfavorable geopolitical circumstances and internal turmoil Poles lost their first state. Hamilton wrote that due to its "anarchy and weakness" the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was: "unfit for self-government and self-defense" (Federalists 2001, 94). This anarchy, embodied by the liberum-veto rule, was, nevertheless, a corrupted form of political individualism that made Polish political culture so similar to the American one. In line with that tradition when in 1989 for the first time since World War II time Polish citizens voted in elections over which Moscow had no substantive influence, the pro-democratic Solidarity block used a picture of Garry Cooper from the film "High Noon" on its posters. The sheriff, who wore a "Solidarity" badge was; holding not a gun, but a folded ballot. "July the 6th, [date of election] 'High Noon'" -- said the slogan. The message was clear. It said that it is time for every citizen to make an individual decision about what s/he thinks is right and do so disregarding the multitude of those, who may want to oppose such a decision. Referring to that specific film suggested that even against the many, the cause of the democratic opposition would prevail. Indeed this approach may be deemed the "positive" liberum veto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past decade, scholars have plunged back into the issue of authoritarian politics, proposing new concepts such as hybrid regimes, electoral authoritarianism, competitive authoritarianism, and dominant party authoritarian regimes, to demonstrate how authoritarianism can function via ostensibly democratic institutions. This article will review four academic works in order to solve the following questions: Why has the focus of literature shifted from democratization to authoritarian studies? What new concepts have scholars established? What are the similarities and differences across each new concept? What is the boundary between new concepts and the more traditional concepts of democracy and authoritarianism? Why do some electoral authoritarian regimes persist while others collapse? What crucial factors have scholars presented in this regard? This paper yields three findings. Firstly, the trend towards studies of authoritarianism is a reflection upon existing literature on the third wave of democratization. Many regimes have adopted democratic institutions but incumbents continue to employ authoritarian methods to tilt elections in their favor. These regimes should be classified as neither democratic nor conventionally authoritarian, but can instead be considered electoral authoritarianism. Secondly, electoral authoritarianism and hybrid regimes are two interchangeable concepts which overarch competitive authoritarianism. The dominant party authoritarian regime type is relatively narrower in scope. Finally, three factors which may account for regime trajectories have been receiving great attention in academia: (1) international factors (Western leverage and linkage); (2) the authoritarian state/party?s characteristics (organizational cohesion, economic control, repression capacity); and (3) the opposition?s coalition and strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ability of a Democratic State to wage war is established at the outbreak of hostilities. Leaders who seek the support of the population tend to win more and have a chance at reelection. Leaders who go it alone, lose most of the time and all have been defeated at the ballot box in the next election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Procedural justice researchers have long argued that giving people more of a voice in decision-making proceedings leads to heightened satisfaction with the outputs of that process and enhanced compliance with decisions. More recently, this concept has been applied to the political arena with the suggestion that simply having a voice in the proceedings may not be enough. Here, I argue that giving people a voice in politics is not a universal remedy for ailing democracy. A voice that is not perceived to have an influence can be more detrimental than not having a voice at all. Using survey data collected in a 2001 study of attitudes toward municipal government, I examine the impact that perceptions of one?s voice and influence have on feelings of policy satisfaction and political trust. Findings suggest that voice and influence do indeed have an impact on feelings of political trust and policy satisfaction. Neither political trust nor policy satisfaction respond to increased voice alone. Believing that one?s voice, loud or quiet, has an influence is important. Feelings of policy satisfaction were increased only when citizens believed they had both increased voice and influence, and feelings of political trust were diminished when only a loud voice was present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that Aristotle?s Poetics is suggestive of a theory of ?public practical wisdom? capable of serving as a strong but flexible foundation for democratic citizenship. First, I frame the argument within contemporary ?historicist? and ?naturalist? approaches to Aristotle?s political thought. Next, I defend a version of naturalist Aristotelianism, beginning with an account of the tragic emotions and their positive ethical value in Aristotle?s ethical and political thought. Finally, I argue for a two-stage theory of Aristotelian deliberation, building from the broadest sense of deliberation as ?deliberateness? up to a stronger ?public? sense of deliberation. I argue that these two stages of deliberation together amount to an ethos of ?public practical wisdom? capable of providing non-arbitrary external standards by which to assess the quality of democratic deliberation, and at the same time flexible enough to allow for action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to defend open borders as the only democratically justifiable policy with regard to immigration (and emigration, for that matter). The first part of the paper will demonstrate that the current rhetoric and policy concerning immigration in the U.S. does not differ substantially from that of the major waves of immigration in the late 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries. Indeed the invention of race as a meaningful category for distributing power in America was forged in the crucible of immigration. It should not be terribly surprising, therefore, that race is central to the arguments being made now against immigration (or a very limited version of it). While this is not a terribly new argument, what is interesting is that while the claims and language opposing immigration remain fundamentally informed by racialized understandings and dispositions, they are often shrouded in a class-based idiom. There are also significant parallels between the class-based rhetoric operating presently and that of the 19th and 20th centuries, in particular. Its current effect is to divide working class voters and labor unions (among others), based on class and narrow economic interests, such that more immigration leads to less work for "regular Americans," the creation of an immigrant underclass, higher crime, a rapid depletion of social services, and more outsourcing of desirable work.Drawing on the work of Will Kymlicka, Bonnie Honig, Joseph Carens, John Rawls,Michael Walzer, Charles Beitz, Bruce Ackerman, Eric Frye Jacobson, and Charles Tilly, for example, the second part of the paper will entail a defense of open borders based on the centrality of membership in democratic entities. That is, if we take democracy seriously as a set of conditions, norms, commitments, and aspirations, then membership (defined as a meaningful opportunity to join in or defect from a community) is an absolutely central tenet of the pursuit and realization of that goal. The final section of the paper will suggest some ways these powerful arguments against immigration can be combated toward the creation of electoral majorities committed to democratic processes and outcomes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the political theory of the New Deal, challenging the conventional wisdom that there is no coherence behind the New Deal program. Using the thought of major New Deal thinkers (FDR, Eleanor Roosevelt, Henry Wallace, and Thurman Arnold) it lays out the philosophic preconditions for the New Deal's overall vision, and examines the ways in which the New Deal fundamentally changes the nature of the American social contractâ??creating a revolution through reform.The first section explores the six assumptions grounding the New Deal.1-Private economic power is in fact a form of government, and as such a democratic people are entitled to limit it.2-The state is an appropriate tool for intervention.3-Human beings are capable of mastering social conditions.4-The United States has conquered scarcity.5-We are fundamentally interdependent.6-There is a common good that united all Americans, and (for political purposes) it manifests itself in the ideal of the consumer.The second part of the paper addresses the New Deal's reconceptualization of our traditional understanding of the relationship between life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It posits that material and psychic security are necessary preconditions to exercising meaningful liberty and elevates the pursuit of happiness (as defined by the individual) to a status equal to that of liberty. This in turn leads to numerous new social and economic rights that manifested themselves in FDR's 'Second Bill of Rights'.The paper concludes with a preliminary look at the limits of this theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses, firstly, on the under-explored issues of New Regionalism (NR) - its sub-national level and transnational regional cooperation as an initial stage of NR. Secondly, it analyses the development of NR between the country in regime transition (Russia) and stable democratic actors (in Europe). Thirdly, it addresses the question of whether European integration contributes to NR outside its geographic borders. The analysis focuses on new actors of international relations - sub-national regions. The regions chosen for this analysis are the 89 constituent units (CUs) of Russia. This choice allows control over historical legacies, regime transition as domestic context, and the European integration as an international context, all of which remain stable for the 89 units of analysis. Thus, the research design allows me to distinguish other potential variables that may be significant in the development of NR. Given that Russia is located on the European and Asian parts of the continent, the analysis also permits the testing of the hypothesis on the interconnections between regional integration and NR across Eurasia. The paper is aimed to contribute to the studies of the EU-Russia politics and shed more light on its sub-national and trans-national aspects. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the history of two public interest groups, the Americans for Democratic Action and the League of Women Voters of the United States, as they struggled to achieve an organizational wide position on Electoral College Reform. I examine each organization historically during the time frame 1949-1972 and the two distinct political theories, Democracy and Oligarchy, demonstrated by each in achieving an Organization's official position on reform. I incorporate research from the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, copies of The Federalist Papers, the Anti-Federalist Papers, and Robert Michels treatise POLITICAL PARTIES. Analysis is of how the leadership of each organization used the distinctly different political theories to push each organization into supporting the exact same position on Electoral College Reform, which was amending the Constitution to have the Direct Popular Vote elect the President and Vice-President. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the highly debated roadblocks against the development of democracy in the Islamic world. First, thematic issues are examined by means of an empirical analysis in order to determine whether Islam as a religion presents an obstruction to democracy. The degree of their relationship is tested based upon an analysis of democratic peace theory along with its relationship to Zakaria's notion of illiberal democracy and Huntington's clash of civilization theory. Then, specific factors accountable for the poor levels of democracy are highlighted within appropriate historical, economical, and socio-political contexts based on three indices. This paper illustrates the connection between these indices and various local factors contributing to various levels of democracy in different national and regional contexts in a case study. This paper concludes that the presence of majority Muslim populations in most Middle Eastern states fails to offer a reasonable and persuasive explanation as to why democracy has failed in the Islamic world. Rather, a combination of historical, socio-economic, and political factors -- not solely Islam as a religion-- explains the absence of democracy in the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines party identification in the Northeast. Despite emerging as the most Democratic region, there is a very limited understanding of the dynamics underlying party support. The paper is primarily focused on partisanship in the region, specifically by examining the contribution of generational replacement and conversion in the process of partisan change, as well as the attitudinal and social group correlates of party support. As well as contributing to the understanding of partisanship in the Northeast, the paper will also discuss the extent to which a Democratic "Solid Northeast" may have emerged in American politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to offer a new interpretation of Rousseau's lawgiver. Although much has been said of this enigmatic figure, the vast literature on the topic is dominated by the view that the lawgiver is after all a 'deus ex machina', a conceptual device which Rousseau is logically compelled to introduce so as to bridge the gap between popular will and the common good. I maintain that this widely held view is misleading since it overlooks the importance of political foundings for Rousseau. In the first part of the paper, I introduce the following claim: Rousseau invokes the figure of the lawgiver not so much because he is compelled to do so by a logical impasse, but primarily because he sees founding moments as having a decisive, formative and far-reaching influence on political culture and collective identity. On this reading, Rousseau's discussion of the lawgiver constitutes a way of theorizing the politics of founding. The second part of the paper reconstructs Rousseau's fragmented analysis of how the effects of founding, for better and worse, are woven into the very fabric of the political community, lingering indefinitely in its institutions, practices and identity. In the third and last part, I hope to unfold some of the implications of my reading for the broader issue of the relationship between founding acts and modern democratic politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question on the importance and impact of the international context upon the regime change. This paper tests the hypotheses of "contagion of democracy", based on the argument of geographic proximity, and of "communication through cooperation". It provides evidence that, first, geopolitical location and proximity to the EU's borders is an insignificant factor in "contagion of democratization". Second, article tests the possible impact of "actual communication through cooperation". The analysis and findings suggest that cooperation between sub-national regions, as international actors, and the EU's actors is indeed significant lever in democratization of the regions. The study analyses the role of such factors as EU's projects in the regions, investments, the development of trade in regime transition, measured through the indicators of civil societies, openness of political climate, freedom of speech, and economic liberalisation. The analysis demonstrates that the international context may have a positive influence on the 'diffusion of democracy' not only on the national, but also on the regional, sub-national level. These findings have implications for the literature on international relations and globalization studies: emergence of "new" regions through trans-national cooperation implies coexistence of two seemingly contradictory but mutually reinforcing processes, regionalization (territorial fragmentation) and integration (through cooperation). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The philosophical literature on global governance aims to address the distinctive problem of political justice in the international sphere. Rather than focusing on the substantive moral problems that occur in the international realm, this paper engages with the political question of the structure and processes by which the various policies that bear on these moral problems gain acceptance. It is a critique of one of the prevalent approaches in the literature on global governance: the cosmopolitan democratic approach expounded by David Held (e.g. 1995, 2003, 2004), Daniele Archibugi (e.g. 1995, 2003), and others.Held and Archibugi's normative emphasis rests on the principles of self-determination and autonomy, which help shape their conception of the democratic good. In addition, both authors argue that the function individual states are expected to fulfill in a 'democratized' world order must be modified and restricted. This paper describes the cosmopolitan democratic approach and its characteristics, and considers three critiques of it: Jeremy Rabkin's (1998) concern with the erosion of domestic institutions, Robert Dahl's (e.g. 1999) doubt regarding the 'scaling' of democracy, and Will Kymlicka's (e.g. 1999) apprehension about global governance's relationship with multiculturalism.This paper suggests that these criticisms can be addressed adequately by an alternative, republican approach to global governance, which focuses on the ideal of non-domination (cf. Philip Pettit, 1997) rather than on self-determination or autonomy. In the final section, the paper argues that a concern with global democracy can be subsumed within this republican global ideal. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper connects the recent philosophical literature on collective responsibility to the question of whether or not the citizens of democratic states can be held collectively liable for the state's acts. It begins by taking up two abstract questions: in what sense is a democratic people a unified collective? And does that mean, that by analogy to other unified collectives, a democratic people can be held responsible for the state's acts? The paper argues that the people of a state .are. collectively responsible for its acts. But it qualifies that position by noting that the state is an involuntary association, and argues that this fact must be taken into account in distributing the state's collective responsibility to individuals. For this reason, different principles for the distribution of responsibility to citizens must be applied in the state than are generally appropriate for voluntary associations, e.g. clubs or business corporations. In particular, political dissenters within the state cannot be subjected to certain sorts of liability for reparations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landscape of this paper is laid out as follows. First the paper will begin with a brief discussion of what Civil Society is and how it is theoretically related to democracy and the state as well as dispelling myths about this relationship between civil society and democracy. In the broader context of this initial discussion a brief discussion of how civil society can be established will be presented. Second, the paper will discuss the uses and misuses (more importantly the misuses) of the concept of civil society as applied by the social sciences in the study of Middle Eastern and North African countries. In doing so, I will use Iran and Egypt as a case study to present where civil society was "sighted". Finally, the paper will conclude with asking whether civil society as a concept is useful in helping to determine the nature of state-societal relationships in Iran and Egypt and the broader Middle East and North Africa (MENA). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Old Oligarch, Aristophanes, Thucydides, Plato, and Xenophonâ??writing just before, during and after the Peloponnesian Warâ??offered a variety of explanations for why and how cities went to war. In each of these explanations, social, political, geographical, and economic factors were integrated into often complex causal equations. This paper, proposed for the second Athens-at-War panel to be presented at an annual meeting of the Northeastern Political Science Association, will review these equations in an attempt to assess Athenian attitudes on the interrelationships of democracy, trade, and war. Contemporary political theorists and historians, most notably Spencer R. Weart, have argued that democracies rarely make war on one another because they are usually linked by open and mutually profitable economic relationships.By examining THE CONSTITUTION OF ATHENS, several of Aristophanes' plays (ACHARNIANS, KNIGHTS, PEACE, LYSISTRATA, ASSEMBLYWOMEN, and WEALTH), Pericles' funeral oration and war policy speech, Thucydides' archaeology, Plato's GORGIAS and REPUBLIC, and Xenophon's OECONOMICA and WAYS AND MEANS, this paper will explore a spectrum of Athenian opinion on this political hypothesis and thereby complicate the history Weart has written in support of it.In reconstructing the ancient debate on the question of democracy, trade, and war, this paper will also draw on the scholarship of Jacqueline DeRomilly, Lisa Kallet, Sara Monoson, Josiah Ober, Arlene Saxonhouse, Barry Strauss, and Harvey Yunis. Without contradicting Weart per se, the results of this investigation will likely show that "trade war" is not just a modern dysphemism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutional democracies have trouble legitimizing the state when there is an incongruity between a constitution, which is said to represent the will of a people at a given moment, and the opinions of an actual, changing population. In other words, these democracies suffer from a problem of legitimacy that I call the indeterminacy of popular unification. In response to this problem, some constitutional scholars have argued that a constitution must change synchronically with the population. To achieve this end, they conceive the democratic or self-governing people in terms of institutional procedures that incorporate change within a process. But do these dynamic conceptions of the people solve the problem? This paper examines three such conceptions presented by constitutional theorists: Jürgen Habermas's, Jed Rubenfeld's and Bruce Ackerman's. The paper argues that the theories espousing these dynamic conceptions of the people are also beset by the indeterminacy problem. The reason is that they retain the traditional view of the people as a collection of individual wills, and they frame the process of constitutional change as dualism: a difficult tension between rigid stability and unruly change. I then argue that the idea of a people-as-process could solve the problem, but in these theories it fails. For it remains constrained by a constitution, which is itself legitimized by the possibility of popular consensus. And such consensus cannot be achieved. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine selected aspects of the thought of William Graham Sumner in relation to key characteristics and problems of political modernity. In What Social Classes Owe to Each Other, Sumner refutes socialist-leaning thinkers in part by arguing that the concept of societal obligation belongs to the medieval past. Central to the freedom, democracy, and mobility offered by the liberal state is the idea that no one is subject to class constraints or is compelled to labor for another: "the free man in a free democracy, when he cut off all the ties which might pull him down, severed also all the ties by which he might have made others pull him up." Consequently, modern man is, and ought to be, "isolated." Sumner's characterization of political modernity has elements in common with the thought of major Western thinkers as diverse as Burke and Marx, as well as many contemporary thinkers. Sumner, however, puts a positive spin on what many others decry. Sumner also seems inconsistent in that his laissez-faire liberalism, "naturalism," and "value-free" approach to sociology are joined by a conservative-sounding defense of civilization. This paper will explore the complex relationships of Sumner's thought to the "modern project" in an effort to better integrate understandings of the American political tradition into the broader study of political modernity and the liberal order. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the hope of understanding how exclusion from democratic practices is made synonymous to being apolitical, apparent in the oft-muttered phrase, "If you don't vote, you can't complain", this paper analyzes Jean-Jacques Rousseau's ideal republic and Hannah Arendt's depiction of the Greek polis. In doing so, it seeks to demonstrate the extent to which both theories privilege the description of a form of democratic equality over a capacity to describe and understand political actions that may occur in a state of unequal material and power conditions. Furthermore, the conviction expressed by each of these authors that a radical and elusive equality is the pre-requisite leads both to produce a narrow definition of the political, such that those who are unequal are excluded not only from the practices of the democracy, but also from political action in its totality. As such, Arendt and Rousseau are left without the possibility of analyzing events that are profoundly political in both cause and effect, such as French food riots of the 18th century. These food riots are used, in this paper, as a wedge that is useful in making the full implications of the theorists' shortcoming obvious: in sacrificing a robust notion of the political to an idea of democracy, these authors produce a notion of political action and, indeed democratic action, that is characterized more so by exclusivity than participation and more often by stagnation than by beginnings, and render any form of politics initiated by the poor an impossibility. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to contextualize the rise of negative campaigning, as it has evolved in the United States, particularly exploring its historical roots in the Southern Strategy as employed by the GOP in the 1960s and 1970s. The paper will discuss the nationalization of the kind of campaigns that were successful in the South-the effort that was made to get voters to vote against policy, party and presidential candidate, which was easier than trying to persuade voters to agree with policy, party and presidential candidate-especially when there was no way that they are going to agree with the party/policy/candidate across the board. This paper will also integrate an analysis and understanding of political psychology and the rise of angry voter in the United States. Within this discussion, the difference between dissatisfaction among the electorate and outright anger-and how this works into the operation of negative campaigning-also will be explored. Wedge issues will be considered as an outgrowth and now significant part of negative campaigning, and will be part of the overall discussion on the rise of negative campaigning in the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper deals with the shortcomings of democratic political theory in Latin America. I criticize the minimialist conception of democracy defined along procedural lines i.e. elections. I contend that this conception of democracy is far too narrow and formalistic, and abstracts too much from the substantive essence of democracy which I define as liberty, equality, and happiness. My paper then is divided into two parts. In the first part, I explore liberal theory to see the concept of liberal-democracy developed from Hobbes to Mill; from there I try to demonstrate how inherent contradictions within liberal theory led to a regression in liberal-democracy, from a regime designed to secure human rights and provide happiness to the populace, to what we have today which does not provide for that. To demonstrate this empirically leads to the second part. I look to Argentina and Brazil, ostensibly democratic and wealthy yet besieged by violence and inequality. Violence is the key variable I explore, I believe it to be a manifestation of inequality, but more importantly I think it constitutes the grossest violation of the promises of liberal-democracy. Ultimately I conclude that a true democratic order must look both to its subjective essence and its objective form, I propose a dialetical relationship as the means to establish that, to raise subjectivist concerns to a matter of necessity in constituting a regime as democratic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs Levinas's critique of Western philosophical tradition's prioritization of the virile, sovereign subject as a springboard for a re-evaluation of the political as immersed within the realms of temporality, alterity and substitution. In that sense, a central question this paper probes is whether or not Levinas's castigation of that foundational liberal premise, the self-conscious Individual whose being precedes all and hence is, can be read as the starting point for a criticism of liberal democracy. After examining Levinas's explication of these realms, I argue that the core of the feminist literature that criticizes (and in doing so, privileges) Levinas's (in)articulation of the feminine as the mysterious, unrepresentable other taking on an antecedent role towards an ethical (and political) order in the future cannot evade the risk of re-asserting the assumption of sexual difference as ontological difference. Thus, I maintain that Levinas's evaluation of the feminine can be re-appropriated as the enabling milieu for a feminist politics in the present moment. Finally, I conclude that an instance of disidentification, as propounded by Jose Munoz, would enable us to re-consider Levinas's text as enabling an interaction with an ever-shifting alterity (that no longer assumes the pre-conceived origination of a unified Individual) through the performative repetition of the phrase Here I am, whereby substitution would challenge the dominant mode of interpellation, and pave the way for the visibility and representation of subjects who are otherwise bound to remain at the margins of the markedly virile nature of the present, political realm. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sacred-like authority of the Constitution, for the American statesmen and citizens alike, has had a rather impressive record in unifying this democratic nation around a common set of political purposes. The idea of the Constitution, with its declarations and protections of human right and liberty, continues to play a powerful role as the "political religion" of the nation. In this paper, I explore Abraham Lincoln's constitutional patriotism as a kind of political religion of the United States. The paper explores various problems as well as possibilities in thinking of patriotism as political religion, especially in modern liberal democracies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theoretical legacy of the New Deal is its redefinition of liberalism. What makes that legacy remarkable is that Roosevelt and his allies managed to reinvent the term, and with it the role of government in everyday life, while working within a system famous for its inertia, and dealing with an electorate still attracted to ideas of rugged individualism and suspicious of dramatic change. This paper argues that what made the New Deal successful was its ability to update Machiavelli's tactical understanding of the connection between ideology and power to a modern democratic state. The paper will focus in particular on the work of New Dealer Thurman Arnold, who provides the most articulate and nuanced explanation of the New Deal's Machiavellian approach to political theory and political practice.Briefly, Arnold argues that while ideals ultimately inform our political goals, once we agree to enter the political realm it is essential that we make sure ideology does not limit our political possibilities. Effective leadership understands that necessity and the day-to-day reality of political life has to trump our theoretical commitments. The right actions are the ones that secure the power necessary to achieve our desired goals, rather than the ones that maintain ideological purity. Likewise, Arnold argues that power can only be secured with a deep understanding and exploitation of the central myths and symbols of the electorate. This paper will explore the connection between Machiavelli and the New Deal in more detail, and examine its consequences. If Machiavelli provides the theoretical model for practical political change in the United States, what does this say about our understanding of democracy, and its future? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France since its Revolution has been the prime example of civic nationalism. The French model is often described by scholars as a model for an assimilationist and non-racist approach to the incorporation of all residents into a single identity within a democratic system. This paper questions the validity of that view.French political life for at least the last 30 years has included discussions of the dangers to French identity and society due to North African immigration. Is France a nation of assimilation, or association, or integration? What can be the characteristics for French citizenship and identity in the 21st century? The still continuing discussions following the riots in autumn 2005 in the Paris suburbs and the responses to the new President's proposal for a Ministry of National Identity are recent examples of differences of opinion on this issue.This paper looks at some of the questions raised by these discussions. It explores conflicting views of French identity and whether or not one may identify a turning point in France of public attitudes on ethnic inclusion and exclusion. It contains both qualitative analysis and quantitative support for the hypothesis that there are historic roots to current exclusion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a new interpretation of the well-known Athenian trial of the Arginousai generals in 406. The trial, in which Socrates plays a momentary but critical role, is described in detail by Xenophon's Hellenika. Its fame or infamy derives from later references to it, and - especially - from centuries of scholarship that has taken the trial for granted as the principal example of Athenian democracy as an impassioned mob -- reckless, lawless, and self-destructive. This impression has given rise to the nearly universal condemnation of the democracy at Athens as a regime without restraint or respect for the rule of law. This paper examines the trial and concludes that the harsh action taken by the Athenian democracy on this particular occasion, when seen in its proper context (namely, recent political affairs in Athens), was both deliberate and warranted, as a defense of demokratia at Athens -- notwithstanding the disruptive consequences of this action in prosecuting the war against Sparta and preserving the Athenian empire. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will explore the normative work done by the idea of "the people" in theories of democratic self-government, arguing that the conception of democratic self-government as rule by the people threatens to conceal the key problem of self-government-what I call "the problem of incorporation." The historical importance of the idea of the people to theories of self-government stems from the capitalization of modern democratic theorists on existing theories of sovereignty, such that "the people" was understood as a subject that could displace the monarch as the sovereign. The problem with locating constitutive authority in the people is that this relegates the reconciliation of individual differences to the process of identification, suggesting the false transitive principle that if individuals are members of the people, and the people makes a decision, then this decision can be attributed to each individual. This conceals the mechanisms through which individuals' opinions and wills are or are not actually reconciled and incorporated in collective decisions. The paper argues that theories of democratic authority should do without the concept of the people and instead formulate the moral intuition behind popular sovereignty in terms of the equal moral right to authority (that is, to the positive right to rule) of all individuals under the law. The reformulation of democratic self-government in terms of the equal individual right to authority reveals that the primary problem of self-government is to determine which mechanisms can successfully reconcile and incorporate simultaneously individuals' divergent opinions and wills in common decisions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past half century, observers of democratic societies have repeatedly expressed anxiety about the fate of civil liberties in the face of measures to safeguard national security. The rapid expansion of intrusive national security measures since 9/11 has dramatically expanded the scope and significance of this concern. In light of recent events, one question in particular has attracted the attention of leading scholars in democratic societies - why do civil liberties succumb to national security concerns with almost predictable regularity? In contrast to the accounts offered by prominent democratic theorists, who offer complex cultural, psychological and institutional explanations for why concerns of security tend to win out over those of civil liberties, this paper argues that the preeminence of security concerns derives from the executive's under-examined monopoly over state secrecy. This informational advantage allows the executive to dominate - and even manipulate - the public deliberation that legitimizes the infringement of civil liberties. Consequently, the paper argues, efforts to secure a more reasonable balance between the pursuit of security and maintenance of liberties requires attention to the theoretical and practical resources that democratic theory offers to combat the abuse of state secrecy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a welcome recent revival of interest, Xenophon's Anabasis remains relatively understudied: the political thought of the more overtly didactic Cyropaedia, by contrast, has been the subject of several monographs in the last two decades. The aim of this paper is to situate the monograph I am currently writing on Anabasis in the context of recent work on Xenophon both from a cultural/historical/literary direction and from the direction of political philosophy. My monograph will include an exploration of the history of the idea of the army of the Ten Thousand as a wandering democracy and as representative of Greek political qualities, and an analysis of Xenophon's presentation of his own leadership and rhetoric and the reasons for the growing loss of order in the army. My concerns will be to argue that Xenophon's account of how the Ten Thousand start to operate as a political unit can be related to sophistic accounts of political development, and that his account of how that political unit develops, and to some extent disintegrates, in the march along the Black Sea coast matches anxieties about democracy and rhetoric in contemporary Greek political theory. My own intellectual outlook is the result of a training in Ancient History and Classical Literature: a paper comparing the approach taken by a scholar from this background with the approaches taken by political philosophers should be revealing, and I would greatly welcome the opportunity for further discussion of these issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many scholars are examining various alternative determinants of democracy and democratization in developing countries (LDCs), relatively little attention is paid to the impact of major powers--in particular, the United States--pressure on their success. This paper examines whether, and how much, such a pressure promotes the democratization among LDCs. Further, it examines how important such systemic variables are compared to some of the other important variables such as the internationalization of national economies in LDCs as well as their domestic characteristics such as their political culture, level of economic development, and income inequality. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America as a guide, this paper examines aristocratic and democratic notions of honor. I ask the question: As the logic of equality continues to pursue its course, blurring differences and collapsing classes into a single caste, can there be any meaningful notion of honor in an egalitarian political order? In the aristocratic ethos, honor is distributed along clear lines of class and sex, linked to martial courage in the case of men, and to chastity in that of women. I explore how the idea of honor makes the transition to an egalitarian political order like that of the United States, in which no inherited political inequality exists to separate "noble" from "common," and in which both men and women are held to similar standards of courage and chastity. Divorced from its inegalitarian political context, aristocratic honor makes little sense, but there is still the possibility to define a unique, democratic idea of honor. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dual role of regulatory institutions in American political thought. My thesis is that over the last century, regulatory bodies have acquiredâ??in the expectations of political theorists and actorsâ??an increasing responsibility for sustaining and enforcing democratic norms and principles. I begin with the idea that regulatory institutions might be understood not only as political actors in economic and social policies, but also as legitimizing agents in democratic governance. Drawing from classic and contemporary theories of regulation, I compare the accepted spectrum of regulatory tasks and responsibilities to the growing requirements of democratic governance as described by democratic theorists and scholars of American political development. I then examine in what ways we might understand regulatory bodies as stepping in to fulfill new needs and functions in democratic politics. Using the example of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), I look at how regulatory bodies have come to serve as depositories of accountability, legitimacy, and deliberation, how they preserve particular policies and aspirations over time, and how their rule-making and enforcement capacities can serve as powerful agents of social justice. I describe how these political developments both respond to and attempt to harness economic and social changes, and consider the consequences of what may happen when these functions are tested as regulators called upon to govern, monitor, and assess an increasing range of activities and products. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the persistence of mixed regimes in sub-Saharan Africa in the post-Cold War period. In the post-Cold War period, several countries classified as mixed regimes in Africa are among the most domestically stable, least war prone polities on the continent. This runs contrary to much of the literature on mixed regimes, which suggests they are more susceptible at the intrastate level to civil war than more strongly democratic or autocratic states; at the interstate level, mixed regimes are said to pose greater threats to international peace because they fight longer, costlier wars than democracies or autocracies. While not rejecting the literature's larger findings on mixed regimes, I suggest further refinements of mixed regimes can help explain these states' seemingly anomalous behavior. Because it encompasses such a diverse spectrum of polities, the concept of mixed regimes serves as a catch-all category that overlooks trends and obfuscates similarities that exist within the broader category. Relying on democratic indicators can establish the general parameters of states' regime types, but supplementing this quantitative work with qualitative case studies can help create more accurate guidelines for analyzing state behavior. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the peculair nature of democratic despotism or what Tocqueville calls the tyranny of the majority. The causes of the tyranny will be explained as well as how it differs from previous tyrannies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates whether and how military interventions in predominantly Muslim states are a source and reflection of democratic deficits, and have the unintended consequence of contributing to radical Islamic political mobilization. We explore these themes through analysis of recent military interventions and forced depoliticization in Turkey and Bangladesh. In both cases military interventions have sought to address perceived failures in democratic politics, including corruption and weak institutionalization of power. In both states, political instability has been linked to persistent economic problems and the declining state capacity. In order to facilitate political and economic development, military interventions have been justified as a necessary stabilizing force. Since the 1980s, and in particular, since the end of the Cold War, even as the military in both states have intervened in ways that advanced neo-liberal economic policies, these interventions have simultaneously fettered popular participation. In short, military interventions have specifically sought to depoliticize society and control institutional development from above. We argue, however, that such forced depoliticization may inadvertently be the source of even greater radicalization of political forces and result in further political instability. We argue that, in response to closed political opportunities, radicalism and the development of an entirely "un-civil" society becomes more viable and even attractive. Since the 1980s, radicalism in the non-Arab Muslim world has increasingly taken on a religious nature. Therefore, the lesson we draw from the Turkish and Bangladeshi experienceâ??a lesson confirmed by recent political developments in Pakistanâ??is that military restraint is critical to promoting less radical Islamic political mobilization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers arguments about polls and the public in the first half of the 20th century. As polls and surveys became more common, there was considerable discussion about how their use served or undermined democracy and democratic institutions. To some extent these controversies reflected different points of view about the capacity of the public to understand unfolding events and the policy choices decision-makers faced. Furthermore, polling's proponents sometimes adopted a romance with technology, as if the method of polling could upend and utterly transform democracy. In contrast, certain critics of polls stressed the place of institutions for democratic decision-making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a recent revival of interest in Aristotle as a source of democratic theory, particularly as evidenced in the work of Martha Nussbaum, Josiah Ober and Jill Frank. Much of the impetus has come from the interpretation of Aristotle's understanding of dunamis (power as capacity) and arete (virtue or excellence). Contra these theorists, I argue in this paper that Aristotle's understanding of dunamis and arete have to be understood in terms of more forceful and hierarchical understandings of power and virtue. This doesn't make Aristotle any the less interesting for democratic theory, just a less friendly interlocutor to the political idealisms of contemporary academics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of political legitimacy normally focus upon and defend certain conditions of legitimacy: that is, they identify what features a state must possess for it to be considered legitimate. On one conception of democracy these features would also identify what would be a true democracy. The potential solutions to this problem, though much disputed, are at least relatively well defined - drawing on contract, consent, proceduralism, deliberation, fairness and much more - and embedded in substantive historical debates (going back at least as far as Hobbes). Yet there is a second issue of legitimacy, namely as to what is the value of legitimacy: what normatively desirable features does a legitimate state have by virtue of it being legitimate? This appears trivial: a legitimate state has a right to rule (or a general justification for coercion) and, possibly, is owed either support or obedience. I argue in this paper however that such conceptions of the value of legitimacy are much more problematic than they might appear, and moreover that appeals to reasonable disagreement, to the nature of collective life, to epistemic reliabalism, or to pre-emptive reasons do not allay these worries. I conclude by considering the extent to which psycho-political accounts - that the value of democractic legitimacy lies in its persuasive role in encouraging democratic reform - may bring benefits and dangers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarly debate over sovereignty at the Constitutional Convention of 1787 has focused on whether the American political system is best understood in federal or national terms. Instead of pursuing this question, this paper asks the more fundamental question of whether the United States Constitution is grounded on a single, coherent theory of sovereignty. An analysis of Madison's Notes on the Debates of the Federal Convention of 1787, treating delegates individually and across time, illustrates that the Founders were committed to a single, multidimensional theory of sovereignty. The theory is multidimensional in that it separates sovereignty into two distinct concepts, principle sovereignty (the authority from which power is drawn) a derived sovereignty (the exercise of power). This theory relies on a principle/agent relationship which is created to deal with the practical problems associated with popular sovereignty. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political realm, even the democratic one that is based on the equality of free citizens, easily lapses into an exclusive space if its existence depends upon the boundaries that distinguish its own members from others. The history of democracy might be said to be the history of exclusion since the ancient Greek city-states. This paper examines the crucial insight of Arendt that lies in her idiosyncratic quotation from Sophocles' Oedipus at Colonus in the end of On Revolution, which has been widely believed to be reliable evidence of her strong affection for the Greek city-state, and argues that what Arendt means by the word 'polis' is not the Athenian city-state which maintains the public realm by the strict discrimination of its members from others but the space of appearance which comes into being wherever men are together in the manner of speech and action even if they are strangers. In fact, Arendt regards Sophocles' tragic drama on the dying Oedipus as the s tory of Athenians and foreigners in exile acting together to found a new relationship between them after their chance encounter outside the walls of Athens. These arguments will clarify the meaning of 'natality', which is the key concept of Arendt's political theory, sharply distinguished from the philosophy of Martin Heidegger, who draws the essence of human being as 'being toward death' out of Sophocles' Antigone, and will illuminate its great potentialities for those who grapple with the problem of freedom and exclusion in contemporary democratic societies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legal execution of Socrates remains a contentious event in the history of Western philosophy and politics. I intend to join the ongoing conversation on Plato's Apology, while departing from current and past arguments to be examined in my paper. I agree with the view that Socrates did his utmost to obtain an acquittal within the parameters of truthfulness (A; 18a), philosophy (A; 28a), and his reputation (A;34e35a). At the same time, I propose to scrutinize his arguments and to sift them in light of what a contemporary Athenian citizen would have been able to draw from Socrates' positions. This is not an exercise in ideal theory. I do not claim to represent an ideal reasonable Athenian citizen dissociated from his immediate historical circumstances. Instead, and assuming (1) the veracity of Socrates' arguments; (2) the moral values that infused Greek religious beliefs; and (3) the expectations imposed on jury members by the Athenian legal system, I seek to explore whether a reasonable juror might have had sufficient grounds to justify both a guilty verdict and the death sentence. Reasonableness will be defined by (1) the ethics of moderation and avoidance of hubris as recurrently taught in tragic plays and (2) the convincing power, if any, of Socrates' replies against the unofficial and official charges. I conclude with some reflections about the nature of Athenian democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fractionalization of the party system, greater number of parties, and the instability of coalition governments make political space in new democracies highly fluid and complex. Is this complexity reflected in voters' perception of political space? This paper addresses this question. Specifically, it will investigate the structure of political conflict in new democracies. How many dimensions are there? What are the dimensions? To begin to answer these questions, I focus on the structure of political conflict in the Ukraine using data from the 1998 University of Iowa survey "Political Parties in Russia and Ukraine". The simplification of political conflict to one dimension would not only indicate a relatively high level of voters' sophistication at the particular moment in time (Converse, 1962). It would also allow us to speculate about the increase in political interest and increase in mass participation in politics in the future (Pierce, 1992). Simplification of political conflict enables a great majority of non-sophisticated voters to know where the parties stand on a clear-cut continuum. The availability of this simple tool for sorting parties out will attract more voters into the political sphere. Moreover, if political conflict can be represented by one dimension, it is important to establish whether this dimension conforms to the traditional left-right scale used in Anglo-Saxon democracies. This will allow a meaningful cross-country comparison of voters' self-placement and their party placement in new and established democracies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expanded edition of Sheldon Wolin's magisterial Politics and Vision marks a major theoretical shift in his understanding of the task of political theory: away from the need to reconcile the competing demands of community and authority (1960's edition) toward an attempt to challenge postmodern configurations of power ("Superpower") by a radicalized conception of democracy. Wolin himself understood this shift as a departure from liberalism (with its emphasis on reconciling the central power of the state with constitutional limits and the political community of citizens) to one that rests on the subversive movements of "fugitive democracy." Consequently, Wolin's evolution as a political theorist has been marked by a growing skepticism of liberalism's ability to develop an adequate conception of the political. This paper traces the development of Wolin's critique of liberalism and his attempt to revive a more populist notion of democracy that departs from liberalism's reservations about democratic rule. The focus will be on Wolin's analysis of the contemporary American constitutional regime and the rise of what he calls Superpower. I will assess the strength and adequacy of Wolin's call for a "fugitive democracy" as a response to postmodern power. I will argue that while Wolin mounts a powerful critique of contemporary liberalism for its failure to adequately address postmodern forms of power, he fails to adequately appreciate the benefits of liberal constitutionalism in providing a context in which the political (as democratic citizenship) can be secured. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The controversial nuclear power deal between the Bush administration and India is only the latest example of a strategic shift in US foreign policy that increasingly views India as a critical ally. This paper explores the emergence of this alliance and its implications international relations.A major shift in US foreign policy under the Bush administration that is often overlooked is the emergence of a strong bilateral relationship with India. Though efforts under the Clinton administration to move away from the traditional pro-Pakistan orientation of US policy improved relations, India's nuclear tests arrested the positive trends. President Bush placed a high priority on improving the US-India relationship. Subsequent activities, including coordination on a number of military and diplomatic issues, most notably the controversial July 2005 nuclear agreement, have only reaffirmed this new focus. As the world's largest multiethnic democracy, it seems natural that India would be viewed as a partner for the America under the Bush doctrine. However, even under a new administration, cooperation is only likely to deepen further. As a rising power that possesses the capacity to influence outcomes in regions deemed vital to US interests, as well play an increasingly decisive role in the world economy, India offers to be a truly effective ally. The US-India alliance is a particularly interesting case of extraregional balancing that has both fascinating theoretical and practical policy implications. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was established in 1961 as an autonomous organization independent of US political and military functions. Until the G.W. Bush Administration's 2001 declaration of a Global War on Terror, USAID had maintained its autonomy for nearly forty years. This paper examines USAID's loss of autonomy that occurred as a result of the Bush Administration's Global War on Terror and the Administration's newly established goals of US foreign assistance programs that emphasize national security and democracy rather than humanitarian aid. This shift in policy has resulted in coordinated efforts between the State Department and USAID with umbrella oversight from the newly created position of Director of Foreign Assistance. The coordinated effort between the two agencies has eliminated USAID's autonomy by transforming the agency's leadership, mission, organizational culture, and foreign aid appropriations to reflect the objectives of the Bush administration's Global War on Terror. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the prospect for pluralism and democracy were seen as high. Most of the former satellite republics have taken a path towards pluralism and integration with the west. However, the Russian Federation has in large part failed in its acceptance of pluralism and democratic reform. Instead of having a thriving multi-party democracy only those parties loyal to the Kremlin find themselves with any power. Power and influence are being consolidated among the new barons of industry rather than diffused out to the populous, creating profound cleavages in Russian Society. This paper sets out to ask why the Russian Federation has rejected the trappings of Westernism and pluralism when so many of its former allies are now figuratively running to the west? The analysis is provided by analyzing several newspaper articles and primary sources, in an attempt to find any institutional or cultural explanations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Seymour Lipset's (1959) seminal article on the social prerequisites of democracy many scholars have found a strong empirical correlation between per capita income and democracy. More recent studies have refined these findings, concluding that this relationship is mostly driven by the tendency of richer states to sustain and consolidate democracy once they have democratized. However, the causal mechanism that drives this correlation is still unclear. By using a multivariate cross-country analysis, this paper attempts to determine one possible causal pathway by establishing the link between material wealth and unconventional political participation. Drawing on data for 39 democracies, which was collected from the World Value Survey, this analysis reveals that there is a significant positive relationship between a state's GDP per capita and its levels of unconventional political participation. This is an important finding, as it bridges the democratization and modernization/ post-modernization literature. Most likely because they embrace post-modernist values, populaces in richer countries show higher levels of unconventional political participation, which then in turn help solidifying democratic institutions and governments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2003, the Bush Administration has promoted a Freedom Agenda that trumpets democracy and democratization worldwide. Moreover, in a series of press releases the Administration has provided evidence that is meant to demonstrate its engagement on these issues. This paper analyzes the Freedom Agenda as foreign policy, in terms of its stated goals, activities, and outcomes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]