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The election of Donald Trump brought disarray to the climate change regime. The changes in what was up to then a promoter of the liberal international order (LIO) exacerbated existing tensions while creating new ones. This paper investigates how that challenge impacted the behaviours of Brazil, China and the European Union (EU) by comparatively analysing their dissimilar positions with respect to three indicators before and after Trump's coming into power. These indicators are individual pledges and climate-related policies; approaches to climate finance; and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC). The analysis first shows how the US started eroding the broader LIO and the climate change regime to then delve into the behaviours of the three respective key players concerning climate talks. I sustain that the EU, despite its inner divisions, is already counteracting Washington, whereas China is combining a pro-status quo position based on a rhetorical condemnation of the United States. Brazil, in turn, had a transition towards a climate-sceptic government, shifting from being a cooperative actor to abdicating hosting the COP25. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates to what extent the gender component of the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) Support Programme of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) reaffirms the post-political condition of climate change. By analysing the incorporation of gender in the NDC Support Programme and its articulation in Colombia's Low-Carbon Development Strategy, the study exposes the strategic, epistemological, and normative risks of advancing feminist ideas within mainstream institutional frameworks. Thus, this paper shows the opportunities and challenges of dislocating the political and epistemological boundaries of climate change policies by promoting feminist ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Brazil's role in climate governance, methodologically and metaphorically comparing it to chess pieces moves, based on national and regional official documents, commitments and data. Unlike other IR studies, our proposal suggests different behaviours at different levels of analysis for the same country. Nationally, the country played the role of pawn. Regionally, there is no unitary behaviour: in international cooperation (carbon pricing case), it moves like a queen; in the regional integration process (energy integration case), like a king. The current scenario raises doubts about these roles, suggesting that Brazil has been presenting an increasingly moderate and conservative behaviour in the past years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the emergence of the environmental agenda in the global arena, Brazil has maintained an active position in the debates around this topic. Although Brazil has always been a protagonist, its foreign policy has shown some changes in relation to addressing climate change in recent years. Likewise, the modalities under which this issue has been framed as a problem since 1992 are fundamentally important to interpreting the Brazilian position in international negotiations and the changes in them over the years. The objective of the following article is to understand the discursive framework on which the foreign policy of climate change in Brazil was structured from a constructivist standpoint on International Relations. Using this approach, this article studies both the international influences and the internal conditions of Brazilian climate policy in the negotiations of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The main sources of this research are semi-structured interviews with state and non-state actors in Brazil, complemented with a review of secondary sources such as official documents and academic papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of economic energy policy is more relevant to International Relations today because of the increase in energy interdependence and its interaction with other issues on the international agenda, climate change in particular. This paper will analyze the progress made and the obstacles that lie ahead for energy policy in the European Union (EU). The objective is to identify the factors that have led the European Commission, especially after 2005, to unleash an remarkable degree of activism in the energy area, despite the lack of an official forum for the establishment of a common energy policy. This resulted in an innovative and ambitious European legislative program, which is examined in this paper and evaluated on the basis of official documents, the recent literature and qualitative interviews with around twenty policymakers and analysts, carried out in Brussels in September 2012. It was clear that the discussion of climate change changed the view of energy issues. The fact that the EU as a whole has a growing energy deficit increased the relevance of the issue of security and also stimulated the search for alternative sources, at the same time that it placed conditions on its external relations, especially with Russia. Important progress was made, in particular with regard to the establishment of strict mandatory standards for the countries that were members of the Energy-Climate Agreement, that justified the leadership role that the EU began to assume in international climate discussions. The search for community responses and convergence among the objectives related to climate change, energy security and economic competitive position suffered enormous pressure with the impact of the global crisis after September 2008. The crisis revealed an institutional framework that was still fragile and, in the context of a recession, ended up reinforcing centrifugal trends around national interests and strategies. At the same time, this made the realization of the investments necessary to move forward with the implementation of policies in the energy and climate area more complicated. On the other hand, there is an undeniable and strong interdependence among the economies in the block, and the European Commission has insisted on defending the gains that could be achieved with community actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I mainly analyzed the inclusion of environmental budget in climate change models. Considering Kemfert, Lise and Tol (2004)'s approach to show a formal model that puts together economic and climate issues, I analyzed the inclusion of environmental public spending and energy. I tried to show that countries' economic and physical structures establish different public spending, with different environmental impacts and consequences to another nations and that has strong influence on economic models. In relation to public spending, I considered, specifically, the Brazilian federal budget to Environmental Management from 2000 to 2006. In this article, I argue in defense of considering budget for environmental management in the discussion on climate change [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]